The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 14, 1930, Page 4

a ae Published by the Compro ith Street, 2 ss and mail all checks to t % ily Page Four =e York City, Publishing Co., Inc., daily, e Y. Telephone Algonquin 79 he Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Cable: Street, New York, ept Sunday, at 50 East ‘DAIWORK.” N. ¥. Daily,. Central Org — TheSdApyniet Party U.S.A. orker’ SUBSCRIPTION RATES? ~ FIGHT THE INJUNCTION MENACE! By WM. Z. FOSTER } (Written in Prison) The Trade Union Unity League must take up in all ser against the injunction. picke » amount ion of the right to the old trade unions lays when they | displayed at least some degree of fighting | spirit. For rs, beginning about 40 | was coun- oyer-controlled courts stringing the strikers through injunctions. Thousands of workers were jailed because of such injunctions, hundreds of strikes broken | by them. In those days the official attitude | of the A.F.L. was to smash the injunction by mass Violation, although the conservative lead- ers were themselves careful not to do any of the violating. Now, however, the employers use the in- junction but little against the A. of L. and independent craft unions. Thus in the recent fake strikes of the I-L.G.W.U.’in the New York cloak and dress trades the court ned no injunctions. The old trade unions with their policy of “union-management coopera- tion,” are against our principle. On the rare occasions when they do strike the leaders sys- tematically repress every attempt at militancy and class solidarity. They are effective strike- breakers and the employers’ need for the in- junction is accordingly diminished. But when strikes are led by revolutionaries, through the Trade Union Unity League, im- mediately the bosses’ courts issue sweeping injunctions. In the recent months hundreds .of our workers in the food, needle and shoe work- ers unions of the Trade Union Unity League have been railroaded to jail, without trial uu- der Section 600 of the Penal Code of New York for violating these injunctions. These ike. \ arbitrary court orders become an increasing menace to our whole movement. No longer do the conservative unions fight | the injunction. Their fascist leaders now ac- cept it. They use injunctions against each other in their factional quarrels; they use them especially against the revolutionary unions. Now the A. F. of L. bureaucrats only demand that th iven a hearing before an injunction is ed. This proposition is the substance of Governor Roosevelt’s new law so loudly praised by William Green. The social-fascists join in this treaschery on the injunction issue, the socialist party election | platform declaring: “We unreservedly support the demand of organized labor that no injunction be issued except after a full trial of all issues in open court.” The meaning of all this is that the A. F. of L. and the soci: party want the injunc- tion retained but used only against the revo- lutionary unions. These bureaucratic leaders are willing to trust the capitalist courts to further their strike breaking program, hence they propose to leave these courts the power of issuing injunctions: The task of fighting the injunction falls upon the revolutionary unions. It is our unions that must defend the workers from this men- ace. And the way to defeat the injunction is by the workers violating it enmasse. The issuance of an injunction in a strike must be the signal for the T.U.U.L. to mobilize all possible forces to break it by mass picketing. | Not only is it necessary to mobilize the strikers but also the militant elements from the other unions and from the unorganized. In this way, by- direct conflict with the tyrannical court order, we rendered inopera- tive the injunctions leveled ageinst us in the fur and cloak strikes of 926. And it is along this line we must develop our struggle. The T.U.U.L. must consider the fight against the injunction as one of its basic tasks. Workers, fight against the injunction. Dis- regard court orders that deny you the right to picket and strike. Strike against wage cuts. Fight for the Workers’ Unemployment Insur- ance Bill. Join the T.U.U.L. Vote the Com- munist ticket. International Communist Move- ment at Parting ot Ways By R. KHITAROW (Moscow) Communist work among the children is of enormous importance for the development of the revolutionary movement, for it secures for us our greatest reserves for the future. For the class struggles of the moment the struggle of the.masses of children is, too, a factor of considerable significance. We only need re- member that the children of twelve and four- teen years of age, quite apart from the ever increasing role which they play in the process of capitalist production, will be called upon into the bourgeois army within a few years, in order to serve the ruling class with weapons in their hands. We see plainly the important part which must be played in our whole work by the reaching and organization of the broad masses of children for our aims. It must, however, be admitted that at the present time the international Communist chil- dren’s movement is absolutely unsatisfactory. The international communist children’s move- ment is passing through a serious crisis, FOR THE REASON THAT UP TO THE PRESENT WE HAVE NOT SOLVED THE