The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 30, 1930, Page 4

Page Four Published by the Comprodafly Publishing Co., Inc., daily, except Sunday, at 50 East 18th Street, New York City, N. Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York, N. Y. Y¥. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Cable: “DAIWORK.” Daily, Contral Ong nist Porty U.S.A. orker SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: One year, $8; six months, $4.50 PRE-PLENUM YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE, U. S. A. From February to By JOHN STEUBEN February Plenum It was already established and pointed out on numerous occasions that the Febru: of the National Committee failed to understand the political meaning of the decisions of the en- Jarged presedium of the Y. C. I, in regards to the turn towards mass work, With the result that the plenum went by without having any effect on the life and the work of our League. In order to fully understand the serious mis- fakes the plenum has committed, it is first neo gary to record that the plenum took place in a very important moment in the country. Already after the crash on the Stock Exchange, after the Gepression fast turned into an economic crisis, with unemployment increasing daily, when wage outs already became the order of the day, and as ® result of which a tremendous rise of the mili- tancy of the workers, which reached a high point only one month later, on March 6. Or, as the C. L letter pointed out: “Thi ituation in the U. S. A. puts great tasks before the American Y. C. L, but at the same time creates exceptionally favorable conditions for its growth and development. The economic erisis which is shaking American capitalism to its foundation is developing steadily in spite of the efforts of the capitalists, government and reformists to stem it, and has as its most vivid and far-reaching results a catastrophic impover- ishment of the working class,” It is because of these favorable conditions that have developed so rapidly, our plenum should have become one of the strongest mobilization Points to meet the new situation in the country. The basic mistake of the February plenum lies, therefore, in the setback that the leadership of the League failed to recognize the seriousness of the situation in the country as well as in our League, The importance and significance of the crisis was not recognized by the plenum. We Jacked foresightedness, a revolutionary perspec- tive and a specific outlook on the crisis, This ex- plains why the plenum failed to give to the mem- bership a concrete program of action based on a clear analysis as to what the economic crisis hrought and is about to bring in the near future into the life of the American proletarian youth. ‘This is also primarily responsible for the failure to utilize the crisis to any considerable degree, with the result that: “The Y. C, L. is not only lagging behind the @evelopment of the radicalization of the prolee tarian youth, but is distinctly lagging behind the Party's development . . . the situation is ex- tremely unsatisfactory." (Y. C. L letter.) Our inability to seriously recognize and foresee the deepening of the crisis constitutes a first- class right mistake. It 1s this above mentioned fact that is responsible for a chain of mistakes committed at the plenum and immediately after. To prove ths above mentioned contention, it is only necessary to refer to the hopeless confusion the plenum spread into the membership on the struggle on two fronts, The attempt to make the “left” danger, in our League, the main danger, in simple language meant to give comfort and aid to the strong right tendencies which exists in our League and Party and express themselves in the serious under-estimation of the important role the young workers are playing and will play in the class struggle. In a country where capi- talist rationalization has reached its high point, and especially in this present period of the crisis, ‘The negation of the line of the Y. C. I, that at Present the main danger comes from the right, resulted in the failure to develop a struggle against those who refused to see the growing tempo of radicalization within the ranks of the American young worker. Also such a position did not help to eliminate “left” phrase-monger- dng, but on the contrary increased it YY. ©. L Letter of the Y. C. I, after examining . he . of six months. ¥ Une ‘and decisions of our February plenum, (To Be Continued) How We _ On Clecking Up on the Activities of the League Units ae aps By DORIS WATSON 28 Order to know whether the unit ts actually as @ League unit should and whether comrades are carrying out the tasks assigned fo them by the unit, our unit hit upon an idea J is working out well, Instead