The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 11, 1930, Page 4

anak Page Four Syuar A Published by the Comprofaily N Publishing Co. Ine. daily except Sunday, at 2¥ Union Sau 26 “DALWORIS * pw York NY 28 tnton By G. WILLIAMS From a speech delivered at the Seventh Con- yention of the C. S. A. HE October Plenum laid down the correct line of the Party affects the econon js. From October to March the Party started real mass work. T! ment campaign of the Party, the series of successful demonstrations, the beginning work among the unemployed as a result of many mass demonstrations show t the Com munist Party of the United tSatesb has a tr mendous political influence among the mass But in the last period from Maret th were manifested political and organi shortcomings of the Party in quite a sh form. In this period, we have seen the dis nm between the political influence of y and its organizational strength; in- recruit. of on e tional rp proport the Par sufficient orientation of the poltical activit s work, for participati n in the many struggles of the working class. We have also felt the very dangerous lack of cadres in the American Party. In this period, the’ Party laid down before the membe the task and necessity for the Perty of mediately making the turn toward mass ac- xe This convention is called mainly in order to help the Party understand the necessity of mak- ing this turn to the masses, of bringing the Party into mass activity, and also organiza- tionally strengthening the Party from top to bottom. This is necessary not only because of the recent manifestations of many weak nesses of the Party, but the whole uation now demands imperatively of the Party the necessity of bringing about this turn. Our analysis of the present situation and based on this analysis the tasks of the Party start with the appreciation of the present politica) and economic situation in the United States and throughout the world. The thesis starts with an analysis of the world economic crisis, and the economic crisis in the United States, and directly connects this analysis with the every day ta: of the Partv. In view of the tremendous importance of this analysis, let us take the question of the econ- omie crisis. On this question, you have had at this convention a very interesting discussion, which proves that on this important question the Party has to fight against two dangers— the Right Danger, the Right Wing distortions of the perspectives which present the economic crisis as something separate from the world crisis of capitalism, from the third period; the opportunist conception which starts with a perspective of recovery and liquidation of the crisis, and, second, the “Leftist” conception of the theory of catastrophe Before I analyze these two main dangers, Jet me make some preliminary remarks, first regarding the connection between the present économie crisis and the general crisis of world capitalism, and also regarding the immediate economic aspects of the crisis. What is the correct estimation of the economic crisis in relation to the Third period? In my opinion, %t would be correct to say that the present economic crisis is a crisis which takes place in the epoch of wars and revolutions, in the situation of decaying capitalism, of decaying imperialism, in the situation of post-war gen- eral crisis of capitalism, in the situation of the great shaking of relative capitalist stabiliza- tion; that this crisis, while developing, is ac- companied by a very sharp world agrarian crisis, and takes place at the same time as the tremendous growth of socialism in the Soviet Union. The crisis takes place in the situation of the rising tide of proletarian revolutionary movements, in the situation of the growing eolonial revolutions; which means the tremend- sous mass of peasants in the colonial countries, these millions of reserves of the world pro- Jetariat, are now in @ state of motion. It means in this situation, a new correlation of moving forces of the proletarian revolution throughout the world. Now if you take into consideration all this, it will be easy to see the direct connection between the present economic crisis and the Third Period. The present economic crisis is the sharpest form, the sharpest expression of the Third Period of decaying capitalism. When the Canadian comrade asked the Party leader- ship why it began its thesis with the state- ment about the economic crisis, the answer must be because the Third Period for the Party leadership is not an abstract idea. The Third Period now in the United States, in the present “Situation throughout the world, is in the economic crisis of the Third Period. The Third “Period takes on blood and flesh of the economic reality of the crisis; the connection of the Third Period with the economic crisis in the present situation, and the connection between the crisis and the Third Period, will be clearly understandable to everybody who does not - think the Third Period is something between the Second and Fourth, who understands the “revolutionary significance of the Third Period. Deepening General Crisis. - * Regarding the general crisis of world cap- italism and its perspective. The economic crisis being a form and manifestation of the Third Period of the general crisis, is, at the same time, a factor deepening and accelerat- ing the general crisis of world capitalism, The last resolution of the Presidium of the Communist International correctly stated that the economic crisis deepens the general crisis of the capitalist system and sharpens its in- ner and outer contradictions, and also pointed out the uneven development of this