PROBLEM OF THE RIGHT METHOD OF COMMUNIST WORK AMONG THE CHILDREN, AND OF THE CHARACTER AND NATURE OF THE ACTIVITIES OF THE COMMUNIST CHIL- DREN’S ORGANIZATIONS. Outside the Soviet Union (with the exception of China in the Wuhan period) no country has been successful, in spite of the fact that the Communist children’s movement has existed for ten years, in creating mass organizations of the children, in Germany, the country with the largest children’s organization (in 1922 to 1923 the children’s organizations in this country com- prised 30,000 members), a steady decay of the organization has been observable for some years, and at the present time the membership of the Young Spartacus League is scarcely 4,000. In other countries matters are even worse. In France the children’s organizations have shrunk to small groups. In Great Kritain the organization has almost disappeared. In Czechoslovakia, in Sweden, in Norway, and in the United States, the children’s organizations count one to two thousand members. It is clear that such 2 state of affairs must give rise to much anxiety as to the fate of the ‘Communist influence upon the “third genera- tion.” It is equally clear that those chiefly to blame for the position are the Young Commun- ist Leagues and the Young Communist Inter- national in their totality, for it is their tasks to undertake the immediate leadership of the children’s movement. Up to the present, how- ever, work among the children has taken a very subordinate place. The presidium of the Executive Committee of the Young Communist International has taken up the question of the children’s movement in all seriousness. The Executive Committee of the Young Communist International brought to light the necessity of a FUNDAMENTAL CHANGE IN THE CHARACTER OF THE AC- TIVITIES OF OUR CHILDREN’S ORGANI- ZATIONS, THEIR WORKING METHODS, AND THE STRUCTURE OF THEIR OR- GANIZATION. What has hitherto been the fundamental er- ror of the children’s movement? The error has been that the structure of the children’s organizations has been a faithful copy of the Party and the Young Communist organizations. The children’s organizations have endeavored to imitate the adults in every réspect, both in their working methods and their organiza- tional structure. They have actually repre- sented small “parties for children,” and have attempted to build up their organization on a uniform scheme, on the basis of works and school nuclei. In actual practice'this has caused the Communist children’s organizations to re- peat mechanically the slogans of the Party and the Young Communists without any adaptation to the psychology of the child, or to the pecu- liarities of the masses of the children. The role played by the children’s organizations, and their relations to the masses of the children and to other existing children’s organizations has been taken to be parallel to the role played by the Party, that is, they have been regarded as vanguard organizations leading and guiding all other organizations. The question of auxiliary organizations, and of “transmission” to the masses, have been placed before the children’s | organizations precisely as before the Party and the Young Communists. = It is obvious that here a radical change is necessary. The fundamental idea upon which we must base the new methods of the children’s movement is the following: We need, absolute- CAPITALIST GENEROSITY 2S eigen \ —BY BURCK Unemployment Steadily De- clines in the Soviet Union By September 1 the number of unemployed workers in the Soviet Union had decerased to 500,000. By October, it was estimated that the number would be further reduced by 30,000. This means that unemployment has diminished by 60 per cent during the past year. The actual measure of unemployment is really far less than this, because the abundance of jobs in the U.S.S.R. has created a situation whereby workers frequently give up their jobs if their job or their place of work is not entirely to their liking, sure they will be able to find work elsewhere. Thus a large number of those reg- istered as unemployed are workers who regis- ter at the Labor Exchange during the trans- ition period from one job to the next, and whose unemployment is very temporary. The remainder are young people and women ap- plying for work for the.first time. Most of ly, really Communist work among the children; we need a broad Communist children’s move- ment, but this does not necessarily mean a uni- form children’s organization, built on tne same scheme. Work among children must be versa- tile, multifarious, adapted to the needs, inter- ests, and peculiarities of the various strata and age groups of the children of the workers. THIS MANY SIDEDNESS OF FORMS AND METHODS OF ACTIVITY MUST CORRES- POND TO A LIKE MANY SIDEDNESS IN THE FORMS OF THE ORGANIZATIONS USED TO REACH THE CHILDREN. ¢ In actual practice this signifies the necessity of creating the most varying forms of chil-, dren’s organizations; economic associations (of errand boys, newspaper sellers, and the like), sport and cultural organizations and circles, children’s orchestras and choral societies, scout organizations, etc. And all this must be car- ried out under the consistent leadership of the Party and the Young Communists, in the form of Communist children’s organizations