The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 15, 1930, Page 4

Page Four reet, New York Cit Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily, except Sunday, N.Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: at 50 East DAIWORK.” ss and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. Y. © Daily, Central Ong orker’ —_ SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50 “SOCIALIST” PARTY THROT. TLES YOUTH AND WOMEN DEMANDS By I Prisoner No, 5: 5235 23rd Congressional {Communist Candidate, District, Bronx.) HY has the “socialist” party not a single word to say about young workers and Of these two sections of the working cla there are at t 5,000,000 women in ind of the 10,000,000 gainfully employed, and at least the same number of young workers, boys and girls, white and col- ored. There are 23,000,000 hous » of whom 6,000,000 are farmers’ wives (and there- fore workers on the farm with no compensa- tion) and at least 10,000,000 more working class housewives. Old Workers Dumped to Starve, Young Work- ers Exploited. Let us look at the young workers today. Go into the steel mills and foundries and into the mines, and there you will find a high per- centage of young workers, who have taken the place of men who have reached their fortieth year. The older men no longer can supply the speed, they cannot work so cheap —therefore they are dumped into the streets to starve. In the present economic crisis with 8,000,000 unemployed unable to find work, with wage- cuts paring the income down far below the level of subsistence and speed-up being raised to the point of exhaustion, the young workers are particularly affected. Doing the hardest work in the shops and paid the lowest wages, these young workers, white and colored, in the land of “opportunity” and Hoover “prosper- ity,” are becoming thoroughly dissatisfied. The boss, therefore, finds ways of distracting them from the problem of wages and hours. Sport clubs, dances, bonuses (if they wish to erack their hearts trying to earn them), cele- brations, Y.MAC.A., Y.W.C.A., ete. all ar- ranged and organized by the bossés—they are intended to make the young worker “forget” the fearful exploitation he has to accept. $3 a Week For 11 Hours Daily. Go into the metal shops, textile mills, etc., and there you will find young workers, boys and girls, taking the place of adult workers. Cheaper, faster, more efficient labor (in the machine process), these young workers are the fodder of the modern, speed-up factory, crushed, maimed, crippled, exhausted before they are 40 years old. Young tobacco work- ers receive as little as $3 a week for 11 hours of labor a day; textile workers $5 a week! When war comes, the young workers are the first to be drafted and sent to die for the bosses who rob them and the bosses’ govern- ment which promotes the bosses’ interests. And yet the “socialist” party program has not one word about this shamefully exploited sec- tion of the working class—the young workers, 5,000,000 strong. Women Exploited; Child Labor. Women workers, especially married women and mothers, and Negro women, are being compelled in larger numbers to go to work just as 1,500,000 child workers are sweating away their lives on the beetfields, in the oyster canneries and sweatshops of the rich- est country of the world. Today the economic crisis has struck the capitalist world and millions of women and young workers help to make up the army of 8,000,000 starving, breadless unemployed. The A. F. of L. refuses to organize the mass of women and young workers because ‘women worker: they are unskilled and semi-skilled workers. The attitude of the A. F. of L. is that women belong in the home—but capitalism has driven them into the shop, thus destroying the much boasted of “American home.” The women and young workers who have been organized into the old unions.haye demonstrated that they are among the best, most militant fighters. As the backbone of the new revolutionary unions of the Trade Union Unity League, the young workers and women workers are prov- ing to be the best troops of the working class. In all the strikes of the past two years he women workers and young militants have been to the front, as in the strikes of the miners, auto workers, textile, shoe, food, garment and agricultural workers. The working class house- wives have not been less militant, a: their husbands and sons on the picke fighting the scabs, police, etc. “Socialists” Afraid of Militant Young Workers. The fascist A. F. of L. and social-fascist “socialist” party union leaders are afraid of these militants. They know that they will not tolerate the betrayal policies of these treach- erous leaders. All over the world, ‘in the strike struggles in the capitalist countries and in the revolts and revolutions in the colonies, China, India, Indo-China, youth and women are shock troops, fighting against the fascists and social-fascists. Then the 10,000,000 working class house- wives who with their children suffer hunger and misery when wages are cut,.or when the breadwinner is thrown out of his job. What about these women? These tens of millions of young and women workers are being brought into the working class struggle, shameful exploitation, unem- ployment and the danger of war are opening their eyes. These two sections of the work- ers