The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 15, 1930, Page 4

a tga o LU Page Por ARS by the jailed Gorman sansi\ Canaidaked What Has Millionaire Hilquit to Do With Socialism? By I. AMTER. Prisoner No. 50. (Communist Candidate, rd Congressional District, Bronx.) CAHAN, editor of the vicious a change of the name of the y to conform more to the ideas of Cahan Hillquit Wields the Baton. Morris Hillquit, millionaire lawyer and “emi- nent Marxian,” is the theorist of this capi- talist party, and as such was chosen to de- conve of the “socialist” party. His speech showed well that the question is justified: has Hillquit to do with Marxism—what c * party to do with Marxism? w not interested in scientifie I interested in the methols that liberation from the system of speed-up, imperialist w the science that analyzes capitalist establishes the principle of the class s —the struggle of the working class the capitalist class—the necessity of throwing capitalism and of establishing the proletarian (working - class) dictatorship. Marxism establishes the economic bi and also the political principles out of which are developed policies, strategy and tactics lead- ing to the revolutionary goal. The “People’s” Candidates. The working class and the capitalist class have nothing in common. Their interests are opposed to each other. A political pe rep- rese the interests of one or the other cla and to preten! that it can represent both classes or the “people” generally is to lie. It is an ‘attempt to hide the class struggle and to make the workers believe that their inter- ests can be represented and promoted party of the “people.” This is the claim alike of the republ of the democratic, of the “socialist” party This means that they all represent the interest of the dominant class— the capitalists, te their phraseology. The national “socialist” party of Germany is an extreme fascist party ha lish a fa’ dictatorsh contains “radical” wor! The American li ing class demands,” but we shall see what re- lation they bear to Marxism, the science of proleterian revolution, when amilliona “Marxian” Hillquit, member of the executive committee of the “Socialist” International, ex- poun !ed them in his keynote speech at Schen- ectady. “Democracy,” Constitutional Finally, capitalist ip, yet its ing class platform “demands.” “soci: “Guarantees.” government is supposed to be “democratic,” that is the so-called “rights of the people” are alleged to be “guar- anteed by the constitution” and “cannot be violated.” Marxism poses the proletarian dic- tatorship against the capitalist atorship which is in force today. This capitalist dic- tatorship uses “democracy” at a time capitalist production needs an awakened work- ing class to do the work, that is, when there is greater need of skilled labor. With the passing away of this need, owing to the in- troduction of the automatic machine, d n of labor, speed-up, etc., the skilled workers no longer play their former important role in production and masses of unskilled and semi- skilled workers take their place. Th velopment is part of the system which also brings about mass unemployment, low wages, speed-up, imperialist war, ete., against which | the workers fight. Then “democra rights” disappears. ship shows itself in its real form—open, or- ganized state violence, which in our day takes the form of a fascist dictatorship. Every capitalist country of the world today is either a fascist dictatorship or is rapidly developing in that direction—this including the United State:, signs being 1 anifested on all sides. Hush! Hillquit Speaking! What has Hillquit to do with this Marxian analysis? Or, what has the preacher, Norman Thomas, the standard bearer of the “socialist” party, or the whole “socialist” party to do with it? Let millionaire Hillquit, the “Marxian,” speak! He spoke at Schenectady about the “economic crisis which faces the people of America,” and was worried because “paper millionaires of yesterday have become paupers today. The smaller concerns are fast drifting into bankruptcy.” It should worry the work- ers a lot that millionaires and smaller con- cerns are going bankrupt—but Hillquit sheds tears because a sec! of the capitalist class suffers from the ¢ The Marxian say its with “guaranteed that the worker and capitalist have nothing sn ecru republican and democratic politicians” common and that their interests are antagon- istic. Therefore “the people” of which Hill- quit speaks is the capitalist class still dominat- ing the workers. The “Cause” For Unemployment. What is the cause of the economic crisis which extends throughout the world? Even conservative bourgeois economists admit today that it is overproduction—too much produc- tion, which finds no market According to Hillquit, it is an act of individual capitalist: or groups of them. He speaks “of the “wheels of industry being arbitrarily