or merge in these for they take their origin in the sphere of the non-party mass organization. At the same time, however, the closest con- tact in work and a uniformity of leadership must be established (by means of forming car- tels of revolutionary children’s organizations, ete.) The new line of work will demand much of our organizations. It will be necessary to find cadres of competent and consistent members for the work among the children. It will be necessary to induce the aid of broad strata of experts, both members of the Party and non- Party, but absolutely devoted to the cause—for instance teachers, musicians, sports teachers, ete. These skilled helpers are required for the formation of various children’s organizations, and for their practical instruction. Serious efforts must be made to reach the prolctarian parents who are to participate with the aid of the Party, in Communist work 'n the schools, © etc. And finally, measures must be taken to form a body of functionaries from the older groups, in order to carry on the work in the children’s organizations on the basis of the crea- tive independence of the masses of the children. These are the fresh tasks set us in the field of the children’s movement. They are tasks which must be fulfilled as rapidly as possible and with the utmost energy. By these means only can we create mighty “third” columns for the Communist world army, acting simultane- ously as its main reserves for the coming struggle. The struggle for the creation of a Communist mass work, that struggles against “left” sectarian exclusiveness, which forms at WE AGITAT those soon find jobs and their places are taken by others. 4 The problem, then, has become that of find- ing sufficient workers rather than of finding sufficient jobs. Particularly great is the need of industry for skilled workers. In many dis- tricts there is a lack of unskilled workers. The work in the Leningrad port, for instance, is greatly hampered by the lack of. stevedores. The building and lumber industries are great- ly in need of additional workers. The gov- ernment farms, already employing 400,000 agri- cultural laborers, mechanics, tractorists, and others, need still more workers. The labor turnover has recently been in- creasing to such an extent that the People’s Commissariat for Labor has issued new rules providing certain advantages for workers. re- maining steadily at one job, such as better housing facilities, increased vacations after a certain term of service, and opportunities for advancement. In a recent article in “Izvestia,” Kalinin, Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the U.S.S.R., discusses the difficulties with which Soviet. industry is confronted as a re- sult of the labor shortage. “This year,” writes Kalinin, “there is a dearth of workers in every single branch of labor, not excluding office work. The Labor Exchanges are stripped. The goal of the Five-» Year Plan as regards unemployment has been reached earlier than that of any other part. of the plan.” Emphasizing that this lack of sufficient workers is felt not only in industry, but in agriculture, Kalinin goes on to say that the question will inveitably be asked as to why, with so much labor being done, there should still be a goods hunger. The answer, according to Kalinin, lies partly in the fact of the lower productivity of Soviet workers to whom modern methods of production are still new, and partly in the fact that the majority of workers are engaged in capital construction work on fac- tories and shops, which will later produce ar- ticles of mass consumption, and in the build- ing’of schools, hospitals, clubs, work on public utilities and road building. “We are deliberately sacrificing goday,” de- clares Kalinin, “in order that we may be better equipped for production tomorrow.” the present time leading tasks of the Young’ Communist International and its sections. Hence the accomplishment of this task is at the same time to a great extent a test of the capability of our Young Communist organiza- tions to accomplish in reality that turn towards mass work. Class (Continued) By HARRISON GEORGE We Have the Following Two Main Tasks Before Us: 1. To organize in a revolutionary trade union, the agricultural proletariat. 2. To make an alliance with the poor farm- ers, between them and the revolutionary prole- tariat, against finance capital; a fighting al- liance, not something abstract. Our first task involves the concurrent work of our Party and the T. U. U. L. We must establish Communist nuclei on the big farms that hire many wage workers, we must bring these workers into our Party and the Party must aid the Trade Union Unity League in pushing the Agricultural Workers’ Industrial League and rapidly establishing it as a real functioning and fighting union. Recently, statistics showed that farm wages had fallen lower than the previous eight year average, but our Party is doing little or noth- ing. The Imperial Valley strike shows the possibilities. As our Thesis says, agricultural wage labor.is ‘paid worse even than the city proletariat. Against Evasions. There is nothing mysterious about farm workers. They are proletarians and ours is a proletarian Party. If you are a coal miner and are made a district organizer, and if a bunch of dockers