crisis, and, consequently, the different forms, degrees, and character of the crisis in the various countries. If we take the thesis presented to the present convention, we will find the same appreciation of the economic crisis in relation to the world crisis. Into this general crisis of world cap- ‘italism comes a tremendous factor, the present crisis in America, which extremely sharpens the general contradictions of the capitalist system, The conception was formulated here against the thesis that the economic crisis is separated in the thesis from the general crisis of world capitalism. This is absolutely wrong. The - connection between these two has been pre- sented in a very correct manner in this thesis. This question is not a new question for the _ American Party. The representative of the _ Canadian Party delivered here a very inter- s esting speech in which he gave us a very clear and sharp formulation of the present political situation, formulating very clearly the main political questions being discussed now by the Canadian Party. In my opinion, his interven- dame tiv tiv tion a beginning of and m po Jeologi ideologie | organizational connection between the | ian and Americar arties. For instance, the question of the ( in bourge the yues- tion of wh Canada is a colonial or im- perialist country; these questions are also very important for you comr in the United States and should be diseussed by the Ameri- ean Party. » Smith in his speech, made some sharp ie’ f the thesis of this convention, mainly on the question of the economic crisis. As I have tried to point out, the connection between the general crisis of woPld capital ism and the economic ¢ is presented cor y in the thesis. This ques rec on may be new for the, ¢ dian PB: , but is not so new for the American Already, at the very outbreak of the crisis, the Polburo of the Ameri I opted a resolution on this question, pointing out this connection of the ec sis and the world crisis of cap- italism, Comrade Smit! up why explain in the Convention Thesis, nection between the economic crisis anc world situatiomof Third Period. The Pa explained this in the preliminary thesis for- mulated in March, and adopted by the Polburo. There was given then a very clear formulation in this connection. This preliminary thesis declared that the present economic crisis develops on the background of the general crisis of world capifalism. So in my opinion the formulation proposed Comrade Smith is unnecessary. By the this formulation was proposed for in- sertion in the thesis to be presented to the Convention, but some v authoritative des advised the American comrades, “Do not write this into the thesis because it is too elementary and must be known by every mem- ber of the American Party.” Industrial Cycles Continue. As” regard causes of the American economic ¢ Comrade Smith attacked the thesis for its interpretation of the economic its characterization of the crisis as “typical” and “cyclical”. He declared that this is wrong, that the « i clical.” The theory or teaching of Marx on the in dustrial cyele as a typical form of capitalist production remains the basis of our under- standing. We do not have to revis rx on this point. The theory of the development of capitalist society through industrial cycles has not beet destroyed by anyone. The present crisis is exactly an expression of this development of capitalist econor through industrial ‘cycles. By what economic ated? Was it an exceptional an earthquake or flood? Was it a tulip crisis, such as they once had in Holland, where it was claimed that a bad crop of tulips up: things for 20 years? Is the present crisis such an exceptional idental crisis? No, comrades. This crisis was created by main contradictions of capitalist society, the con- tradictions between the social character of la- bor and the private exploitation of the pro- ductive forces of capitalism, and takes place in the sharpening crisis of imperialism, in the situation of the Third Period. he is risis created b a How did Marx characterize the economic crisis? He declared that the cyclical economic crises are the self-created tempo and force- ful regulators of the anarchy of capitalist pro- duction. Only partisans of the theory of or- ganized capitalism would assert that now the anarchy of capitalist society is replaced by organized capitalism. When we say “cyclical economic crisis,” we mean a specific form of the capitalist process of production established by Marx and adopted by every Communist throughout the world. Without this theory, it is impossible to under- stand the nature of the economic crisis; it is impossible to understand the inner mechanics of capitalist society, (To Be Continued.) FROM | ine Negroes in the Soviet Union and in U.S.A. By I. AMTER. P ner No, 52350. Candidate, 23rd Congressional District, Bronx. (Communist ‘WO American workers (one, from Detroit, the other from Toledo) helping to con- struct and install] thé machinery at the gigan- tie tractor plant at Stalingrad, in the Soviet Union, have been deported from the Soviet Union and will not be allowed to return for a period of ten years. These two workers filled with the capitalist idea of the “superiority” of the white over the Negro race, forcibly threw out of the factory mess-hall a Negro worker who was_ there, They were denounced by the American and Soviet workers—there are workers of twenty- six national: in the plant—and placed under charge The workers in the shop held Ss a meeting and hung up a banner with the in- | scription: “We will not allow. the ways of | bourgeois (capitalist) America in the Soviet Union.” Two Years Prison For White