The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 1, 1930, Page 4

| Page Four Published by the C 18th Street, New Address 1 checks to Co., Inc. daily, except Sundi Telephone Alg Cable: the Daily Worker onquin 795 y, at 50 East DAIWORK.” t 13th Street, New York, N. Y. Daily, Control Ong By mail everywhere: One year, of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: , $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50 From Februar (Co’ By JOHN STEUBEN nied) The Plan of Action Comrade Gre mar ed rd to the results of the firs e carrying out of the plan of t wea the iy in a pc nS On our F the first st bi comrades of the plan of who have nd.on the other ction. To one hand seen on s were for has proven ye ities thr tained. So the plan of upproach it cannot y longer. n of action h , then to what out? Or wh is wi anv organ’ al results, what did we develop in the process of. carr the plan, what are the difficulties we fa to what degree did we overcome the from this point of view that we can proceed to draw the following conclusions 1. Even though the concrete organizational re- sults are very wu y, the steps that we have taken in connection with the c of the plan PREVENTED THE LEAG ENTERING «A CRISIS and furthermore forms of z out possible for us at present to proceed at full speed toward developing genuine mass youth activity. 2. The bringing in of several hundred new young workers into our ranks, the o anization of several shop nuclei and the establishment of Leagues in town where we dig not have any before will help greatly to eliminate the tr mendous gap that exists between the favorable objective possibilities and the lack of human material at our disposal in order to utilize these possibilities. 3. We have made a beginning for the first time in the history of our League for mass work among the Negro youth, through the building of the Young Liberators. 4. In the districts where the plan has been brought to the membership and properly ex- plained and became the property of the whole membership, a tremendous rise in the initiative and enthusiasm and willingness to do work spread throughout the ranks. This already has resulted in more alertness and response to the various issues of the working class youth—wage cuts, local issues, etc. 5. Not only did we eliminate the circular method of leadership, but the leadership is also now going. through a serious process of bol- shevization, freeing itself from the factional habits, participating in the every day work of the lower organizations and strengthening its con- tacts with the yourlg workers. 6. Without any hesitation we must fully recog- nize that the most important part of the plan of action—trade union youth work—remained the weakest. spot. The plenum will have to make a serious and deep analysis as to why we have failed up to now to become an important factor in building our revolutionary trade unions. This shortcoming, however, is in itself a sufficient PRE-PLENUM DISCUSSION YOUNG COMMUNIS T LEAGUE, U. S. A. SECTARIANISM IN AS A OUR RANKS ACLE STEM ‘D STILL | TOWARD MASS What's Next? lenum will not only analyze the on but above all, on the basis d results up to now, we shall N OF ACTION. who looked The coming nt plan of \ | | | WORK. | | | upon our fied work f last three months as a campaign” ch will soon be over tt De y disappointed. Planned acti with the shock troop method of work is to PE and work of action on a whole has taken out 1e and its leadership from an inward | stagnation. It has proven to t our Le , even though so remain League life as a T TURE in our he plan Lea pe ally a but this nd weak Lea ate a better | ete mass work that we will selves politically and organization- t plan of action will call for per- id more tangible results, The gains up 1 might still be insignificant but it is little gains which are of a permanent na- hat will lay the basis for bigger gains in near fu Therefore, not colorful everyday hard work jn the factories youth nizations is the need of the t and hope for big things ng little things we shall ‘Ss movement among the American ms young workers. Did we go forward? Yes. Shall we acknowl- edge and popularize these gains with the aim of our membership for mass work But let us remember that ba: cally the situation in the League is still ex- | tremely unsatisfactory. We have only laid the | basis for developing struggles of young workers | but these struggles are not yet developed. We have succeeded in convincing our ‘membership that we can accomplish things, but as yet these things were not accomplished. We have con- vinced ourselves that the young workers are ready for struggle, but as yet we did not provide the necessary forms and methods which will in- sure