must be protected and only the Commu- nist program of struggle ensures adequate protection. Women Workers and Young Workers in the Soviet Union. Compare the position and safeguards for young workers and women workers in the So- viet Union, with their condition in the United States and other capitalist countries. Equal pay for equal work and no night work for women and young workers, six hours a day for young workers, two months’ leave of absence before and the same time after childbirth for women—this shows how a work- ing class government protects youth and women. Young workers, women workers—white and colored! It is not astonishing that the social- fascists say nothing about you in their plat- form. The social-fascists stand for the capi- talist class, as the third party of capitalism. They fear the rising militancy of the workers, especially of the young and women workers, white and colored, those who are in the front ranks on the picket lines, in demonstrations, in strikes against wage-cuts, in the fight for the Workers Unemployment Insurance Bill of the Communist Party. They fear you because you are learning the meaning of imperialist war and the truth about the Soviet Union. Repudiate these social-fascist traitors! Join the revolutionary unions of the Trade Union Unity League! Join the Communist Party and Young Communist League! Sup- port the Communist program of class against class! Vote Communist! (Written at Hart’s Island Penitentiary.) Shoe Workers in Fight to Smash Injunctions By ANNA ROCHESTER. eee workers of greater New York will be in the front ranks of the coming battle against injunctions. They know what injunc- tions mean. A year ago in the spirited strug- gle of the Independent Shoe Workers’ Union it was the injunction, secured by bosses with the advice and help of the U. S. government, state courts, American Federation of Labor officials and local police, that broke the strike. Union headquarters at 198 Havemeyer Street, Brooklyn, were raided one day by a squad of police who arrested 43 shoe workers. These workers did not even know at that time what a sweeping court order had been set up as a weapon against them. A block and a half away from the union hall was the Septun Shoe Company’s factory and according to the court order union workers were forbidden to remain within three blocks of the factory. Who had taken out this court order against the left wing union? Not the Septun Shoe Company alone, but the bosses’ organization, the Metropolitan Shoe Manufacturers’ Asso- ciation, and their lawyer, Milton M. Eisenberg. They secured it from a Tammany justice of the Supreme Court in Brooklyn named James Dunne. They were acting on the advice of the U. S. Government itself in the person of Chas. G. Wood of thé federal conciliation service. Wood later boasted before the Fish Committee investigating Communism of his part in break- ing the shoe strike. A. F. of L. Strike-Breaking. Wood, gray-haired, soft-spoken, calling him- self a “man of peace,” told the Fish Com- mittee of taking counsel with A. F. of L. of- ficials on “handling a Communist strike.” Finding the Independent Shoe Workers’ Union well organized in Greater New York, with contracts signed between the union and 22 shoe fre'~-je*, Wood nroceeded to write a letter to the employers in October, 1929, urging them to ..cax thew contracts with the union, Be- cause the union was led by Communists, he said, the bosses ought to break their ments—and the bosses followed his advice, locking out several hundred shoe workers. ‘When the union charged the bosses with violating their contract, the lawyer, Milton M. Eisenberg (of the McCovey gang, closely re- lated to Tammany Hall) appeared for the em- ployers and secured injunctions sustaining the companies’ refusals to continue contracts with a left wing group. In the typical case of the “Barlin Shoe Co., Inc., versus the Independent Shoe Workers’ Union, the court order upheld the bosses in breaking the contract. Inside Track. Eisenberg himself had been campaign man- ager for James Dunne, a Tammany justice of the Supreme Court. So when Eisenberg wanted injunctions for his clients (the bosses, who were paying him well), Dunne obediently issued them without a moment’s delay. Section 600 of the Penal Law was used against the shoe workers in order to speed up court action for the benefit of employers. Under the old method there was delay in serv- ing papers against the workers directing them to appear in court. But under Section 600 no papers are necessary. The workers are ar- rested immediately for violating an injunction and are charged with contempt of court. De- nied jury trial, workers are tried by three black-robed judges in the Court of Special Sessions and may be sent to prison for 30 to 60 days or longer. More than 350 shoe work- ers were thus arrested for violation of injunc- tions. Many served jail sentences of 30 days each. “Smash the Injunctions” is a living slogan to shoe workers. At the call of the Trade Union Unity Council, shoe workers will join in solidarity with other workers in the cam- paign for mass violation of injunctions. The Work That Kills By SOLON DE LEON Work, which should be man’s means of life, is under capitalism very often the thing that kills. Such is the conclusion forced upon the reader by a study of Causes of Death by