Chauvinism. The two men are sentenced to two years’ ; ‘imprisonment not for assault and battery, but for national chauvinism. The sentence was committed to deportation. It must be noted that the penalty for assault and battery is much lower. What is national chauvinism and what is its aim? National chauvinism is the attitude of superiority adopted by one country towards another or by one race against another. It re- sults from the economically superior develop- ment of the one country due to certain favor- able conditions. This helps the capitalists poison the minds of the workers. Thus the American (native) worker consid- ers himself above the worker of another capi- talist or colonial country, such as a Hun- «Worker e- SD sosee Party cna Sy mail everywtere: One year $6; 8 Marhattan and Wrens, New York SUBSCRIPTION RAT months $3; two A. F. Fill the mugs with beer and rye, Drink to the days of yore, Drink and watch the wage cuts go by, See 8,000,000 beg from door to door; Fill them up right to the top, Blow off the froth and foam, (NEWS ITEM:—The A. F. of L. meeting at OF L. STEIN SONG Help the Bosses Speed ’em up, We'll Bring the Fascist bacon home. CHORUS To the boss, to the cops, To the Wolls, the Greens and all their ilk; To the graft, to the sops, Atle | tic City demands 2.7. BY bURCA. To fool them and keep them from going on strike; To the Morgans, to the Hoovers, To whom we have always proven true; To the scabs, to the stools, The gang which is found in our crew. 5% beer to “aid” unemployed.) garian, Mexican, Italian or English worker. He considers himself superior to the worke: of a different race, such as Negro, Chinese, Japanese or Filipino worker. He sees the for- eign born worker can come to this country to improve his condition—therefore this must indicate the superiority of this country of which he is a nati The native white work- er, greatly a skilled worker, has refused to do work which had then to be igned to a foreign-born worker or Negro worker. The native worker has been disinclined to organize the foreign-born and has not permitted the organization of the Negro workers, because both have been chiefly unskilled or semi- skilled workers. Thi: capitalist propaganda taken over and: put inte practice by the re- actionary leaders of the workers. This keeps | the workers divided and unorganized. Why Are Negroes Unskilled? Why has the Negro worker been compelled to do the unskilled and semi-skilled work? Because only two generatior ago he was “freed from slavery,” and has-had little op- portunity for education, he has been denied work and has been dis¢riminated against in every way. Today the situation has somewhat changed. The sharp economic crisis is compelling the workers to take any jobs they can obtain. The skilled worker has been replaced by the automatic machine and conveyor system and now shoulder to shoulder the workers stand at the factory gate and employment office asking for the same job. In this situation, the bosses and these work- ers who are infected by the bosses’ propaganda are demanding work for “American” workers. Foreign-born and Negro workers are being fired and Americans being given their places. In their minds “American” does not include Negro workers, who have been in this country many more generations than most “native whites” can boast. The result is an intensifi- cation of the struggle between the white and colored workers, which is deepened by boss propaganda. Incensed at the propaganda and discrimination, the Negroes have become rest- less and under Communist leadership have de- veloped militancy and the answer of the bosses is lynch terror. This deepens the cleft between the white and Negro worker, and the prejudice of the white worker becomes intense national chauvinism. The bosses are doing everything to increase it for they know that a united working class means the end of capi- talism. In USSR Race Hatred Is a Punishable Crime. This is in capitalist America. But in the Soviet Union where there are 220 nationali- ties, races and tribes, each worker, without discrimination, is fitted into his job and has every opportunity to develop, Anything that tends to weaken the unity of the working class or create class division is considered a crime against the whole working class What the workers and peasants of the So- viet Union have done and are doing is the aim of the Communist Party and_ revolutionary unions of the Trade Union Unity League in the United States. They are struggling for the fighting unity of the working class—-native and foreign-born, white and colored workers. They are demanding equal economic, political and social equality for the Negro’ workers. They are organizing white and colored work- ers into revolutionary industrial unions. They are taking Negro revolutionists into the Com- munist Parvy. Any member of the Party or TUUL who Liings into or manifests notional chauvinism in *he organization, persists in it an] shows *t in action, is expelled from the Party or TUUL as guilty of the crime of | Strike Strategy By JACK JOHNSTONE. Articie 9 NE of the most important groups and the most oppressed and exploited section of the working class is the Negro worker. Jim- crowed in the A. F. of L. and in the South by law and terrorism and in the north, although to a lesser degree, Jim crowed without the formality of a lav Ruled by Lynch law and mob violence, given the worst and dirtiest and cheapest kind of jobs, because of this op- pression and discrimination they are the most militant of fighters and potential revolution- ists. Strike struggles in any basic industry .that does not draw in the Negro workers into struggle and leadership