of the roll system that was formerly used where the individually were asked, “What did you 2 for the League this week?", we discovered a that is less clumsy and which doesn’t take the time of the unit, In up the work at our unit meetings, bh @ is assigned to @ special task, This do Tipe A Shameful Unity of Traitors Pe E25 By SAM DARCY iss (Continued) attiowi to fts attempt to utilize the death to discredit militant class action by ‘workers, the Lovestonites tried to use another that of the case of Leon Lewis. Lewis is gested of the Lovestonite group, On March he was arrested at the Union Square demon- tion, The International Labor Defense bailed at $2,000, and provided an attorney to defend atcourt, When the case was called to trial, 4% was found that Lewis had completely disap- peared, The Lovestonites deny that he disap- peared. But Lewis’ father, a Lovestonite of San ‘Antonio, Texas, wrote a letter at this time to the ILD which proves how complete his disappear- nce was, The letter of his father read:— 1 “My son, Leon Lewis, who participated in March 6 demonstration and who was arrested then and was under bail furnished by t ) ILD and under the care of your lawyer, is ‘| ow missing. | don’t know where he disap- ‘| peared and what became of him.” \ For several weeks, the ILD representatives joned and telegraphed every part of the ‘city in an attempt to locate him. This was in - rata telephoned, the office of the “Revo- Age” courtly informed the ILD that it _ did not know of the whereabouts of Lewis and ‘knew nothing of his case, News of Lewis’ jump- bail on a comparatively minor charge became own to the workers and considerable indigna- Was expressed at his action. The ILD even the time of the March 6 Demonstrations knew other Lovestonites, as for example, Roy in Boston, whose desertion lost work- money in forfeiture of bail. Lewis was bailed of this. Lewis again eppeared sev- the forfeiture. He was rears thorities and jailed. The Lov ded that the ILD should again This the ILD refused to do. The ttee of the ILD howoyer, ot- DISCUSSION October and Next sent a letter to our League giving the following estimation on our plenum: “Our general estimation of your plenum !s that it was unsatisfactory, that it did not put the question of the Turn before the League in a concrete fashion, that it did not expose the sub- stance and meaning of the “left” sectarian danger, and that it gave no program of militant n to the League.” What was our reaction to the Y. C. I. estima- tion of our plenum? A cynical, unhealthy and factional one. It was best expressed by our “ac- ceptance and approval” and immediately “filing” it awa in the same spi with the same motives, as in the “good old” factional days. However, our crime was not only in hiding the letter from the membership, but also inability, and even resistance, to the Y, C. I. estimation of the situation. The roots for this grave error les: 1. In our sectarian Idealogy. We did not judge the position of the League in relation to the class struggle in relation to the objective possibilities, To what extent had we established our in- fluence in one or another industry, or in the mass organization of young workers? What prestige has our eague within the ranks of the young workers? Lacking such an outlook, every superficial and insignificant gain created in us a sense of self- satisfaction which tended to minimize and over- look the basic factor in the League situation, namely OUR EXTREMELY WEAK AND IN- SIGNIFICANT POSITION AMONG THE YOUNG | WORKERS, | 2. The “raw deal” we gave to the YCI letter proves that the leadership has fooled the mem- bership, the YCI and itself, when it thought that we freed ourselves from the old school of fac- tionalism. The leadership did not have the nec- essary courage and spirit of revolutionary self- criticism to state with the words of the YCI:— “That one of the reasons why the League {s not mobilized for its present tasks is the great shortcomings of your recent plenum.” In the ranks of the leadership too much sub- Jectivity prevailed, too much concern with petty problems at the expense of political alertness. Instead of judging whether this or that individual or the leadership as a whole has worked “hard enough” or not, we should have asked ourselves, what new did we bring to the membership, what steps have we taken to make*sure that the YCL will live up to its task as a militant revolutionary organization, in this present period of crisis. Or perhaps we should have asked ourselves what new did our League bring to the young workers. If we would have had such an approach, we sure would have not committed such grave errors, The Party Convention Even before the convention, the leadership of our party has made several attempts to wash