us the leadership of these struggles. We can and will accomplish a great deal more in the near future if we will stop talking about bolshevik self-criticism and begin to exercise some and hit hard “confessionalism” which dis- torts revolutionary self-criticism and create childish satisfaction. We must create in our- selves a keen sense of responsibility and alert- ness to every weakness and shortcoming with a view of overcoming them. Not self-satisfac- tion, which only blinds us to our present serious weaknesses, but self-responsibility on the part of every functionary and League member to the tasks ahead of us. The American working class, as a whole, and the young workers specifically are now making a gigantic advance. Not only must we also make such an advance but be at the head of it, lead- ing the masses of young workers. We will un- doubtedly buck up against tremendous difficulties in organizing this advance. However, political clarity, accompanied with organizational con- solidation, will make possible the ORGANIZA- TION of such an advance which is dictated by unheard of rapid tempo of the maturing of the objective and subjective conditions. From the plenum back to work to ¢arry out in full speed the next plan of action with more tempo, results and enthusiasm. So tHat at the coming convention of our League we shall be able to state that the turn toward mass ‘work has been started. 5 Two Imperialis By S. WYNN The A. F. of L. convention opens in Boston on October 6. The T. U. U. L. and all revolutionary organizations are organizing a huge mobiliza- tion meeting against the A. F. of L. and their bosses on October 9 at Franklyn Union Hall on Berckley street, Boston. We urge all workers to advertise and bring their shopmates and un- employed to this mass meeting. Two conventions of great importance as far as capitalism is concerned will convene in Boston beginning the second week of October, 1930. One is the direct machine of war—the American Le- gion. The other is the open agency of American capitalism—the A. F. of L. Mayor Curley, the Democratic Mayor of Boston, the Chamber of Commerce, the Master Builders’ associations, sent special MEN to the 1929 A. F. of L. conven- , tion to gét the 1930 convention to Boston just in time when Boston celebrates its “tercentenary” and where the American fascist Legion convenes. This arrangement proves that the A. F. of L.-mis- leadership is a part of American Imperialism. The 4. F. of L. convention convenes at a time when American Capitalism is going through a deep crisis. Over 8 million workers are unem- Ployed, overproduction; shrinkage of markets, tense political situations in the Latin American countries, revolutionary explosions sharpening the line with its rival imperialist countries, Eng- land primarily, and above all the provocative activity and war preparation against the U.S. 8. R. In such a tense political period where the revolutionary workers and their leader the Com- munist party of the U. S. A. is sharpening the class line, namely, organizing strikes, huge mass unemployed demonstrations, fighting wage cuts, etc,, American Capitalism needs all the help they can get even at high costs in order to carry through their plan of solving the acute situation at the expense of the working masses. In this case the misleaders and the entire apparatus of the A. F. of L. is being openly used by American Capitalism. Change of Policy ‘We may ask the following question: In what respect has the line and policy of the A. F. of L. changed during the year of 1930? The answer is that there is a great change; the character of that change assumes the following political sig- nificance: With the growth of the economic and political difficulties of American capitalist society the misleaders of the working class—reformist trade union organizations—assume greater func- tions as bodyguards of Capitalism from revolu- tionary explosions. The A. F. of L. today is the open guardian of American Imperialism. Mr. Green, M. Wall and Co. loyally promised last November to the representative of American Capitalism, Mt. Hoover, that there will be no strikes under A. F. of L. leadership, no organiza- tion campaigns (as if previously they did carry on organization drives), accepting wage cuts, against unemployment insurance, helping to per- seoute the foreign-born workers—they promised to check every militant struggle within their reach and power. M. Wall was and is in the lead in the war preparation against the U. S. S. R. In brief, they have loyally carried out their Promise, even more than the capitalists expected themselves. ‘Why Are Those Agents Needed for Capitalism? Mayor Curley, speaking at the A. F. of L. ‘Conventions celebration on Labor Day