is doomed to defeat. This does not mean the mere inclusion of a certain percentage of Negroes on the strike committee, but a struggle for the demands of the Negro worker. The raising” of the slogan of Full Social and Political Equality and Self Determination not merely in an ab- stract propaganda manner but in direct con- nection with the strike struggle demands. The struggle for social equality. is not mere words but must be put into practice. In the preparations for strikes and in strike strug- gles white chauvinism as well as the law of segregation has to be smashed, in the North as well as in the South. Strike struggles in the South carried with it the demand for the repeal of all Jim Crow laws, and the actual smashing of these laws in the course of the struggles, the organizing of demonstrations of white and colored workers in places where Ne- groes are barred by law, the organizing of defense corps ‘to defend the Negro workers agianst bourgeois mob violences, No agree- ments can be concluded that discriminate against the Negro. In the coal fields in Illinois, for example, where on the surface the Negro is equal ac- cording to law, there are mining towns which bar the Negro, even going so far as to put up signs at the boundaries of the town “No Negroes or dogs allowed.” Every town in the North has its area of ~ segregation. The vast majorities of hotels, restaurants, and apartment buildings that do not specially cater to the Negro trade bar the Negroes. Propaganda against this dis- crimination must be turned into action. In the coal fields, or in any other industry im the preparation for and in the course of the struggles these discriminations have to be broken. The main responsibility for this task rests with the white workers, especially the revolutionary section. Of course this does thot | dividing the working class, This is how the | revolutionary workers act. The Soviet Union shows what ean be done. The Communist Party is organizing and con- ducting the struggle to smash chauvinism and the rule of the bosses and to establish a Soviet-—a Workers’ and Farmers’—Govern- ment in the United States Revolutionary workers who wish to struggle toward this aim and for full and equal economic, political and social rights and for self-determination of the Negroes, and especially Negro revolutionary workers, should join the Communist Party. Support the Communist program and candi- dates in the coming elections! Remember Stalingrad! (Written at Hart’s Island Penitentiary.) ] | | imply that the Negro worker will sit back and wait; it is a joint struggle. The revolutionary unions and leagues must lead the economic struggle of all the workers whether white or colored, and their tasks is to expose the capitalist practice of using the white worker against the Negro and vice versa, in order to divide the workers so that they will fight each other instead of pointly fight- ing their common enemy, the employer. In order to carry out this work effectively, Negro departments should be set up in all Unions and Leagues to take up the special problems confronting the Negro workers, not a department made up of Negroes, but com- posed of both Negro and white workers, who while carrying on the general work of the union will give special attention to work among Negroes, {In the preparation for and during strike struggles special attention should be paid: to the young workers, drawing them into active work on the basis of special demands for the young workers. Rationalization, speed-up has drawn the young worker into playing an im- portant role in all industries and in many in- dustries the young worker is the largest category. The revolutionary unions and leagues must. remember that the activization of the whole movement to a great extent depends upon its ability to draw the masses of the young work- ers into the struggle. A ruthless struggle must be carried on against the A. F. of L, and socialist party tradition of considering the young worker as a stumbling block in the path of the adult and undeserving of any attention. Young workers play an important part and determining role on the picket line, in the defense corps, ete. The enthusiasm and fight- ing spirit of any strike depends upon the ability of the movement to draw the young worker into all strike committees, into the leading committees of the unions and leagues. There is still a strong underestimation within our own ranks of the importance of the youth movement, For example in the Marine Workers’ In- dustrial Union many leading comrades have still to be convinced that there is a youth problem in the marine industry and very few unions and leagues have really made a start to build youth sections, The Bosses Are Conscious. The capitalist class is very conscious of the importance of the youth, setting up all kinds of organizations to detract the youth away from the class struggles into support of the program of the bosses. The Citizen’s Military Training Camps, sports organizations, young republican and democratic clubs, Y.M.C.A.'s and Y.W.C.A’s are but a few of the traps set by the bourgeoisie to draw the youth on to the employers’ side of the battle line. To ignore the youth or to merely give lip service to the building of youth sections and youth demands is playing the bosses’ game. The very life of the movement depends upon the extent to which the youth are drawn in and to the extent that they as young workers take hold of the movement, The very inexperience of the youth make them an easy prey for the scheming bour- seoisie, but once the revolutionary unions set the youth in motion, there is no task too hard or difficult for them