our ears and polish our brains, calling to our at- tention the confusion that prevailed in our ranks on the political line as well as our lagging behind. Something has been accomplished, but very little. It was only at the convention and immediately } after, with the help of the YCI that sober realism on the League's situation began to prevail in our ranks. The party convention clearly established that if the League will not take extraordinary steps to improve the situation, the League will find itself in a crisis. The convention made it obligatory for us to carry ouf the instructions of the YCI sent to us months ago, namely:— “Urgent and militant measures must be taken to bring about TURN in the League, to draw every League organization into real mass work, to show every League member what concrete tasks are placed before his organization and be- fore him and how they should be carried out.” It is this period, immediately after the party convention, that marks our first serious attempts to make the Turn we talked about for a period Work is, of course, recorded in the minutes. At the following meeting of our unit, we read the min- utes. Now here is where we check up on the activity of the comrades. After reading the min- utes, we take it up point by point and the com- rades report to the unit on their activities. If the comrades functioned properly, the minutes are approved by the unit. As a result, our meetings are shortened. eliminates from the agenda “Old Business.” This idea has a very good effect upon our comrades. It makes them conscientious workers and willing to carry out the work assigned to them, It Leon Lewis’ father, who is a Lovestonite, as well as the other Lovestonites were asked by the ILD to provide adequate guarantee that Lewis would appear if the ILD bailed him a second time. This request they ignored. Now for the Lovestonites to attempt to use this case only makes more clear their lack of the most elemen- tary honesty. The “Revolutionary Age,” in the last issue, asks for contributions on the strength | of the fact that the “Whole weight of bail and @efense now falls on us (the renegades) with our (the renegades) meagre resources.” This is sheer hypocrisy. It is an attempt to use the Lewis case in order to bolster the failing fortunes of this traitorous group. The International Labor De- fense would continue to defend Lewis against the courts if that were made possible for it, but it will not jeopardize the contributions of tens of thou- sands of workers by bailing cynical and hypo- critical renegades. ' The working class must not be misled. The united front of all our enemies, no matter what the pretense is, is not better but worse than these enemies disunited. It is a united front to break up the defense organization which defends the many thousands of militant workers persecuted by our bosses. The hypocrisy of such a combination at the Brave of a heroic worker such as McInerny should indeed warn us of the degeneracy of our enemies and the extent to which they will go. The only effective answer to them is for thousands of workers fighting in the self-sacrificing spirit of MclInerny and other class war prisoners through- out the country to join the International Labor Defense and help strengthen the class fight against capitalist government persecutions. Correction The article, “Vote Communist,” on this page In yesterday’s edition was a resolution of the International Labor Defense on the 1930 Election “THE HANDWRITING ON THE WALL”. BY BURCK Socialists Support Fascist A. F. of L. Policies and Methods By I, AMTER—Prisoner No. 52351 (Communist Candidate in the 23d Congressional District, Bronx) * This is the fifth of a series of articles writ- ten by I. Amter, at Hart’s Island Peniten- ry, on the platform and slogans of the ocialist” Party. The revolutionary work- ers will find these articles of great value in agitating against the “Socialist” Party and for Communism. Clip these articles and re- fer to them in your discu EDITOR. Not a werd is said in the “Socialist” State or congressional platforms about the policies and methods of the American Federation of Labor officials. At conferences, meetingse and in articles, the social-fascists declare that it is the function of the trade unions to occupy themselves with economic matters, the party with political mat- ters (O'Neal). What About Injunctions? Hillquit, the millionaire “Marxian,” knows that this is all humbug, since trade union policies all have a DIRECT POLITICAL aspect, as, for in- stance, injunctions, yellow dog contracts, unem- ployment insurance, length of working day, etc.; and because the A. F. of L. officials and the unions affiliated regularly endorse candidates in the elections. But Hillquit knew that any criti- cism