in Boston Commons, and in his praise of the wonderful service the A. F. of L. renders to American ‘Capitalism na- tionally and locally stated the following: * “During the World War the representatives of organized labor (referring to the A. F. of L.) were welcome guests at the National Capital, where their aid, advice and activities were needed to combat com- munism and sabotage.” Naturally at this time of the year they are needed very badly again. And when we speak of fascization of the A. F. of L. apparatus and the functionaries the above is a clear explanation. What Are the Issues Before the Convention? From what we can gather the executive council is coming to the convention with two main issues: (1) Unemployment; (2)! the South, will be boomeranged as the outstanding features. On unemployment they will propose to Congress to study unemployment insurance paid by the work- ers from their low-wage envelopes. And then they will decide to go in to organize some workers of the South. This is already a prearranged thing with some of the Southern textile emptoyers. This arrangement is a part payment by Capital- ism to the arch betrayers of labor for their “advice and activity.” ‘These things will be raised and widely spread in the capitalist newspapers in order to mislead the working class, and also to try and raise the prestige of the A. F. of L. The Tasks of the Communist Party and Revolu- tionary Union There were no left wing delegates to any of the A. F. of L. state convention nor are there going to be any to the national convention. The national convention especially will be composed of the upper layer of the A. F. of L. functionaries. We know from experience that to get a left wing delegate to the A. F. of L. convention is a myth at present. However, we may be severely citi- cized for inactivity in the A. F. of L., and not having any delegates to the state convention. Delegates to the state conventions are being elected from the locals whereas to the national conventions national and international bodies elect delegates. The job before the party and the T. U. U. L. is a tremendous one. We must intensify our activi- ties among the rank and file of the old unions and win over the membership to the line of the T. U., U. L. This A. F. of L. convention must be brought to the workers, The working class must understand the real role of the A. F. of L. as agents of American Capitalism. Our major part, however, is to concentrate on the bulk of unemployed and employed unorganized workers. Organize them under our leadership. The “Or- ganize and strike against wage cuts, speed-ups” campaign must be undertaken more energetically by the party and T. U. U.L. The unemployment social insurance bill is being taken by many com~- rades just as the election campaign—a thing that is unrealizable. Unless such attitudes are cor- rected in time the party and T. U. U. L. will pay heavily for it. (i To sum up: 1, The line and policy of the A. F. of L. has changed in accordance with policy in ‘Wall Street and Washington. 2, The issues that they will bring before the convention have the approval of the bosses and they are put forth at present in order to blur. the eyes of the workers and ‘try to take away SHADES OF HARDING! BY BURCK The Socialist Party Supports Bosses’ Speed Up By I. AMTER Prisoner No. 52351 (Communist Candidate in the 23rd Céngressional District, Bronx) It is again no accident that the state and con- gressional platforms of the social-fascist “social- ist” party have not a word to say on speed-up, because the “socialist” party is a capitalist party and supports all schemes that are of benefit to capitalism. In addition, unions controlled by the “socialists”—needle trades, sections of the miners and textile workers—either close their eyes to intensified | speed-up ~when “introduced by’ the bosses, or felp to put it across. Hillquit Silent And it is not remarkable that millionaire law- yer Hiliquit in his keynote speech at Schenectady did not even mention’ speed-up because he is the lawyer for some: of the. unions/that co-operate with the bosses. in speeding up the workers. Workers in the shops’ and’ mines know: what speed-up is. They know. what its murderous effects are, but in order to undérstand not only the killing effect. it has on the worker's vitality, but what it means in productive output we will quote a few facts. At 40 “Too Old” for a Job It is a well-known fact that men 40 years and over cannot get jobs, whether in good condition or not. The reason given is that work in the shops is so hard, so rapid, that. the employers do not wish to take “unnecessary risks’—in regard to workmen's compensation. The number of ac- cidents, despite so-called “compulsory” preventa- tive