stopped.” Hillquit is intimately connected with Burns Bros., coal dealers, and the office clerk could dog ad tell him what is the matter. The matter ¥s mar- kets which cannot keep up with production, this taking on an international scope, and being combined with a world agricultural trisis and meeting with a general decline of tapitalism in certain countries produces an tconomic crisis of the most serious nature. Does Hillquit see that this is inevitable under the capitalist system, and not the re- sult of the “arbitrariness” of capitalism? He does not—he is only worried about his mil- lionaires being reduced to paupers! Hillquit #lso bemoans the fact that “our wid ‘i a ing the aim to estab- | party parades “work- | | when | de- | and the capitalist dictator- | | THE SWORD DANCE By HERBERT BENJAMIN The Party re of the work pearing on the ballot. The Van ngen, Fisher Bros., and the rest of the multi-milionaires of Ohio, | have gone beyond even their co-rulers in other tates in their | to mair compete con trol and ‘ , aratus of the state. Thirty thousar are required | from at 3 the $8 counties in order | that worl ates may appear on+ | the ballot. In addition t pr vided by wh have ed the law the bourgeoi resor r extent to extra legal use of s atus in order | to accomplish its aims, Workers soliciting sig- natures are arrestec petitions on their persons are nf evidence, and they are drive: 0 occurred in practical ark, our ¢ O. Ford was twic comrades are st tences and othe nig held for ¢ state. In New- , Comrade I. Dayton, three y jail sen- s trial after be- bail. The pur- is frankly revealed by who offers to drop promise to leave centers of the Mahoning region Eastern Ohio, Cit the industrial etho’s were | agents of the bosses. in Da c | town. In the Vall in the in Akron, the j towns of the sta | adopted by the offi stec coa The Communist Party will de on the ballot on the bas’s of the f: nd a place | net that any except Sunday at 26-28 Union DATWORK" New York NF Cc. ntrat Orgo Dai Y, Worker iF the- Coy Marhatt SUBSORIPTION RATES ‘sy mati everywrere: One sear $6 y ane six months $8 Hronx. New York City and fare which are BY BULKLK ON TO A By BILL LAWRENCE. { JT is an indesputable fact that the coming winter we will face a number of fierce class battles. The increasing unemployment, the numerous wage cuts which lead towards the further radicalization of the American work- ers, and the growing discontent of the workers with the A. F. of L, leadership, which is trying to enforce wage cuts agreements on the work- ers, is the best proof of that. The Philadelphia District, which includes such important industrial centers as Kensing- ton (textiles), Bethlehem and Sparrows Point (steel), Britimore and Philadelphia (water- front), Wilmington (chemicals), Anthracite (hard coal), will certainly play an important role in these coming struggles. In some of these industries the workers have gone through two or three wage cuts for the Jast several weeks, and the bosses with the conscious help and approval of the A. F. of L. officials, are trying to enslave more these workers, and completely shift the burden of the crisis on the shoulders of these workers through thei: famous wage cut agreements. Militancy Grows. During the month of September a number of agreements expired. The Marine industry A Deteat Which Must Serve as an Alarm failure to meet the stringent requirements of the bosses’ dictatorship that the authorities may charge us with is due to the measures taken by these very state authorities to defeat our efforts to place spokesmen of our class on the ballot. We charge the state authorities with direct responsibility, and will mobilize the workers for a fight to compel them, to set aside their technical excuses for eliminating our candidates. But for the membership of the Party every- where and particularly in District Six, it is necessary to learn the lessons from our serious failure. It is necessary to establish that at a time when the masses of workers are rallying in ever larger numbers around the Party, when hundreds of thousands of them are recognizing the need for militant struggle against the policies of the bourgeoisie and against the rule of the bosses, we were unable to develop the necessary power to defeat and overcome the measures and obstacles of the ruling cla: This must serve as a warning to, must serve to alarm the entire Party. Unless we quickly overcome the weaknesses which were respon- sible for this defeat we stand in danger of suffering further and greater defeats, Ninety. per cent of the signatures secured in Ohio were secured during the last three weeks of the campaign. But this final spurt could not undo the effects of the dilatory methods that marked our campaign up to then. On the contrary, even our final spurt could not de- velop the necessary tempo because of the lethargy which resulted from the earlier