to accomplish, They are audacious and daring and very soon they learn to understand and use the experiences i | nths $1; excepting Boroughs of and foreign which are: One vr. $8; six mons. 34.60 — By JORGE Sieg 4) Pe Revolts Are Like That! But not a proletarian revolution! We're speaking about the re olt in Argen- tina, run by the big bourgeoisie. The N. Y. World on Monday yielded the following tidbit: “Several men raided the treasury depart- ment of the State Railway., When they reached the moment to allot the loot, they had a shoot- ing affray of their own.” Monday afternoon the Post had a headline: “Argentine Revolt Completed; Reds Jailed That, to a boss paper is the proper finish of a revolt: “Reds Jailed.” But it wasn’t finished. The same night the papers screamed: “Warships Bombard Bueno, Aires in New Revolt.” Then Tuesday they dished out the following, which indicated that it was all a cock-eyed mistake or t somebody was lying: Some infantry were marching, as infantry does, y’kno but “toward the government house, And “confused” officer “mistook them” for rebels and had them shot at. Ine fantry has a dislike to being shot at, and “returned the f we were told. Then just to liven things up some artillery “opened fire on the post off Probably determined to lick all the postage stamps. To help keep the game going—“occupants of an armory in the center of the city opened fire on passersby with machine guns.” This annoyed the passersby, and j building on fire. to distinguish friend éked each other.” —The for fun from gun shop owners out ammunition ” And every- all boys appeared in the streets waving long shotguns and rifles and revolver A group of men “who probably did not know whether they were attacking or defend- ing the government,” seized a gun shop and fired on everybody in sight until “government forces brought artille the front of the huilding whi At the end of such a_ per the Uriburu government said that “the capital is tranquil,” seven were killed and 56 wound- ed by “accident.” That the “whole nation as one man supports the government” but that somebody was going to be shot for trying to question its “einbility ” What a iaugh the tis get out of the + from t capital.sm is “ nly subi * + Vital Statistics Reports on murders are interesting, ff you get away from statistics. The Chief Medical Examiner of N’York gives us the pleasant in- formation that there were 426 murders in the city last year, and the borough of Queens “re- ported twenty-two.” We wonder whether that chap D‘Olier, who was with the Tammany Queens sewer grafters headed by Connolly, was listed in the 22. D’Olier got cold feet, if you don’t know it, and and was not “going along.” So one day he was found laid out with a couple of bullet holes coming from behind. And the medical examiner said it was “suicide!” Connolly got $12,000,000 to Split, and nothing worse than a three-room flat with two ser- vants and a valet on Welfare Island. Apes Mulrooney—A Dumb Act We spotted it with the aid of a friend of Red Sparks, who brought us in an article by Joseph McGoldrick of the Columbia University, which was printed in the “National Municipal Review” of June, 1930. Evidently written just as Glorious Grover retired, with all the Wanamaker clerks he had kept on both the police and the Wanamaker payrolls ever since he was put in to keep the police from finding who killed Rothstein. There are many choice spots in the article about Whalen, but we select only this one to show that Foster was correct when he called Whalen a coward. Bullies are always cow- ards, Goldrick says of Whalen: “Strong-arm methods appealed to him. He urged the liberal use of the night-stick. He tolerated the ‘third degree,’ participated in it, even boasted of it. In his busy rounds of informal talks he frequently chuckled over such refinements as the put- ting of an uncommunicative prisoner in a cold room in mid-winter without clothing to loosen his tongue.” Goldrick goes on, making hash of Whalen’s lust for publicity, says that Whalen’s succes- sor was different, and goes on: “As a friend of the mayor’s told the Times reporter: “The mayor had to find a man who was tongue-tied. You can’t have a harjo act followed by auother banjo-act. You have to have a dumb act, acrobats, dogs or jugglers.’ ” From which it seems certain that Mulrooney is a “dumb act.” But whether an acrobat, a dog or a juggler is the question. However, from the way he made the Civil Liberties Union jump through the hoop of “investiga- tion” of the August 1 clubbings, couldn’t “iden- tify” his own cops, and kept a dozen different lies in the air at once with one hand, we judge he suust be 21) three rolled into one. eS oe lan worlkwet3 tus countrizs where edt co) Why All the Fuss? We don’t see why all the fuss about Judge Crater. His wife, whom he never saw for years anyhow, is said to be “prostrated,’ at his “disappearance.” Mulrooney is issuing orders not to find him anywhere, dead or alive, offering demotion to any cop that discovers his whereabouts. Meanwhile the Honorable Judge is peacefully enjoying the fleshpots of a nearby resort, in the company of a chorus girl, What’s all the row about? gained in the struggles by the working class. Any preparation for strike struggles that does not hate in its plan the youth as a major factor is preparing a defeated strike. The A. F, of L. and socialist varty are afraid of the youth. They know full well the revolutionary potentialities of an unfettered youth move- ment, The successful development and carry- ing out of revolutionary strike strategy, de- pends upon the success of the movement, on the building of revolutionary youth sections.