measures, is rapidly increasing, older work- ers are not nimble enough to: protect themselves and consequently suffer many accidents. Secondly, the strain on the vital organs is. very great and it has: now been established that the dangerous growth of heart disease is due to speed-up, What speed-up.actually.does is to increase the produttivity and thus -reduce the number of workers. At the present time, in the midst of the world-wide economic crisis, the capitalists are trying to “reduce costs of production,” and keep up or increase their profits. This takes place by cutting wages, by installing new machinery and by intensifying the speed-up. é Driven by the Machine The introduction of “labor-saving” machinery and devices in every industry without. exception not only simplifies work so that skilled labor is not needed, but firstly makes each worker work not according to his own speed, but-to the speed of the machine which can be speeded up; or according \to the speed of the gang or “pool” which handles a particular operation with a- stool pigeon pace-setter at the head; or by the con- veyor or belt system forcing the individual worker to speed up so as not to*hold up. the whole line. By 1927 productivity per industrial worker in the United States increased 76: per cent. since 1900, according to government reports. . From 1913 to 1927, railroad efficiency per man increased 34.4 per cent. Between 1914 and 1925, produc- tivity per man increased as follows in several important industries: Rubber tires, 211 per cent.; automobiles, 210 per cent.; petroleum refining, 70 per cent.; steel and rolling: mills, 60 per” dent.; flour milling, 39 per cent. On the railroads output per man hour increased 17 per cent. from 1920 to 1926, as a result of the use of more powerful locomotives, longer trains and longer hauls. Pro- ductivity per man in minerals rose 99 per cent. from 1919 to 1925. More Work, Less Pay From 1918 to 1927 there was a decrease of $36,000 workers directly employed in the manu- facturing industries (from 9,096,000 to 8,260,000 or 9.2 per/cent.); on the railroads from 1918 to 1926, a decrease of 175,000 workers (from 2,035,- 000 to 1,860,000); in agriculture in the same period 600,000, And yet production and distribution have continued to mount through speed-up! At the same time the workers have not bene- fited by the increased productivity. The average | net cash income of the poor farming family (42.2 per cent. of the total farming. population) is $224—despite increased production. Two further facts will indicate the same trend (according to government reports): From 1919 to 1927 produc- tion in the manufacturing industries. increased ¢ the attention of the masses from the Party Social Insurance bill and block the organization of the revolutionary union. 8. With the deepening of the crisis the A. F. of L. apparatus and the functionaries are being fascized. ¢ 4. The party and the T. U. U. L. must: intens: the work within. the A. F..of L. to win: the workers to the T. U. U. L. policy. i 5. More agitation and propaganda among the employed and unemployed on the role of the misleaders and the war preparation, especially against the U..8..8..R. j The 1930 Elections By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL The International Labor Defense supports the United Front Election Campaign of the. Com- munist Party. The positjon of labor’s only defense organiza- tion is clearly set forth in the resolution on the 1980 elections adopted. by the National Executive Committee that appears in full in the October issue of the Labor Defender. In 1928, during the important presidential elec- tion of that year, the International Labor Defense came out timidly,.and.only in the November issue of the Labor Defender when thé campaign strug- gle was nearly over did it call on workers to “vote and work” for Communist candidates. This hesitancy was anything but convincing before the masses of the workers. This year the International Labor Defense has been in the 1930 parliamentary struggle from the very beginning. It sent Gelegates to the numer- ous State Ratification Conferences held over the country. It raised the je of support of the Communist United Front Election Campaign in the many mass meétings and demonstrations held on the third anniversary of the execution of Sacco and Vanzetti, August 22. It was a major issue during the Ella May Memorial and Defense ‘Week, September 14-21. It is an integral part of the September-November Class War Prisoners’ Defense and Liberation Drive. Like our brother organization in Germany the International Red Aid in Germany, during the recent Reichstag elections, we rally our section of labor's forces for working class: parliamentary action, for. struggle against capitalist class jus- tice. It is the Communist Party and its press never hesitates to give unwavering support to the defense actions of the ILD. Just as the International Red Aid in Germany has seen the German Socialist police chiefs shoot down workers in the streeets, like Zorgiebel, who ordered the killing of 32 proletarians in Berlin on May Day, 1929, so the International Labor De- fense in the United States has'seen the leaders of the unemployed go to jail in Milwaukee. over 46.5 per cent., the number of wage earners de- clined 9.2 per cent., productivity per worker in- creased 53.5 per cent.; weekly wage rate increased only 1.04 per cent. and the prime cost of the unit to the manufacturer decreased 24.5 per cent. In’ the boot and shoe industry there was an increase of- 18.3 per cent. in value of products (from 1900 to 1927), only 6.9 per cent. increase in number of workers and a decrease of 2.5 per cent. in wages! What has the “socialist” party to say about these factors which are killing off and crippling the workers, bringing them little or no return in higher wages for the higher production, reduc- ing the number of workers and increasing the profits and dividends of the capitalists? - It says not a single word! Since 1927 speed-up has been increased still more. Textile operatives in some mills have to tend 120 looms; Ford and General Motors in July closed their factories for “reorganization” pur-, poses—which meant new speed-up machinery and methods, Large-scale farming and combination power machinery is driving hundreds of thous- ands of farm wage workers off the farms. A cotton-picking machine is now being installed which will dispense with one-half the workers on the cotton plantations—500,000 in Texas alone. In England a loom has been invented that will throw 50 per cent. of the operatives into the streets. The few examples given can be amplified in every industry. y Skilled Workers Hit ~* Speed-up—new machinery—speed-up! Less and less skilled workers—more unskilled workers (women now being over 25 per cent. of all in- dustrial workers) and decreasing their number, speeding them up to the killing limit, throwing them on the scrap-heap and taking ina fresh supply of young workers. This is present-day industry! The reason the “socialist” platforms and Hill- quit say nothing about speed-up is that, like the fascist. officials of the A. F. of L., they. believe in co-operating with the bosses....In England, the Labor Government, the Labor Party and the “socialist” trade union leaders acceptéd the Mond plan of rationalization (speed-up, | efficiency, mergers, higher profits, etc.), stating that it would be “good” for both capitalists and’ workers. In Germany the social-democrats trade_union lead- ers have aided the employers in putting across the same program, in order, as they say, to make it possible for Germany to “compete.” i “Socialists” Speeding up Workers’ In. the United States, the reactionary needle trades unions—Ami ted Clothing Workers Garment Workers—in their agreements with the employers provided for J mat which the Socialist, Daniel W. Hoan, is mayor. Lynching of Negroes is the blood feast of labor’s enemies in Democratic Georgia as well as Re- publican Indiana. The Hoover Republican ty- ranny- in 1930 attacks the foreign-born with de- portation and other’ weapons with the same ferocity displayed by the Wilson Democratic regime in 1920. Jailings, deportations are the order of the day. The Walker-Roosevelt Tam- many Hall. Democratic oppression in New York State weighs as heavily upon the working class as_ the Mellon-Davis-Grundy kaiserdom in Re- publican Pennsylvania. This is the united capitalist attack, through its lackey political parties, against the working class, the real meaning of which must.be carried to all labor. The International Labor Defense assumes its share of this task. No Socialist, republican or democratic candi- date is in jail. William Z. Foster, the Com- munist candidate for governor of New York, is serving his six months behind the bars of the boss’ class: Fred Bassett, Wisconsin’s candidate for governor on the Communist ticket, is also in prison. Henry Story, the Atlanta Negro worker, instead. of touring the state addressing workers’ audiences, is forced to trial for his life on a charge of “insurrection” because he dared be chairman of a protest meeting against lynching. The electric chair is the answer of the boss class in the South to the protest of Negro labor. Dozier W. Graham, another Negro worker, Com- munist candidate for United States senator of New Jersey, is charged with sedition because of his activities in support of the unemployed. Com- munist campaign meetings are broken up, speak- ers are arrested, distributors of leaflets, and even those who seek to sell copies of the DAILY WORKER and election campaign pamphlets are thrown into jail. It is in this struggle that the Communist Party raises the slogan of “CLASS AGAINST CLASS!”