ne- glect and irresponsibility. We must learn that to wait till a few days before an event rather than conduct intensive prephratory work from | gover admi ment under strations a republican and democratic utterly failed!” Has it failed for the capitalists, wh he calls the “public d we call the ‘ Hardly, for | both republicans ani democrats serve their sters well—but not the workers and poor | farmers. Look at the profits and dividends of 1929—could the millionair (including Hill- | quit) want anything better than what they had last year? But now they have failed, says Hillquit, and therefore the “socialists” must show them—not the bankruptcy of their sys- tem and the misery it entails for the workers —no, the “soc ig t show the capitalists sts” om how to save themselves! have scandals— New York C Put a “social | Capitalist | | on the investigating committee, says Hillquit, “to ensure an honest and constructive investi- gation, and it might incidentally throw some light on the rumore! bi-partisan combines of The “socialists” wish to be’ in on the inves gations to give the rabbinical and ministerial approval—-and to dew trate that corruption | | \ | is not a bi. tisan but tri-partisan affair. The “sociclicts” want the orkers to forget the Barnat scandal in Germany, in which the | Barnat Bank of Holland as proved to be | financing the social-democratic party of Ger- ; Many and getting commercial orders wherever the social-democrats would favor them. We don’t forget Ramsay MacDonald receiving a | gift of an expensive automobile and imme- ; diately making the donor of it a baronet. | “Socialist” Graft. | No, we don’t forget such things, millionaire Hillquit—and we have plenty of cases of “so- cialist” trade union leaders receiving the same graft from bosses. You cannot serve two classes at once—you represent either the work- ers or the capitali The “socialists” want to be stamped and accepted as what they are —the third party of itali And to chide the “clean” and “prc ssive Roosevelt and deplore that “his political failure has been all the more trag: is openly to express his agreement with and support of capitalism, and to try to reconcile the workers to their lot under capitalism, Hillquit wishes to assist capitalism in a manner more in keeping with the present needs of capitalist parties that have to deal with dissatisfied, oppressed work- ers who are beginning to rebel against the system. Therefore, he speaks of the “back- wardness of the old parties”! The “socialists” wish to show them the new way. Hillquit Explaining Communism, Finally, Hillquit deplores the Fish investiga- tion of the Communists, not because he sees in the Communists fighting revolutionary workers organizing for the overthrow of capi- talism, but because it is strengthening the Communist Party. Do you wish to “check the alarming Communist danger”? asks Hillquit. Then “curb police brutalities and judicial vin- dictiveness.” We, as Marxians, understood that economic and political conditions lead to revolution. Hillquit tells us that the police- man’s club, one of the capitalist weapons to protect itself, is the basis of the growth of the Communist movement. This is Hillquit’s Mar: n! This is “socialist” International stuff—the International that is doing every- thing in its power to save capitalism, the sys- tem that is crushing the workers and poor farmers, The workers want eration from the capi- talist system. This can come only through struggle against capitalism and its three par- ties—republican, democratic and “socialist.” Does any worker doubt that the “socialist” party is a pro-capitalist party? Then let him look at the praise of Norman Thomas and the “socialist” party when he was nominated for Congress, bestowed upon them by the Times, Tribune, World and Telegram and see the re- print in the New .York Leader, “socialist” party organ. Or see the space that the Times and Telegram give the third party every day. “Thoroughly respectable,” they say. Quite correct—and thoroughly reliable for capital- ism! Workers, support the Communist program of struggle for immediate needs and for the final goal! Support the Comn.unist Party program and candidates in the election! (Written at Hart’s Island Penitentiary.) the very outset of a campaign is to invite serious defeats, Failure to Apply Correct United Front Tactics. e failure to involve the non-Party as well ty members in our campaign for signa- in the election campaign generally, is a result of our incorrect application of the correct policy of the Party for the United Front from below. The tendency in practice to limit our united front to the organizations immediately around the Party and to fail to even win these for our campaigns, results in narrow conferences, made up of delegates who are merely present but are not required to serve as means of contact with and leaders of the membership of the organizations