of A. F. of L, policies and methods would ruin all possibility of local endorsement of “Socialist” Party candidates. But there is a more FUNDAMENTAL reason why tho “Socialist” Party program and Hillquit said nothing about or against A. F. of L, policies and practices, and that is that “SOCIALISTS” IN THE TRADE UNIONS USE IDENTICALLY THE SAME POLICIES AND METHODS AS THE A. F. OF L. OFFICIALS DO, HOWEVER MUCH THEY TALK ABOUT “PROGRESSIVE,” “ACTIVE,” “MILITANT” TRADE-UNIONISM. Socialists Want No Insurance UNEMPLOYMENT. Muste’s U. S. government aid of $100,000,000 to the states in putting through state UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE, agrees with Roosevelt's proposal of industrial in- surance according to the plan adopted by the General Electric Co.—a strikebreaking, “sucker”- producing plan. Green agrees with this method. Waldman’s appeal to Roosevelt to call a special session of the State legislature on unemployment, at the same time assuring Roosevelt that no ap- propriation could be made and that it would not cost the State a cent, is also in agreement with Roosevelt's strikebreaking policy, however much the social-fascists may talk about unemployment insurance, The Amalgamated Clothing Workers have pro- cured in some shops the kind of group insurance which is now proposed on a state-wide scale, This union and the Ladies’ Garment Workers are led by “Socialists.” Like the A. F. of L—and Hoover,—the “So- clalist” Party has persistently understated the number of unemployed, as they still do today. “Socialist” Sell-Outs STRIKES. Tho A. E of L, leadership is op- posed to strikes. It takes the position that strikes belong to an earlier period of the labor move- ment, but that today all disputes can and should be settled around the conference table. Green's promise to Hoover to lead no strikes for wage increases has resulted in mass wage-reductions. The “Socialist” Union leadership makes a pre- tense of strike, in cases where the workers are miJitant, but, as in Marion, N. C., Elizabethton and Philadelphia, they soon sell out and call off the strikes. This is clear—it means no strike, but the work- ers are striking despite A. F. of L. and “Socialist” Jeadership. SPEED-UP, On speed-up, the A. F. of L. and “socialist”-controlled unions are not to be dis- tinguished, except by the fact that the “Socialist” unions BOAST OF their willingness to raise the efficiency of their union shops. Thus fn exchange for the right to “unionize” the workers in the Nash Clothing plant in Cincinnati—to which the workers were persuaded NOT BY Hillman of the Amalgamated but by Nash himself—efficiency was immediately raised 40 such a degree that Nash “earned” several times the dividends he did the year of “unionization In order to get agreements in the needle trades, the “Socialists,” wherever necessary, FIRST or- ganize associations of the bosses. INJUNCTIONS, On the question of injung- The Election ‘With the approach of the elections we again see the attempt of the capitalist parties to mis- lead the workers of this steel and oil region and to-create an illusion that by voting for. either the Democratic or Republican parties in this state they will “free” themselves from the misery and starvation which is facing the steel workers today. Lay-offs and wage cuts are a daily event in this steel and oil region. The Inland Steél Company of Indiana Harbor, besides only work- ing 45 per cent capacity, has given its workers two 10 per cent wage cuts in the last month. The Gary Screw and Bolt Company, employing some 500 workers, has shut down completely a week ago. The Standard Oil, the Sinclair Oil and the Royal Dutch Shell refineries are laying off as many as 300 to 400 workers daily. The Illinois Steel Mills of Gary are working 50 per cent capacity. The Youngstown Sheet and Tube of Indiana Harbor is working 40 per cent capacity. The Standard Steel Car Company of Hammond promises to shut down completely in @ week or two. These wage cuts and mass lay-offs in addition to terrific speed-up and rationalization, as well as unheard of impoverishment of the farmers, is the direct effect of the crisis which is under- mining the influence of the three capitalist parties. The Old Parties and the Crisis The fact that the crisis {s forcing the old parties to make unemployment as their major issue is exemplified by the fact that the Demo- cratic Party in this State puts forth, besides their usual slogan of “ousting the corruptible Republicans out of office,” has raised the slogan The Republican Party of this city, is running Mr. William F, Hodges for re-election for State Senator. The same gentleman who while the Mayor of Gary in 1919 employed police, thugs, gangsters and the militia to smash the famous 1919 steel