—the working class against the capitalist class. The International. Labor Defense as always fights on the side of the work- ing class. bosses want “increased efficiency” they “go to the union leaders”! In the Illjnois section of the United Mine Workers, which is controlled by the “socialists,” speed-up was agreed to. One of the most shameless cases is that of the Full-Fashioned Hosiery Workers. A. J. Muste, “socialist” trade unionist, forced 16,000 workers to accept the two-machine system, with wage reductions up to 40 per cent. Now he pro- poses to force the same condition on 60,000 more workers into wage reductions and no right to strike! And yet this “socialist” party together with the Hillmans, Schlessbergs, Schlessingers, Zaritskys, Hapgoods, criticizes the fascist A. F. of L. leaders for conservatism and lack of militancy! Different Where Workers Rule How different is the course of development in the Soviet ion! Increased efficiency brings about higher production—more commodities, which means greater wealth, higher national in- come to be distributed among the entire working class. It means a lowering of the hours of work per day. Hence in the Soviet Union, hours are decreasing, wages continually going up and more funds are available for the general welfare. There are no capitalist profits to consider but the well-being and happiness of the workers and peasants are the only consideration, The workers of the United States are begin- ning to resent the murderous speed-up in the factories and the vicious wage-cutting campaign, and are beginning to fight back. The “socialists” see the workers turning to militant action. They know that the Communist Party and Trade Union Unity League are organizing the workers to fight against speed-up and to strike against wage cuts, and. therefore they come forward with militant phrases, but treacherous action to betray the workers. Hillquit knows this—and therefore neither he nor the “socialist” party platforms say a word about speed-up. . “The Communist Party calls-on the workers to -fight speed-up and all who support it—the bosses and their tools arhong the: workers, the ‘“‘social- ist” party and A. F. of L. leadership. The Com- munists call onthe workers to support their only leaders in this fight, the Comminist Party, and to vote the Communist ticket in the election campaign. |, Ni na! ‘VOTE COMMUNIST! ‘The socialist party, the party of. petty bour- geols. real’ estate. speculators, professionals, libe- rals, clergymen and labor fakers, is the third capitalist party. “The workers of Germany, Eng- land. and, other countries learned that they can get nothing ttoin the socialist party. Vote against By JORGE No Soviet “ . ” Ration Cards” Here! Secretary Hyde and all the fleas on all the Hydes, are worried to death about “Russian dumping,” all het up because the Russians are choking us to death on candy and trying to ruin our stomachs by forcing down the price of bread, and so on. And did you notice, how TERRIBLY concerned Hyde, Delgass, Abramovitch, Djamgaroff and the Fish all are over the Russian workers! Great gobs of. crocodile tears over workers who would like to get some stout proletarian fingers on the necks of these scoundrels. Hyde weeps over the fact that Russian people are on “ration cards.” The poor, dear Russians! Nothing like that here! And to prove it, we'll give a sample of the lack of ration cards in Cleveland, Ohio, taken from a capitalist paper there, It says in part: “In the early morning, from 2 to 5, sham- bling men huddle together, Little groups of them on Vincent Avenue N. E., near E, 6th. One more in the alley by the Schofield build- ing. All in the vicinity of restaurants. “They come to life suddenly. Two bus boys are carrying out the garbage cans where the man who picks up garbage will later find them. They retire within and the door slams shut. The men make a rush for the containers. “The man in the frayed brown suit salvaged a dozen pieces of toast, piled them carefully on the sidewalk and returned to the battle. That man had some people to feed. “The best haul may be made at a certain club. A group of six waited for the cans to be carried out. But the garbage truck ar- rived at the very moment the cans were put out. For half an hour the men argued it out on the curb, protesting what they considered bad sportsmanship. “Since there was nothing they could do about it, they took up less fortunate positions near less imposing restaurants