The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 17, 1930, Page 4

Sguare, N Address and rf Page Four YOUNG GIL GREE made the not been drawn suff’ lure understand be carried out by a methods that situa- (d) F can in our hout develo, the pr (Boston) to the Pl complete of tents that only system and changed an. work, wi with correspond d because the rank and comrade the of ng workers around ov League the carrying through of the Plan. : The last is by far the most !mpor- nt at this moment, precisely because it is sod so little and because it is tne to the Turn of our League to the young workers. Our League today is a small sec- tarian group. Our League members are not and organizers among the young workers. They do not talk to young workers. Young workers who join our League are cut strata for file point off from all connections among the youn workers. They are “activized” by being put on some sub-comittee. Here is‘a picture of our League. A girl comrade in New York is an “active” member on sub-committees and other internal work. This comrade works in a shop where there are young workers, The comrade always re- sisted carrying on factory work because she could see no possibilities for winning over the young workers in her shop. One evening when is comrade was af an open air meeting, she saw the girl that works at her bench, listening to the speaker. Our comrade became so fright- ened at the possibility that this young worker would think she was a Communist, that she ran over to her and asked her what she was doing in the crowd, and whether she knew this meeting was run by reds. At the same time, she hastened to emphasize that she had nothing to do with the meeting, but was just passing by. The young worker from the shop, who was not a League member, answered that she knew the meeting was run by the Young Communist League, and further realized that the Y. C. L. was the only organization fight- ing for the interests of the young workers. Here was a non-League member who followed our League and was not afraid to admit it, and whom our League member had never thought of approaching in the shop. Sad to say, this example is not an isolated one. It is typical. It must be understood that the Shock Plan cannot be carried out in its entirety until this enire sectarian system of work in our League is smashed. The leadership today is too much an office leadership of technical workers, and not a leadership that goes out and organizes the young workers. With this entire change in outlook—must come the development of new methods of carrying on work. Leaflets and open ‘air meetings alone must give place to more concrete organizational measures. Comrades must be sent to factories with the definite task of talking to a young worker making friends with him, going out with him some night, and then bringing him, in a cer- tain period of time, to the union or to our League. In the city of Cleveland nearly seventy-five per cent of our League member- ship is unemployed. This is bad, but what tasks are given to these unemployed com- rades? When they go out in the morning looking for a job, do they talk to young work- ers, do they organize them into councils? No! Our own unemployed comrades fail to win these jobless youth who feel the crisis most We must tell the unemployed comrades. “Ge to a factory for a job. Speak to a young worker there. Walk with him from plant to plant. Meet him the next morning and look for a job once more. Within a week bring him to the League meeting. Within a few days bring a few of them for the unemployed council. We must give our comrades con- Stix Weeks of the Shock Cable ware PRE-PLENUM DISCUSSION COMMUNIST LEAGUE U.S.A. Plan nd and In this working youth. peakers them any work only m up to one come to ree weeks surprise again. ts that enter our League, eve it is an org: see tion the young that League the today? Detroit tr w members e nd today the these districts The NEC B coneretely the new methods of rly brought out that th have not sufficiently de- veloped the methods of Shock Troop and revo- lutionary cc on as a means of develop- the ind tiative of the member- ship and the z workers in the au ries. Only in Detroit were these methods developed to any extent The N Bure o took note of certain wrong tendencies 1 in the carrying out of th Philadel lead- ing com ped a theory of “or- ganized re rt of the Party and League. argume by asking why the change of slogan for August first year. From this they developed the theory that ou is retreating, and we must retreat” accordingly in the Li au very sharp- ly hit this f The Party has not retr for August Ist are based o tion. Any talk of re nore than a capi- tulatior s a reflection of the yw, and with what s going to cut down the exists between its influence and the conditic tendencies objec- ly lead to the right wing theories of Love- stone, who ionary perspectives in the present world er A second wro tende lifested, in the approach of cer nrades towards the leadership. In e districts the national shock troop had met open and tacit resistance to the carrying out of the plan. These com- rades ch $s no revol cy m was were overcome by the difficulties and developed the theory th come districts we must destroy the y leadership before we can carry out the Plan. The NEC Bureau pointed out that the