strike. This same strikebreaker today is running as a “friend of labor.” This same Republican Party who left the prison doors open in Marion, Indiana, for the mob to lynch the two young Negro workers is appealing to the Negro masses for support, The Democratic Party in Gary, running for county commissioner a real estate dealer, Charles Baran, who owns and controls land in a segregated part of Gary; who owns lots around the Washington Park, to which Negro workers are not per- mitted; and when a Negro worker does stray into the park he is beaten and thrown out. This the State of Indiana of “Let your stomach answer who to vote for.” Campaign in sdme Mr. Baran holds election meetings almost daily appealing for votes of the Negro masses, These two corrupt parties who for so many years have misled and fooled the workers are directly responsible for race segregation, for race hatred, for lynching Negro workers, and for beat- ing and jailing the working class leaders. These same corrupt politicians who are appealing for support in this election campaign are the same strikebreakers and lynchers of yesterday. The three capitalist parties, the Democratic, Repub- lican and Socialist, will never solve the burning problems confronting the working class today, such as unemployment, wage cuts, misery and Starvation, because these parties are capitalist Parties; they are part and parcel of the capitalist system itself, which breeds these evils. Workers Rally to the Support of the Communist Party Our party puts forth a slogan of “Class against class” in its election campaign. This slogan is of special significance inthe struggles led by our party in this steel and oil region. In the struggle for leadership of the working class, our party must conduct a sharp and most decisive fight against the two old corrupted capitalist ‘parties, the Social Fascist Party and the capitalist class. The Communist Party in this state is taking most decisive steps in the winning of the ma- jority of the working class for its program of struggle. In the demonstrations of August ist and September Ist, particularly, our party hes rallied thousands of steel and oil workers for the support of the fight for WORK OR WAGES, for unemployed insurance bill. Hundreds of Negro and white workers participated in meet- ings of protest against lynchings and race segre- gations, and hundreds of Negro and white work- ers have joined the party, the T. U. U. L. and the A. N. L. C. as a result of these struggles. Despite the great possibilities, the party as yet has not been fully mobilized to utilize the present ob- jective situation. Despite the tremendous re- sponse of the working class, the slogans of our party, our membership has been rather slow in grasping the significance of this response of the workers and utilizing it for the building of our party. However, with the full mobilization of our party membership, we will double our previ- ous Communist vote in this state. We will put the party on the ballot permanently as a legal party and win the support of the masses of ex- Ploited and driven workers for our program of struggle for our slogan of “CLASS AGAINST tions. social-fascists agree, the use of injunctions even against one another— but also against employers, because all of them are against the militant action of the workers and wish all strikes to be settled by the leaders with no participation by the membership. The “Socialist” Party supports the A. F, of L. bill in Congress, which “opposes” the “abuse” of injunc- tions—which means that they will be supplied with vicious police action only against militant workers, who answer by DEFYING ALL IN- JUNCTIONS, “Socialist” Gangster Methods UNION DEMOCRACY. | One of the worst as- pects of reactionary unionism is shown in “So- cialist” as well as A. F. of L. unions in the mat- ter of union democracy. In the unions, where A. F, of L, fascists and social-fascists rule and control, all democratic rights have been crushed. Some unions have not met for years (building laborers, etc.), and members are expelled for de- manding that meetings be held. Any militant who dares to criticize the local administration or the national officialdom is in danger of expulsion in addition to being slugged, if not killed. ‘This is linked up with three vicious, demoral- izing practices in A. F. of L. and Socialist-con- trolled unions—gangsterism, graft and misuse of union funds. Gangsterism characterizes the unions of the building trades, miners, needle trades workers, against the membership and outside against the bosses’ struggles, is every day prac- tice. Not militant action of the workers in masses on the picket line, who can handle the sluggers, as they did in Passaic and New Bed- ford, but professional gangsters to do the “dirty work” of the unions. = raft In order to “avoid” strikes, A. F. of L. and .