go on strike, do you lose your wits and say: “I don’t know anything about docks or dockers, and can’t do a thing.” Of course not. Neither will we longer accept this shrinking from the job of organizing farm workers under the excuse that you know noth- ing about farming. Another idea we must attack is that work among the farmers and farm workers is al- ys “somewhere else, but not in this dis- trict, somewhere “way out west.” When this is not an evasion it is simple nonsense. It is first our duty to get out and organize the highly industrialized farm, workers around every great city, the dairy and truck garden workers, It takes the New York Times to find out that a large number of Chinese workers are bitterly exploited right here on Long Island truck garden farms. The N. Y. district of our Party knows nothing about it, though in the area of the district are tens of thousands of farm workers, including New Jersey. The TUUL of course knows nothing about it; but the N, Y. Times comes out before these farm workers as their sole champion, not the Com- munist Party. The farm proletariat must con- stitute our base for work among poor farm- ers. But they (the farm laborers and poor farmers) are not to be organized in the same organization, because they are two separate classes. 4 Our second task, not in point of time, be- cause-it must go forward at once, {s to estab- lish. an alliance between the revolutionary proletariat and the poor farmers against fi- nance capital; to bring the issues of the strug- gle, and the struggle itself, directly onto the farms. There are many queer notions about the al- liance with poor farmers. That they have no demand which we could support, essentially E IN THE SHOPS ‘Differences On Farms and Communist Tasks denying that they can be or should be organ- ized. This is wrong. We must show the farmer that he is the victim of finance capital, must sit down and work out demands. with him that are comprehensible to him, that if gained would improve his present conditions at the expense of finance capital, and get him or- ganized and into actual struggle. General demands are given in our Thesis, but we must also work out demands for the various sections with the various comrades in the districts. Only on this basis can we do concrete work. We must know the conditions in your district, and it is no credit to you that after instructions of the Central Committee through the Organization Department over four or five months, not one district has formed an agrarian department that would get us this information and do concrete work. Now to have an alliance with poor farmers they should, obviously, be organized. The United Farmers’ League should be made into a real organization on the basis of struggle, a united front organization of masses on the basis of a widespread fight to lower rents and taxes, to fight evictions, to battle against the mortgage bankers, and so on. This is. in our Draft Thesis and we think that the U. F. L. should advocate the formation of commitees of action on the farms, perhaps by townships. We should push this idea and try to dispel the false idea among farmers that they can- not do anything themselves, but must elect someone to Congress and wait for some Moses to deliver them from their misery. I have nothing against abolishing the Farm Board, nothing against farmers demanding it, but if they are going to merely put this up to the Farm Bloc politicians to get for them and do nothing themselves, I am against it. We have a terrific agrarian crisis. It occurs in the Third Period, or it does not. We must draw conclusions that result in action, not in mere antediluvian agitation and propaganda. ‘We must show poor farmers that they, too, must strike, the same as workers do, against bankers, landlords, tax collectors, capitalist state authority. That they should and can or- ganize on a mass scale and refuse to pay high rents, high taxes. And once you set this idea loose among the bitterly discontented agrarian masses there will be one hell of a fight, and the Farm Board will be dissolved, all right. But they must get the idea of looking to Con- gress for saviors out of their heads, and de- liver a physical blow at ‘xe rule of finance capital. There is much dynamite in agrarian discon- tent in the South. And when these struggles against.the remnants of feudalism in the South are linked, as they. must be linked, to the slo- gan of self-determination for the Negro there will be a great reservoir of revolution- ary energy to aid us overthrow capitalism. Comrade Lenin said that rational agriculture is impossible under capitalism, and this. is pro- foundly true. We have dealt at length on er- roneous theories, because it is necessary that we get thoroughly clarjfied on just what we are doing. In rallying the poor agrarian bour- geoisie, we will secure a great ally, and let us not worry because they are petty bourgeois and they will vacillate. If we do not, as Lenin has said, vacillate ourselves, they won’t vacil- By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York \City. Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50 é By JORGE Of All Things! { From the N. Y. Times of Saturday, we ex- ' tract the following tidbits, sent in by the Times special correspondent present at the A. F. of L. convention in Boston: “Daniel J. Tobin, president of the Teamsters? Union, protested this afternoon against the action of the executive officers in bringing the convention to Boston during an American Legion convention. He said that delegates had had their- lives endangered and had been in danger of injury and death from bottles hurled from the windows of the hotel which served as headquarters both for the Federation and the Legion convention.” This is too bad, though probably there is much complaint among the Legionnaires (be= tween hiccoughs) about the perils of being around a bunch of A. F. of L. gangsters. How- ever, the reply of Green to Tobin was equally good. Here it is: “President William Green and Secretary Morrison explained that the Legion conven- tion was to have been held last week but that it was postponed at the twelfth hour because of the Jewish holidays.” We gather that the Jewish Legionnaires had first to get sobered up on the Day of Atone- ment before starting in to collect sins for the next Yom Kippur. Anyhow, now that Tobin has spoken up, Lovestone will probably name him as a leader of the “left wing” in the A. F. of L. who mad¢ a fight*against the Executive Council. May dba Hiding Behind the Torah We are loath to tell this sad tale, lest we hurt Abe Cahan’s feelings, and we wouldn’t do that for worlds. But it’s too funny to keep. In Germany there’s a Jew-baiting fascist organization called the “Steel Helmets” with a regular American Legion hankering for strike-breaking. Last Monday, thirty of these birds were caught out in the rain at Frankfort-on-Main, the “rain” being a bombardment from what the press tells us was “a Communist mob.” So what did these worthy goyem full of pig sausage and cowardice do, but rush for safety into a Jewish synagogue! And what did the Jewish brethren of Abe Cahan do? The Associated Press tells us thats “The startled congregation at first thought an anti-Semitic raid was in pro- gress, but when they grasped the situation, they intervened and saved the veterans by hiding them in a back room until police arrived.” Now that was real nice, wasn’t it? We presume that the fasci§ts kept their steel hel- mets on in respect of synagogue regulations. * * « Art for Broun’s Sake By the way, have you seen the nice colored election posters the Telegram has got out for Broun? It’s a work of art. Broun’s mug is in the upper left hand corner, looking like William Jennings Bryan in his cups. Under his double chin is a green park bench and seated on it is what appears to be a bank clerk who has ‘been playing the market with the firm’s cash. Anyhow the young man in a Stetson and with neatly pressed pants looks a bit down- cast. We are uncertain whether it’s from read- ing the stock quotations or Heywood Broun’s column in a copy of the Telegram: he irre- verently is dragging hopelessly on the ground. He doesn’t look like he is suffering for work or from it. But Broun knows what he needs. Up in the corner it says: “Broun wants to give this man a job.” Which is nice of Broun, but since he hasn’t any jobs to give seems slightly like apple sauce. Down below, we learn that Heywood Broun is “For Congress.” He probably is, but we’re against Congress. We gather after long gaz- ing at this work of “socialist” art, that the bank clerk’s tie is about a half inch off center. Ah, this is what marks him as one of the unemployed. One would never suspect it other- wise. : Not a word about socialism. Not even the name of the “socialist” party. We'll bet that the Telegram paid for that ad. 9a ee Wall Street Defends God One of the most ludicrous spectacles im- aginable is the sight of Wall Street specta- tors trying to get up a spasm of moral in- dignation about anything, but on October 2, we captured the following prize.from the Wall Street Journal, which is published for the “small investor” to read. It is from an edi- torial about “Soviet dumbine” but its writer wandered off into the following: “The Soviets strike at the home and fam- ily, and have declared open war upon Almighty God himself.” With the price of stocks dropping, dropping and dropping, in spite of the commands given by the Stock Exchange to stop “bear” selling raids, with one big broker after another going belly up as U. S. Steel falls through the fire net of 150 points, the desperation at being unable to claim that “Red Russia is selling short” on the Stock Exchange is rather de- pressing. So the Wall Street Journal waltzes out the old yarn about Soviet wheat and then tries to start a bull movement on God, Home and Family, Incorporated, though the firm is not listed on the Exchange. Boosts Daily. “I hope the Daily Worker is growing big- ger and bigger every day.” John Varga, Al- liance, Ohio. READERS! ORDER DAIL~ IES! 1 CENT A COPY! if > = late, at least not to the serious injury of the revolutionary movement, Let us turn loose this program of class struggle on the land, especially in the South, link it to the struggle for self-determination of the Negro masses, and when we do that, we will rally a force behind the revolutionary proletariat that with it, and under its leader- ship, will overthrow capitalism in this country, For the Communist Ticket! For Bread and Work! Against Mass Layoffs and Wage Cuts! rialist Attacks on the USSR! Against Impe-