Occupation, made by Dr. Louis I. Dublin of the Metropol- itan Life Insurance Co. and published by the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics. The direct bearing of working conditions upon length of life is shown in the fact that, during the year of adult wage earning, the death toll for industrial workers is much heavi- er than for persons in non-hazardous pursuits. The Metropolitan statisticians found that the death rates of their “industrial” policy holders’ far exceeded those for the more sheltered “or- dinary” insured. “Age for age considered,” they | - FIGHT AGAINS —Cdumunist Porty U.S.A. T DEPORTATION OF FOREIGN BORN WORKERS! This is a translation of a re- view originally written in Russian in connection with the Russian ed- ition of Bimba’s book published in the Soviet Union. Bimba’s “His- tory” was published in English by the International Publishers, 381 Fourth Ave.—Ed. , eka Heart By N. MAYORSKY This new book is written by an American Communist. The pub- lishers’ foreword recommends it “as the first Marxist work on the given guestion.” To our sorrow, A. Bimba’s work is extremely unsuccessful.. The author, it is true, attempts to carry through a consistent. Marxist-Lenin- ist viewpoint upon the problems he deals with, but is not able to fulfill this task. The main shortcoming of the book is the incorrect explanation of the latest stage in the activity of the Anerican Communist Party. The author finishes his history ‘with 1927. By this time the opportunist mistakes of the Iovestone leadership were already evident with sufficient clarity. The book, however, com- pletely fails to show up the mistakes of the C.P.U.S.A. What is more, the treatment of some questions by the author shows clear marks of Right opportunism. For instance, the question of es- tablishing in the U.S.A. a broad mass “Labor Party” in whose ranks the Communists would be able to struggle for the correct revolution- ary line and for winning the ma- jority of the working class to their political influence. At one time this slogan was endorsed by the Com- intern as a wholly necessary tem- porary tactical maneuver. But with the approach ‘of the “third period” of post-war development, the period of extreme sharpening of the class contradictions and the more and more open betrayal of the reformist leadership, this slogan was with- drawn by the Comintern. A. Bimba, however, energetically defends the idea of the “Labor Party.” And he does it in such a manner, as to leave no doubt that he does: not under- stand the true meaning of this slo- gan and its temporary, transitory character. Here are a few characteristic formulations. “Jt is necessary to organize our own powerful, allem- Working Class” Anthony Bimba’s “History ot the American the workers could stand in a com- pact mass on the Trade Union and political front and struggle as a class. against class.” “The political separation of the working class from the bourgeoisie—this is the next necessary step in the development of the working class. This separation will flow out in the form of a broad Labor Party. Until this separation is achieved, the proletarian revolu- tion in the U.S.A. is impossible.” To place the question so is with- cut doubt mistaken and Right op-| portunist. The “political separation” of the proletariat from the bourg- eoisie is achieved in our epoch only through the Communist Pariy. The “Labor” Party in the U.S.A. in its| time should have been a certain form of carrying out the tactic of the united front, for winning the masses $0 the side of the Commu- nist Party. A. Bimba erased the border-line between the Communist Party ana the “Labor Purty” and this is doubtlessly a serious political | error. Politically incorrect from the viewpoint of the present period is also the treatment of the question of the work of Communists in the trade unions. The author clearly belittles the importance of independ- ent revolutionary trade unions. The author sharpens the reader’s atten- tion upon the left mistakes com- mitted in the first years of the American Party’s existence, but does not so much as utter a word about its Right mistakes. He does not notice any opportunism in the ranks of the Coramunist Party and has- tens to declare> “Bhe past’ has buried its dead, yesterday no longer existed.” To our sorrow, this proved to be false. The opportunist “dead of the past” in the person of the Lovestone faction declared of their existence quite loudly. It is particularly necessary to note the impermissible character of the foreword. This preface is dated December 11, 1929, but it passes by the incorrect political position of A. Bimba, not considering it neces- sary to correct it and supplement it with the most important points given by the materials of the Sixth Congress and the economic crisis in the U.S.A., which had already de- veloped sufficiently broadly by the end of 1929. The preface does not ~;°. vut a Of these, by the way, there are very many. The criticism made by A. Bimba of the treacherous American Feder- ation of Labor is not strong enough. Speaking of the “reconstructive program” accepted by the A. F. of L, in 1919 he notices only that it “contains nothing else but a mass of generalizations and abstract de- mands.” Among others, however, this pro-' gram puts forward such demands, for example, as the closing of