they represent. Both the Party and non-Party or- ganizations look upon the conferences as end in themselves and as something to be disposed of and forgotten ag soon as possible. To get. them over with ,so that they can proceed to “real” work. As for shop-committees, the basic form of our united front from below, these have been simply something we speak of having failed to establish, after a certain culminating point of a campaign has been reached! The building of shop committees still remains something to be done by an abstraction—‘“ihe Party.” The units of the Party and the individual comrades who work in shops have not yet been con- vinced that building shop committees, estaab- lishing the united front from below must be undertaken under the leadership of the Cen- tral and district committees of the Party by the lower units of the Party, the shop and street nuclei and the individual members work- ing in the shops. Thus the vast reservoir of radicalized masses were not drawn into our campaign up to now. Our campaign has not served to advance these workers towards organ‘zed action. Political Underestimation and Organizational Looseness. Along with these basic political errors, many instances of criminal neglect can be recorded. Thus, the petitions for Cuyahoga County (Cleveland) were not issled until after the first week of August because “the district did not have the money to print these.” Although this delayed the collection of signatures for the state petitions as well, the district failed to bestir itself in order to raise the less than $30 required! Perspective for Our Election Campaign and Further Tasks. Despite the possibility that we will be ruled off the ballot on the basis of the technical grounds provided by the bosses’ laws, the Par- ty must and will conduct an intensive election campaign in Ohio. We must develop the strug- gle to compel the bourgeois state authorities to permit our candidates to go on the ballot. We must insist that the werkers be given an opportunity for supporting our platform of class struggle in the elections next November. At the same time we must develop a macs campaign in support of the local and congrem sional candidates that have secured a place on the ballot in Cuyahoga (Cleveland) County and other counties of the state. Broaden the Base by Planned Work. The state conference “for repeal of the cri- minal syndicalist law, against persecution of foreign born workers. against lynching, Jim Crowism and segregation of Negro workers” will serve as the first step in broadening the base of our struggle. The local conferences on these issues will provice broad united front campaien committees in every city of the dis- trict. The local conferences under auspices of the T.U.U.L, and Unemployed Councils for the Workers Social Insurance Bill and energetic support for the Organize and Strike Fund of* the T.U.U.L. will serve further to provide or- ganization for the mass struggles that must be exnected and developed as tho cap'teliet erisis deenens and the conditions of the work- ing clas become more desperate, x! Winter {fs coming. More unemployment. Bread lines. Evictions. The Communist Party alone is wmobilizing the unemployed and em- ployed workers in a fieht against speed-un, ployment inurance relief. Vote Communist! wage cuts and evictions, in a fight for unem- is one of those. The conditions and sentiment of the longshoremen on the Philadelphia water- front is such that it may break out in an open revolt against the stevedores and their agents the I.L.A. at any moment. The thousands of unorganized longshoremen work under inhu- man conditions and low pay. Those “organ- ized” in the LL.A. are not any better off. The I.L.A. with its chief henchman, Polly Baker, is aware of the sentiment on the Phila- delphia waterfront. Baker knows that the 1.L.A. is completely ex-posed and discredited. He knows that the longshoremen will not ac- cept any wage cut agreements, and are dis- gusted with his outfit. Thus he is looking for other means how to ell out these workers to the stevedores. On the other hand, the Marine Workers Industrial Union is becoming more and more effective on the Philadelphia waterfront. The organized and unorganized longshoremen are looking upon the M.W.I.U. as the real leader on the waterfront. True enough, some of them are still scared because of the terror launched by the I.L.A. Some of them are yet afraid to throw away the I.L.A. button, but the fact is that the militancy of these workers is growing daily. They are more and more responding to the call of the M.W. I.U., and when the proper time comes, they will openly revolt against these miserable con- ditions and the IL.L.A. The I.L.A. knows this and is already trying (though hopelessly) to prevent the revolt by delivering these long- shoremen to stevedores through the I.W.W. Delivering the Goods. The I.W.W., who went dead