district as a whole had failed to understand the turn, and that no one paricular comrade alon was responsible, but the District the League itself. The turn in a ill have to Be made through the present lea hip and through the present poor r bership composition. The NEC Bureau at the same time correctly stated that those elements in the leadership who resist the carrying out of the Plan, must be mercilessly fought and removed from responsible leadership. We must use the lead- ership and membership willing to work for the carrying through of the Plan, show them the new methods of we how to win young workers for the League, and use them as the instruments in changing the situation in our League. The Plan must become a test for the leadership nationally and locally, and on the basis of the results of the Plan, we must eliminate those elements who cannot work the new way, and draw in young proletarian ele- ments to take their places. The first six weeks of the Shock Plan clear- for the League to follow ly show the path v. The shortcomings and mistakes of the first six weeks must be rectified as soon as pos- sible. The last weeks of the Plan must see an increase in the tempo of the Plan, and a clearer understanding of how it is to be car- ried out. The entire membership must be drawn into the realization of the Plan. The ibership and Jeadership must realize that only through the carrying out of the- Shock Plan can the League make its turn towards becoming the vanguard of the young workers | in the developing class battles. Our Party Must Lead in Building the Trade Union Unity League By JOHN SCHMIES. It is generaly recognized that the Party must give political and organizational lead ership to the Trade Union Unity League move ment. Therefore, it seoms to many comrades and especially to leading members of the Party, that the matter is settled, or at the most that this leadei ip is only necesary when special issues develop in the respective districts, that is ,a strike, ete. But even then, this political and organizational lead. ership finds its application in the printing of leaflets, giving wh is called the correct and general line of the struggle in order to Jezd the workers on a correct policy. ‘This, of course, is all good and weil The must come out as the only poli tical organization of workers. Yes, we must issue leaflets, In fact, more of them. But all this is not sufficient to really give poli tical ard organizational leadership in the bailding cf the T.U.U.L What is more im corotse Daily, 2Wo New York N ¥ " OnfemaineS Rrpnist Party U.S.A. Central SLTAMESE NEWS ITEM. TWINS” NEW YORK CITY.—Hamilton Fish, Jr. the best means and ways of fooling the une wrker” of Whalen forgery fame, “debated” with the eminent “socialist,” Mr. ved workers and keep them from becoming Co By mat) everyatere: One year $6; six months $3; Mai tin Rion RATH ) sie Hirenx, New York City, and foreign. which two months $1; exeéptiife Boroughs OF are: One yr. $8; six mons. $4.50 James O'Neal on unist Complete Five-Year Plan Contained in “Intrnational” Book “The Five-Year Plan of the Soviet Union, a Political Interpretation,” by G. T. Grinko, will soon be issued by International Publish- This book not only gives a complete analysis of the operation of the Plan up to the present time, but a complete account of ers. | Socialist industrialization and a political esti The author is vice-chairman of the Gosplan and a, co- author of the original four volume report of the Plan. mation of its world importance. In this book workers are for the first time given an opportunity to study the effects and methods of socialist industrialization. The problems of collectivization and the revolu- , tion in the villages are exhaustively treated. | Grinko shows the methods by which the rem- nants of capitalism in the village are being |-extirpated—how the peasants are, by collec- tivization and farm industrialization, brought to the cultural and e€onomic of city workers. being level Although much has been written about the Plan, this book for the first time interprets the steps taken toward the establishment of socia economy and the place of the U. S. S. R. in world economy at the end of the pre- sent five years. The author also takes up the proposals of bourgeois economists to save capitalism by planed economy and shows their | impossibility. A complete catalogue of International Pub- hers’ books will be sent on application to 1 Fourth Avenue, New York, able extent for our lagging behind the mood of the masses in many sections. The Party demands that in order to really build a mass Communist Party we musi build the trade unions into mass organs of struggle. Every member of the Party must be a member of the T.U.U.L. In order that the Party really becomes the political and organ- izational leadership inside of the Red unions, it is a fundamental Communist principle, as stated above, to organize ourselves as Party members into Communist fractions. Furthermore, we must once and for all realize definitely that a Communist will not perform his Bolshevik duty if he is not an active member and organizer among the masses of workers in the industry. To be an active worker and organizer for our Party he must be a member of a union in the TUU.L. The Pa as a Party bears the political responsibility for the