im- migration, or government credit for workers to buy homes for them- selves. This is not at all “abstract,” as A. Bimba thinks. He should have exposed the reactionary, petty-bour- geois character of such demands. Very insufficiently and inaccur- ately does A. Bimba deal with the formation of the socialist party and its relations. with the sociaMst labor party. He does not expose the opportunist shade of the line placed by the leaders of the socialist party against the policy of DeLeon, which certainly should have corrected, but not in the way Hillquit set about doing it. The history of the Indus- trial Workers of the World is also given unsatisfactorily — separated, in breaks and ‘not fully. A. Bimba deals with the activity of the First International on Amer- ican soil wholly insufficiently. This period, so rich in events, and the most interesting forms of the de- velopment of class consciousness, reaches the reader in the most gen- eral, pale remarks, Incorrect as well is the treatment given by A. Bimba of such two most important points in the general history of the United States as the liberation war against England in the 18th century,.and the civil war in the 60’s of the 19th century. Pointing out quite correctly the bourgeois character of both move- ments, A. Bimba at the same time falls into undialectical one-sidedness and almost entirely refutes the pro- gressiveness of these movements and the interest of the masses of people in their victory. “The masses were not interested in the revolu- tion,” he says. “They saw no dif- ference between the big industrial- ists, or the landowners of the colo- nies, or. England.” In his “Letter to the American Workers” (1918) Lenin said the following: “The history of the new, number of other mistake: : «1 short bracing Labor Party in order that comings in Bimba’s book as well. civilized America opens with one of those big, really liberationary, really revolutionary wars, of which there were so few among the trem- endous mass of robber wars .. - for the division of seized lands or stolen profits.” This remark of Lenin makes A. Bimba’s mistake wholly self-evident. And if the latter furtheron devotes a few words to the revolutionary nature of the 18th century war against England, this only shows his in- consistency. The history of the Civil War of the 60’s is dealt with in exactly the same way. Instead of mentioning that the First International, under the Jead- ership: of: Marx, sént Lincoln a“¢on- gratulatory address on his election as president, Bimba brings excerpts from this address and adds that “evidently Marx overestimated the direct influence of jhe Civil War on the situation of the working class.” This remark shows that A. Bimba did not understand Marx at all. It is self-understood that both wars were Jed by the bourgeoisie and in its own bourgeois interests. This class and all its ideas and slogans are now unconditionally re- actionary, but in their time they were revolutionary and progres- sive. A. Bimba should have remind- ed himself what Marx wrote about bourgeois movements in the “Com- munist Manifesto”. By his approach to the question Bimba cuts himself away from the possibility of under- standing the meaning of the pres- ent-day national-liberationary wars and the tasks of the proletariat in them. A. Bimba’s work contains a! whole number of other mistakes and incorrectitudes. We do not con- sider it worth while to |speak of them or even to enumerate them, since what we have said above is sufficient for forming the main conclusion: A. Bimba’s book is not, a consistently Marxist work and the publishers of the Communist Academy undeservedly give it such a recommendation. We must add to this that trom = narrow-specialist viewpoint the book under review does not shine with merits. It can under no con- sideration be considered an inde- pendent investigation. It is simply a compilation, overloaded with quotations, and poorly finished from a literary viewpoint. —BY BURCK | By JORGE A Connecticut Yankee When we strike ‘off into Connecticut we feel that we are taking leave of this world, like that German guy who tried to take a trip to the moon on some kind of rock shebang. For the way they run the Daily Worker ac- count in Connecticut is like unto no other that ever was on land or sea. We are uncertain whether to blame the D. O. who left there recently, or the promising young Californian who took his place. So in the absence of mitigating circumstances on the part of either, we blame both. We always strive to be impartial. The burden of proof likely rests on the past D. O., as under his saturnine eye, the weirdest method of mishandling the Daily Worker busi- ness arose and became an established insti- tution. It was something like this. He had suc- ceeded in running up an account for $70.20, and the evil that he did lived after him. It was “transferred” onto another account of a comrade who had done his best up to that time, but had yet only managed to owe us $24.35, So the $70.20 was marked down—: “Charge to account of R. S. Kling.” Ever since that unhappy day, the phrase— ' “Charge to account of R. S. Kling,” has be- come what Professor Pavlov’s book (Interna- tional Publishers, $6, if you have it) calls, if we remember rightly, an “unconditioned res flex.” It is attached unconditionally, at least, on every