for the last few years on the Philadelphia waterfront, sud- denly “revived” and have undertaken the duty of delivering the goods to the bosses. It is characteristic of the degeneration of the I. W.W., that while in their leaflets they “at- tack” the I.L.A., Ben Bletcher, an I.W.W. or- ganizer is writing the leaflets for the [.L.A. attacking our union. It is clear that both the I.L.A. and the I.W.W. are working hand in hand to betray and sell out the longshoremen. The longshoremen are aware of this through the numerous leaflets issued by our union, and in the near future we may see some real battles on the Philadelphia waterfront. Another important industry where the mis- leaders are trying to enforce a wage cut agree- ment is the textile industry. Here we find un- employment has reached its highest stage. The biggest mill in Kensington, the Hancock is com- pletely shut off for the last couple of weeks. The Aberle mill (the mill that was recently on strike, and a striker killed), only recently reopened with part time work. Same is true of the U. S. Hosiery Mill and many others. Here, too, the conditions of those employed «not speaking of the unemployed) are pretty rotten. The recent agreement between the textile barons and the social-fascists of the Full Fash- ioned Hosiery Workers provides a wage cut of 22 per cent. In spite of the terror of the officials, and the packing of the meeting with loyal people, 254 workers voted against the agreement, with 316 for. At the meeting the workers of the Hancock and U. S. hosiery mills demanded the rejection of this agreement, and after the vote definitely stated that they were not going to pay dues to the company union. | The workers of other textile factories are similarly aroused by the new sell-out of the social-fascists and with the increased activities of the National Textile Workers Union in Kensington we may look out for very serious developments and class struggles in this sec- tion in the near future. The latest developments in the Philadelphia men’s clothing industry point towards very important struggles. The workers will recail ; the alarm Hillman, the bosses of the Amal- | gamated and his gang made throughout the | country about his infamous “organization drive” in Philadelphia. Instead of organizing the workers, these fakers of the A.C.W.A. spent thousands of dollars giving “parties for the bosses, called faked stoppages which sulted in the check-off system, and to: workers in the men’s clothing induct Philadelphia are being criminated, without any protection of the company and are undergoing one wage cut another. Conditions reached such a state that a former hundred pey cent. supporter of the Hill- man machine refused to take a wage cut, he went to the A. C. W. of A. for protection, and when these bureancrats refused to do anything for him, he went back to the boss and at the moment of dosy fon and under the pressure of economic covditions shot at the boss. Tn another men's clothing shop the workers went through two wege cuts for the last few weeks, and when a third one was introduced last week the chnirman of the shop announced ; that they were through with the company | union, they were not going to pay any more dues and brought some of the workers to the | Necdle Trades Workers In ial Union. The workers in the men’s clothing industry abso- | lutely refused to be subjected any longer to | the Hillman machine and if the proper meth- | ods pursued by utilizing the discontent of these workers, through the organization of shop com- mittees and minority groups, through mobiliz- ing these workers behind the class struggle program of the T.U.U.L., the N.T.W.IU. will two months #1; one yr $8 excepting Boroughs of six mons. 31.90 MASS T.U.U.L. DIS. TRICT CONFERENCE IN PHILA be able to develop a general struggle of the men’s clothing workcrs against the betrayers and for better conditior cediess to out the numerous wage . ‘bhe yvecent depar of the in the 1 stvil cu iment is proof growing 0 workers and their readiness to 1 for betler conditions, Certainly the miners in t oft coal fields re not going to submit io the new betrayal of the Lewis outfit, gram and proper with the correct pro- teadership provided by the Oil, Mine and Smeiters Union, will fight the new wage cut agreement. The T.U.U.L. must utilize the present situ- ation by mobilizing the entire working cla ior the bettering of the conditions of, the wor ers, and the building of the revolutionary unions with the T.U.U.L. as the center. Big Tasks. The campaign for $100,000 strike and organ- ize fund, and the district conference of the T.U.U.L, to be held September 27 and 28 must serve the above purposes. Both the r: ng of the fund and the preparations for the district conference must go hand in hand. The raising of the fund and the preparations for the dis- trict conference must be utilized for the: (1) Consolidation and