organization of economic battles by the T.U.U.L. The our this individual members of our trade union work are obliged political responsibility and to take the Joad in mobilizing the general membership in the unions for the initiative and the leading of the workers in the unions into mass action, Party in to build lis again is only possible members are organized into regular fune- tioning Communist ‘fractions and therefore are the revolutionary driving force in our Red unions. The program of the T.U.U.L: calls for “Organize and Strike Against Wage Cuts. The immediate task of the T.U.U.L. in order to carry out this slogan into life and action requires a mass mobilization cam: paign and the building of the Organize and Strike Fund of $100,000 for the revolutionary trade unions. if our Party This campaign will not accomplish its aim if our Party as the only revolutionary, poli- ; tical driving force and advance guard of the } Portant is the fact that our political and or Sanizational’ leadership must find its appli- } cation in the building of the struggles in the industries. It must find its application in the organization: preparation for the building of the struggle All this means, first of all, that our Party ; Members in the unions must be organized into a Communist fraction. Secondly, it must be the duty of our Communist fractions in the unions in order to acquaint themselves with the concrete ues confronting the untfons in order to really build a program based upon the actual conditions and the practical, immediate demands of the workers in the in- dustry. Tie experiences up to the present time in most cases shows that the Party members in the trade unions are not organized into Com munist fractions, In fact most of the Party | members are. sti’! outside the trade unions. | This fact alone is responsible to a consider. working class, {© not actively participating and leading the membership of the unions to really organize and strike against wage cuts and the Increased speed-up. The sucess of this campaign will depend largely to the extent that our Party com- rades are really organized into functioning Bolshevik fractions in the trade unions, to really execute the political and organizational leadership of our Party. | i let the German Elections Spur Us to Greater Activity Here! By PAUL NOVICK. It has now been clearly proven that the ajority of the organized workers of Ger- many are behind the Communist Party. There are still millions of workers voting for the social democrats or even for the reactionary parties, but as far as the workers who are organized in the old unions—yes, even in the old, reformist unions of the Amsterdam In- ternational—a majority of them have already been won over for Communism! In Berlin, the Communist Party is now the party of the working class. Berlin truly went red for the first time. The Communist Party for the first time tops the list of all other parties, getting between fifty and sixty thou- sand votes more than the social democratic party, which has held the first place in the German capital since the 1918 revolution. The social democratic party was smashed in. every working class district. Already in the muni- cipal elections of November, 1929, the Com- munist Party succeeded for the first time in gaining first place in the working class dis- tricts of Wedding, Neu-Koelln and Berlin- Mitte. But the social demoratie party still held first place in Berlin in number of votes. Now that fii st place has been wrested from the social fi ts, notwithstanding the fact that they carried Potsdam and other bourgeois and petty-bourgeois districts, it is clear that in all working class districts of red Berlin the party of Zoergiebel, Mueller, Severing and Hilferding has been crushed. That party was taken to account for the blood-bath of May, 1929, when 33 workei were shot by the Berlin “socialist” police; for beating up and shooting into the demon- strations of the unemployed last winter; for accepting and enforcing the Young Plan, whiclt means further exploitation of the work- ing class for the benefit of international and German capital; for the Hilferding budget which was in line with this Plan and which gave the employers hundreds of millions of marks in privileges and tax-cuts and has put additional burdens on the shoulders of the workers. For these and many other treacheries, the servants of capital were taken to account and a erushing defeat of their party in all working class districts was the result. Berlin Is Communist. In Berlin a majority of all workers lined up behind the colors of Communism. When the returns of other industrial districts will be in, we may discover some more such cen- where the majority of the entire working population voted for the Communist Party. But, as far as the workers organized in the revolutionary opposition and in the so- called free Gewerkschaften (Amsterdam Unions) which are officially under the control of the social-democrats and have €ven con- tributed a million marks out of their treasury for the social-democratic campaign, the ma- ty of them voted for Communism. This is true not only of Berlin and other red cen- ters, but of all working class districts through- out Germany. The official endorsement of the “free” Gew- erkschaften of the social-democratie ticket did not help. Thesentire