report sent in from the Daily Worker Agent of District 15. It is there whether the report shows that money is due from the Agent to the Daily, or due from the Daily to the Agent, And because the Agent has an agreement with himself as to which way the debt is owing, the regular thing is that the Daily owes him money. And thereby hangs a tale, It seems that back in July, when the heat or something affected the head of our Busi- ness: Office, in a moment of mental unbal- | ance, it proposed, we are told, that if the Agent would bring in $50 each week, $10 should be his reward. But what actually hap- pens can be shown by a sample report dated Aug. 30: “Debit: Commission on $3.50 subs, $1.05; | District percentage on $1 donation to Daily | Worker, 10 cents; Commission on 3 month they say, “the mortality rates for the indus- trial group run from 1% times to more than 2 times the rates for policy holders in the or- dinary department.” “Industrial Exposure” These differences in death rates, the writers state, “reflect primarily the results of indus- trial exposure.” The point is pathetically em- phasized by the fact that death rates for wo- men are lower than for men at all ages except the years 15 to 24, when “the industrialization of women is at its height.” Harmful dusts, ex- cessive fatigue, bad posture, crowded work rooms, dampness, extreme changes’of temper- ature, and specific occupational poisons are among the causes charged with the higher death rates of working men and women. Heart disease, in spite of a decline in recent years, was still responsible for a greater num- ber of deaths than any other single cause. Next came tuberculosis, which, says the report, “has always been the predominating scourge of the American workman.” Among the direct factors to tuberculosis was hard and sharp sub renewal sent direct to you on Aug. 9 | by Albert N. Ansonia, Conn. 75 cents; { Wages, 10: Total, $11.90. i “Credit: I collected these bills: Hartford | Communist Party account, $1; N. Kozlenko, | New Britain, 54 cents; Louis Gourson, New Britain, $4; Ben Pastor, Hartford, 90 cents; D. Fitch, Donation, $1. Total, $7. “Recapitulation: Debit, $11.90, minus | Credit, $7, equals $4.90. Taking off Aug. © 23 balance of $1.98 due Daily Worker, leaves balance due me, $2.92.” Now let’s analyze this: Firstly the “Credit” adds up $7.44 and not $7. But that’s a mere trifle. What is interesting to note is that there’s no $50 worth of business, But that $10 “wages” stands there like the Rock of Gibraltar through thick and thin, whether the balance of trade is, as on Aug. 23, “due Daily Worker” or whether by its fluctuations there is a “balance due me.” More, let the world. witness that no matte: whether somebody sends “subs direct” to the Daily Worker or not, that “commission” is a sae charge, the North Star could be no more fixed. Also, though the Daily sends bundles to a local agent, who sells them, this remarkably enterprising comrade ambles around at the proper moment, collects for them and sends us a letter with the invariable note, affixed just as automatically as “fraternally yours”— “charge to the account of R. & Kling”? The rub coming in by way of the fact that although we may charge it, we can never collect it. One thing may be said, that subscriptions have grown from 98 on April 1, to 211 on Sept. 1. But whether subs or bundles, any papers we sénd into @onnecticut enters that bourne from whence no traveller returns, with the net result that the Daily Worker was, on Sept. 20, just $172.67 in the hole and: slipping deeper every day. ‘ Mark Twain once wrote a book on “A Con- necticut Yankee in King Arthur’s Court,” in which the stupendous exploits of said Yankee caused the Knights of the Table Round to gasp with wonder. We'll not attempt to draw a comparison. Comparisons are always faulty and sometimes odious. But we merely offer the present Bill of Par- ticulars -to the rank and file comrades of our Party in Connecticut, with the plea that they do something to live down the reputation that everybody in the state gets rich by selling the rest of the world wooden nutmegs. * ¢ * ® Lovestone’s Disciple —Or Teacher “Our problems are the problems of growth. They are not the problems of decay.”—Hoover at Kings Mountain battlefield—but 150 years after the battle. mineral or metallic dust. The diseases with a clear occupational eon- nection, and the groups of wage workers most affected by them, were in order of frequency as follows: Influenza—Coal miners, iron founders, fur= niture and wood workers, cigar and tobacco workers, iron and steel mill workers. Pneumonia—Iron founders, cordage and hemp workers, iron and steel polishers, coal miners, iron and steel mill workers. Tuberculosis—Miners (other than coal), pot~ ters, stone cutters. Other respiratory diseases—Coal miners, janitors, iron and steel mill workers, stationary engineers and firemen, iron founders, Heart disease—Boilermakers, roofers, cooks, ie wea, ipl workers. - i ‘erebral hemorr! » apoplexy, paralysis——' Blacksmiths, cigar and tobacco workers, textile workers, railway engineers and firemen, paint- ers, nye Direct occupational disease—Miners, lead workers, stone cuters, potters, AGITATE IN THE. SHOPS! | For the Communist’ Ticket! For Bread and Work! ~ inst Mass Layoffs and Wage Cuts! Against Impe- rialist Attacks on the U