strengthening of the already existing shop committees, groups and unions; (2) For the branching out in new unorgan- ized industries; (8) For the securing of new connections in important basic shops, (4) For increased activity and stablilization of strong groups within the A. F. of L. (5) For the popul. jon of the Labor Unity as the organ of the T.U.U.L. (6) For the mobilization and preparation of the entire working class of this district for the coming struggles, Careful Planning. The district conference must not bee a record conference. It must be a result of a careful systematic plan of work, through day in and day out work in front of factories, through mingling with the workers, through visiting and following up of connections, factory gate meetings, factory leaflets based on concrete conditions and above all the T.U.U.L. must be alert to every problem that arises in various shops and mills. Organize and Strike Against Wage Cuts! (Statement by the National Committee of the ‘Trade Union Unity League. 'HE Paterson, N. J. local of the National Textile Workers Union, affiliated to the Trade Union Unity League, led a successful strike in the Columbia silk and forced the bosses to grant a 20 per cent wage in- crease and the eight-hour day. strike’ at the meeting before going back to work, joined the National Textile Workers Union in a body and accepted the program of based upon shop organization of our Textile Workers Union, Not less than fifty direct wage cuts were reported to the national office of the T.U.U.L. during the last week. There is no doubt that many more took place of which the national office of the T.U.U.L. lacks information, All this goes to show the correct analysis of the National T.U.U.L. Bureau at its last National Executive Board meeting in which the center of our perspective calls for “Organize and Strike Against Wage Cuts.” Strikes iike the one in Paterson, N. J. are taking place daily throughout the length and bredth of the country. Especially do we no- tice a militant upsurge amongst the textile workers in the South. In the mining industry, in the metal industry, marine industry, ete. we find these workers are ever more develop- ing a militancy against the increased system of wage cuts. The victorious Paterson strike, led by our National Textile Workers Union, must serve as a concrete example of how to take organizational advantage of the increased Possibilities which are developing among the masses of workers for revolutionary trade union organization under the leadership of the T.U.U.L. and its affiliated national unions and national leagues. We also notice at the pres- ent time a developing dissatisfaction among the oil workers against the policy of wage cuts in the oil industry. The National T.U.U.L. Bureau calls to the attention of all of our affiliated national unions and national leagues, as well as all of the districts and locals of the Trade Union Unity League, of the serious situation and the in- creased favorable conditions which are devel- oping in the every day class struggle. Gen- eral agitation, general distribution of leaflets and literature, ay well as occasional mass meet- ings, are by far not sufficient. The immed- jate task must be increased shop activity such as the building up of concentration committees, that is, committees of action, especially in those shops and factories where the wages are being cut. Organize and strike against Wage cuts means the immediate preparation of ac- tually leading the workers into strikes on the basis of anizing shop committees and broad nk and file strike committees composed of -L. members, unorganized workers and and file members of the A. F. of L, Jn Paterson our union was not only able to the wage cuts and the speed-up, but rough proper organization the bosses were compelled to give an increase in wages and to stablish theeeight-hour day. in Minnesota the Trade Union Unity League ie leading a strike under its own leadership and hy its independent initiative. The reports of wage cuts sent into the na- tional office, many of which’ were sent by workers actually working in the shop, called for leadership and organization by the revelu- tionary unions. The success of the textile workers in Pater- son is a result of genuine shop organization, based upon struggle, skillfully applied by our responsible comrades in the textile workers union. The T.U.U.L, Bureau greets these workers who joined into our union and calls upon our affiliated organizations to take an example from our National Textile Work- ers Union local in Paterson. The campaign to build the “Organize and Strike” fund has only one base for its success and that is to actually carry out our central slogan “Organize and Strike Against Wage Cuts” and on the basis of the preparation for strikes we will succeed in the building up of the “Organide and Strike” fund of $100,000, struggle National