vote of the social- democrats seems to have been about eight and a half million, whereas the membership of the Gewerkschaften is over seven million, It is clear that this membership alone, including their families, represents a much bigger vote than the one received by the sozial-democrats But, in speaking of social-democratie voters we !,-st mainly have in mind the bourgeois and the peity bourgeois voters who probably constitute the bulk of the social-democratic strength in the elections, as, for instance, the Potsdam and other districts in Berlin, The 22 seats gained by the Communist Party (76 deputies instead of 54) were wrested from the social-democrats and some of the bourgeois parties, like the christian “socialists.” There can be no denying that the | ism against fai ten seats lost by the social-democrats went entirely to the Communists, as well as some of the seats lost by other parties. That means that not only workers who had previously voted for the social-democrats went over to the Communists, but that such workers who are organized in the christian “socialist” unions also voted for Communism. Bourgeoisie Disintegrating. The big vote of the fascists was achieved almost entirely at the expense of the dis- integrating bourgeois parties of the center and the right. In the previous Reichstag all bourgeois parties, except the social-democrats and fascists, held 272 seats. According to the latest reports these parties will now have 208 seats, the balance of 64 seats, including an- other score or more seats which they might have received due to the bigger vote (five million more than in the last Reichstag elec- tions) going to the fascists. As predicted by the Communist Party before the elections, the bourgeoisie, particularly finance capital, sees in the establishment of a fascist dictator- ship its last hope; the last resort for main- taining capitalist class rule. There is no doubt that finance capital has donated liberally to fascism just as it did in Italy, béfore, during and after the march on Rome. For the social-democrats are losing their value as the mainstay of the capitalist class. They can still hold back millions of workers from fighting capitalism. But since the events of the last few years, the socidl-democrats had been entirely dis- credited and exposed, their grip upon the working masses has weakened. The elections to the factory councils in 1929 was the first signal. The municipal elections in Berlin was another signal. The growth of the revolution- ary opposition within the reformist unions again showed the degree of revolutionization among the working masses. Then there is the Five-Year Plan in the Soviet Union, As the years go by, as the suc- cess of the plan is more and more assured, and as the decay of capitalism continues to spread and to grow deeper, the social-dem- ocrats lose more and more of their value to the capitalist class. The workers must and will turn more and more towards Communism. A fascist dictatorship, therefore, somewhat on the lines of the Mussolini dictatorship, is the last resort of German finance capital, as of finance capital in other countries, With the aid of enormous funds, with the aid of all kinds of “radical,” demagogic and — anti-semitic slogans, the fascists succeeded in drawing in many of the impoverished petty | bourgeois voters, the rabble, the “lumpen-pro- letariat,” and even some of the former ad- herents of the social-fascists, who have all voted for fascism as a means of getting relief from the present conditions. But fascism, of course, cannot bring relief. Disintegration of fascism, just as the disinte- gration of the bourgeois parties which is a reflection of disintegration of cap- italst society, is sure to come. and here again, just as until now, just as during the election campaign, the fight will be between Commu- nism and fascism. Naturally, the bourgeois parties wil! not fight fascism, which is the last resort for bourgeois society. The social-democrats, who have prepared the ground for fascism and have helped fascism all along, by persecuting the orgonizations of the revolutionary work- ers, by illevalizing the Red Front Fighters Ceague while all fascist organizations were vee to conduct their activities, by prohibiting May First’demonstrations while all fascist and yonarchist demonstrations were allowgd, by these and many other means, by acting the way the fascists would have acted, by using Article 48 of theireown Weimar constitution rgainst »Saxony, the social-democrats have paved the way for fascism. It is the Commu- nist Party that will fight fascism, Commun- ‘ism is now the essence of the ag | generally, FROM . The Bosses Organize a Fake Un- employment Conference . By HARRY RAYMOND. (Imprisoned Member of the Unemployed Delegation.) The Public Welfare Board has sent out in- vitations to industrialists, financiers, business men, “socialists,” and A. F. of L. fakers to attend a so-called unemployment conference which is to be held soon at City Hall. No workers, employed or unemployed, have been invited. No Communists have been asked to attend, and the date has been kept secret, so none of these uninvited guests will show up. Whose Welfare? The Public Welfare Board is not holding this fake conference because the board’ is inter- ested in the welfare of the