and waited. Finally the cans came clattering out. Men ripped off the covers and began delving.” This, Secretary Hyde, is the “rationing syste your cursed capitalist system provides for the workers who make everything! This, Bill Green, is the “dole” you approve of for the jobless! This, damn all your Hydes, is what the Russian workers have put an end to! POSTSCRIPT: “Moscow, Sept. 24 (AP) All members of a secret counter-revolutionary so- ciety, numbering forty-eight, found guilty of seeking to starve the populace of the Soviet Union by destroying the food reserve of the coun- try, were shot today by the OGPU.” Eat glee Potofsky “Overcome” Life is short and time is fleeting, and what Chi- cago loses New York gains. But, ah, ‘twas such a touching scene! Brother Potofsky was taking leave from his “duties,” the “Advance” tells us, as Acting Manager of the Chicago Amalgamated Clothing Workers of Class Collaboration, and gives us the following picture, with None-Such Brother Hillman speaking: “Whoever suspected that the walkout of a few girls in the pants shop woula@ culminate into one of the finest labor organizations in the coun- try....” Evidently Brother Hillman had seen girls walk out of pants before with no such remarkable re- sults. But he reached the apogee of whatever of tenderness is to be found in men’s clothing, when, as the “Advance” says: “Brother Hillman then expressed his pleas- ure at being able to join in paying tribute to Brother Potofsky ‘for his tireless energy and splendid loyalty.” As he said these words, he affectionately kissed the subject of his re- marks, as the entire audience, deeply touched, applauded and looked on with moist eyes.” Brother Hillman “affectionately kissed the eub- ject of his remarks,” we repeat. We note that the eyes, but not the mouths, of the audience, watered. So we read on to find out what the “subject” did. The “Advance” Tells us: “Brother Potofsky was very much moved by the expression of appreciation of h services. When Brother Hillman got through, Brother Potofsky sat motionless for a short while, seemingly overcome by his fee , Brother Potofsky was “overcome!” No wonder} ee Betting Against Odds Secretary of State Stimson has a sister-in-law. Which is unfortunate for a Secretary of State, as the lady is financing armed movements against a foreign power which, if not “friendly,” is buying. a lot of American machinery, Strange to say, the foreign government men- tioned doesn’t officially exist for the Secretary of State, though the Secretary. of Agriculture is raving all over the front pages at this non-exist- ant entity. Anyhow, from the Atlanta Constitution (funny name for a paper where they execute people for exercising the First Amendment!) tells us: “If the Soviets should fall and the exiles of the old Russian aristocracy be restored to authority in Ru: one American woman, Mrs. Henry P. Loomis, of Tuxedo Park, N. Yu would probably receive many decorations and invitations to court.” That's what we call betting against long odds. But we must give some more about Stimson’s perambulating sister-in-law, who is engineering the bull movement in counter-revolution. The “Constitution” continues: “She is now returning from another Euro- pean tour in behalf of these Russian refug Last year she mace a similar tour, with a former Russian colonel as escort.” What a sacrifice for the colonel to make! we g0 on: “She resigned as president of the York Club following charges of snobbishness made against her and other promoters of the Mons day Club, when they invited the former Grand Duchess Cyril to this country in the hope, opponents said, of establishing a new ‘500’ in society. has been president, also, of the Colonial Dames of America. How wonderful for Mrs, Loomis—and Mr. Stimson!—if Bolshevism were overthrown and she—and Mr. Stimson!—could be allowed to kiss the nether parts of a new Russian czar! But how distressing ‘twill be if Bolshevism, ine stead of being overthrown, overthrows the whole Loomis family—and Secretary Stimson! The dear lady might be “invited to court,” indeed, but ‘to answer charges of counter-revolution, Shakespeare suggested a use for such: “imperious Caesar, dead and turned to clayy might stop a hole to keep the wind away.” But The capitalists are plotting war against the Soviet Union. This Fish Committee,’ Basley, Mathew Woll and other fakers of the A. F, of L. the socialist party are slandering the Soviet Union. The Communist Party is mobilizing all workers for the defense of the Soviet Union, ‘Vote’ Communist! ay A vote for the Comriunist ticket is a vote for the Soviet Union, a vote for the Chinese sep tion, for unemployment relief, against speed-up, wage cuts, against capitalism, “Vote Communtstt