“Soclalist” officials are notorious for their graft- ing. Brindell is the outstanding example of the many smaller and petty Brindells, like S! who make up the 4. F. of L. and “Soctalist’ trade union leadership. In accepting graft, the fascists and social-fascists agree. Misusing Funds In misusing union funds, which {s common in the unions, we have the latest example of Ship- CLASS.” VOTE COMMUNIST! MILES MORTON. The fascist A. F. of L. leaders and the | lacoff, formerly in the Pocketbook Makers’ These officials believe in | Union. If the A. F, of L. has refused to organize the unskilled, the “Socialists” “organize” by appeal- ing FIRST to the bosses, and NOT to the work- ers. With the workers the “Socialists” use “mil- itant” phrases to entice them into the A. F. of L. unions, where gangsterism and graft rule and democracy has been banished; where assess- ments and taxes follow in rapid succession to pay fat salaries and “expenses” of officials, but no funds are available for organization work, strike benefits or relief of unemployed members. The loss of membership in the A. F. of L. unions has to be substituted by enough new member- ship to replenish the union funds, so that the officials—A. F. of L. and “Socialist—will not suffer! Againest Negro Workers Just enough NEGRO workers are organized to pretend there is no discrimination—Ladies’ Gar- ment Workers and Pullman porters, and both are losing Negro members, At the trade union conference held by the Jewish “Socialist” Verband in New York, which includes the Hebrew Trades, asserti were made ‘by “leaders” that the “Socialis Party should not bother with the organized workers. Waldman, the “brilliant” lawyer—standard- bearer of the “Socialist” Party in this year’s elec- tions, declared that the “SOCIALIST PARTY IS NOT A PARTY OF PRODUCERS. IT IS A PARTY OF CONSUMERS. It is a party of the working class in so far as the workers make up the largest part of the consumers. The TRADE. UNION IS MERELY A GROUP OF PRODUC- ERS IN CONFLICT WITH THE INTERESTS OF THE COMMUNITY, THAT IS THE CON- SUMERS.” This view was attached by Shiplacoff, whose shady handling of some $200,000 led to his forced resignation from the Pocketbook Makers’ Union, 1d who is another “eminent” candidate of the “Socialist” Party. Shiplacoff pleaded for “AC- TIVE, FRIENDLY, participation in the A. F. of L.”" ‘To be sure! As long as graft and power can be obtained at the samo source, “Socialists” must participate. No breaking with the “good brothers"—no placing of the A. F, of L unions By JORGE weecmememceecccme On the Chin— Or Thereabouts Heaven help us, Heywood Broun has been painting pictures and is having an “exhibition”! Who in heck painted them for him we don't know. Possibly the same guy that wrote school textbooks for Superintendent O'Shea of the Board of Education. But Texas Guinan’s contributions to the “Graphic” are ¢he real McCoy, Tex speaks right out like nobody else can, Even Coolidge cannot be dumber, but she puts a snap in the end of it that Cal never could. Here's how she cheers up the 8,000,000 unemployed: “Congratulations, Americans! You are still considered good sports. Economic unrest— which really means nothing to do, nothing to eat for your wives and babies and incites men to revolution—shouldn't bother us at all. It’s all right for Peruvians, Bolivians, Chileans and Mexicans, but we—yes, the great Amer!- can We—take it right on the chin!” Boston Baked Once upon a time a certain comrade worked for the Daily Worker, and complained, rightfully and bitterly, when the ghost failed to walk and wages were either entirely missing or so painfully reduced that a discussion arose among the staff of arranging for all editorial workers to marry wealthy wives or learn the secret of how to live without eating. Then he was suddenly taken from our midst and made a D. O. in the city by the sea, called Boston. One could never think that a change tn diet could produce such @& metamorphosis, The change from the lowly Manhattan bean to the Boston baked, which goes with a special cylinder type of brown bread, worked wonders. Our comrade of bygone days knows us no more. Perhaps it might be codfish that did it. Hathaway says it might be Codkind but not codfish. In any event he went over into the camp of the enemies of the Daily Worker, By this we don’t mean to say that he wants nothing to do with the Dally Worker. Nay, nay! He is willing to take into Boston, for the purpose of raising the {deological level of Back Bay, some 3,000 Daily Workers per wek. But as for paying for them— Ah, that is different! Count up what 3,000 Dailies per week make. And surely he doesn't use them for personal ends, but sells ‘em, getting at the rate of 3c. per, a sum of $90 per week. But what happens with that $90 is a mystery. Away back there on July 3, the Daily. got Five whole dollars from Boston. Then the D. O. got real generous with his old mates starving on the Daily Worker staff, and sent in 12 big round dol- lars on August 4. $ Hope sprang eternal in our more or less human breasts and we thought we might get enough to go out and buy a hot dog with when September came. Nothing doing! And though the total bill has mounted to $457 up to August 31, not count- ing the papers since sent, Pharaoh has hardened his heart toward us and we are disconsolate. Also, broke! Farmers, What Are You Paid for Eggs? “Eggs,” says the N. Y. Telegram headiine, “Are at the lowest price in 20 Years.” Undoubtedly the Rhode Island Reds have been dumping eggs in “our” market. Strange as it may seem, however, the more the price goes down IN THE PAPERS, the higher it climbs AT THE GROCERY STORES. For those eggs which have not been laid by hens now dead of old age, the A. & P. chain stores in the working class districts of New York now want no less than 59 cents per dozen. The N. Y. World, which pursues its buncombing way regardless of fact, joyfully proclaims that “eggs are now at 35 cents, retail, for the best,” and writes a long lecture on how much better it is to eat eggs at that price than meat. It says these eggs are now 23% cents, wholesale, That may be, but they are not 35 cents retail. Sometime, if the workers get hungry and angry enough, a lot of omelet will be made in a string of groceries, and a few cackle-berries scrambled around the ears of the nearest capitalist editor. in opposition to the Community, as Waldman puts them—but a community of interests be- tween reactionary, fascist A. F. of L. and “So- cial-fascist “Socialist” union leaders. Co-operating With Bosses Above all, both the fascist and soclal-fascist union leaders are opposed to industrial as well as opposed to craft unionism, Industrial unionism today means mass action, militancy, control by the membership; craft unionisin means leader control, building of powerful machines of hench- men, graft, gangsterism, co-operation with the bosses. The struggle today can be effectively conducted only by militant industrial unionism; nevertheless, and JUST FOR THAT REASON the fascist and social-fascists are united in op- position to anything that will deprive them ‘of their jobs and rackets and lead them into oppo- sition to the employers. If we need any further demonstration of the unity of policy and practice of the fascist A, F. of L. and social-fascist union leadership, then let us remember how Woll and Green assisted Sigman in the Ladies’ Garment Workers and Slutzky and Kaufman in the Turriers, to break up these unions. Millions of dollars were spent for GANGSTERS, GRAFT, POLICE PROTEC- TION (furnished by Tammany Hall, which Wald- man and Thomas “attack” so sharply in the came paign). The “Socialist” Party supported the BOSSES, POLICE and U. S. GOVERNMENT in breaking the strike led by the Independent Shoe Workers in New York this year, and of the Food Workers’ Industlal Union. These are monumental testimonials to the fact that the A, BF. of L. and “Socialist” trade union leadership not only agree in poli¢y and practice, no matter how much the “Socialist” Party may criticize the A. F.. of L. in words; that they work in the interest of the employers; and are against the interests of the working masses. This explains in part why the workers look to Communist leadership and to the revolution- ary unions of the Trade Union League for or- ganization in the struggle—for unemployment ine surance, strikes against wage cuts, speed up, ine junctions, gangsterism, for union democracy. They are beginning to understand that economic struggles are political struggles, as Hillquit once pretended to understand, but which he and his Meutenants now deny. The workers are begin- ning to see how the economic crisis which is driving them to struggle against the worsening conditions, is also increasing the danger of im- perlalist war, is sharpening the danger of war against the Soviet Union. Hence they are turn+ ing to the TUUL. Hillquit and the “S list” Party programs dared not raise these questions—but the Com- munists raise them militantly. They are BASIC questions to be raised in the shops, all union: etc. They are questions that the Communist ‘put forward also in the election campaign. ‘The workers must open their eyes ‘to the char- acter of the A, F. of L. and “Socialist” Party trade union leadership. Show where you stand by supporting the Communist program of strug- gle of class against class in the shops as well as in the election campaign! Vote Communist! (Written in Hart's Island Penitent