unemployed. This is indicated by the fact that the un- employed have not been invited. The PubMe Welfare Board is interested only in the wel- fare of the big bankers, industrialists, Wall Street grafters and profit seeking exploiters. What worries the welfare board at the present time is the growing militance of the hungry and jobless workers who are joining the unemployed councils of the Trade Union Unity League to fight for unemployment in- surance. The militant action of over 150,000 jobless workers in the streets of Budapest showed the welfare crowd what hungry work- ers can do and what they undoubtedly will be doing this winter in America, Let’s Examine the Record! The Welfare Board is calling this fake con- ference to “fool the workers into believing the bosses will do something for them. Such hideous monstrosities as municipal lodging houses, bread lines and Tammany unem- ployment bureaus, are under the direct super- vision of the Welfare Board. What the Welfare Board did in the past gives a good idea of what it will do in the future. We may be sure that when the industrial- ists and the busines men and the “socialists” and the A. F. of L, fakers meet down at City Hall they will view with alarm the growing militancy of the workers. They will denounce the Communists as enemies of good Americanism and “honest graft,” and will propse that steps be taken to liquidate the fighting spirit of the workers. They will have before them all kinds of spurious relief proposals. Every plan of the bosses, from bread lines and night sticks to unem- ployment offices and the fake insurance schemes, will be there for their consideration. They will have before them everything from phoney building programs to the proposition that middle aged workers should be given the jobs and the younger workers kicked out. Out of such material they will hash up a fake program to deceive the workers. They will put forward a series of quick remedies in lieu of real unemployment relief. What the Communists Demand. But in ‘the meantime the Communist Party and the Trade Union Unity League moves forward, drawing more and more workers into © the ranks of the struggle. Workers are be- ginning to see through the fakery of the bosses and their lackeys, the “socialist” party, the A. F. of L. and the so-called Welfare Board. The Communist Party all over Amer- ica is fighting for the Workers’ Unemploy- ment Insurance Bill, which provides for $25 a week for all unemployed workers and $5 a week for each dependent, to be paid up by the bosses and their government. The fight for unemployment insurance is the major issue of our election campaign. Only by militant mass struggle on a gigantic scale can the workers force the bosses to pay unemployment insurance. The Communist Party and the T.U.U.L. are leading this strug- gle and call on all workers to join the Commu- nist Party and the revolutionary unions and unemployed councils of the T.U.U.L. Workers! Don’t starve—fight for immediate Unemployment Insurance! Vote Communist! a a a ent seam ee ee slogan—class against class. In Saxony, where the fascists have been victorious in the recent Diet elections, signs of disintegration are already visible in their camp. They cannot, of course, fulfill their demagogic promises to the voters, to the im- poverished petty bourgeois and others who are suffering from present conditions. They must do the work for finance capital and help bring about more poverty and suffering for the working masses and poor peasants. With the deepening of the crisis and with the future activity of the Communist Party which will continue unmasking the fascists, in and out |.of the Reichstag, disintegration in the camp of fascism will follow more rapidly. The vietory of our Party in Germany, which | has fully proved the correctness of the line of the Communist International, and has smashed Brandlerism (German edition of Lovestonism), must spur on the revolutionary workers of the United States to greater ac- tivity in our own election campaign. The bourgeois correspondents, as one of the exeuses for the victory of Communism in Germany cite the fact that the Communist Party has “made use” of the crisis and unem- ployment there. Naturally, the Party of the working class will always “make use” of such features of capitalism in order to show the workers that capitalism must be abolished and a proletarian dictatorship established in its place. In the same manner the revolutionary workers in the U. S. must “make use” of the crisis and unemployment here, in order to prove to the working masses, unemployed as well as employed, that the capitalist parties, republican, democratic or “socialist” can do nothing to help solve the problem of unem- ployment, or solve any of the other problems of the working closs. Let the issues, the real issues of the pre- sent campaign here be clearly brought into the masses; let them get acquainted with our | immediate demands, with our Unemployed In- | urance Bill, with our demands for immediate — velief. Let them get acquainted with our fight for organizing the unorganized, with our fight | against injunctions and all the other evil in- struments of the capitalist class and we will witness next November an enormous growth | of the Communist vote in the United States. owe ade cas laa See“ i ell re Na, —