The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 10, 1930, Page 4

\ \ i : 3 , | a e s j Published By the Comprod daily except Sunday, at 26-28 Taton SUBSCRIPTION RATES: B Pace Four a2 et vie es Vesant 1886-0°8 Cable: “DATWORIC. F Sy maf] everywhere: One year $6; six months $31 two months $1; excepting Boroughs ot ‘ age Fo Addvert and mai} al) checks t niet Bquare New Vouk NY Se ¥ Marhattan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, whicb are: One yr. $8: six mone $4.60 a Central Ongorst tne-C>Rpuniet Party, U.S.A ORGANIZE THE UNEMPLOYED WORKERS FOR STRUGGLE BILL GEBERT. . By Ist at T = Jobless Day on September tens of thousands of the country demor ; the T. U. U. L, and Uner 1e Workers’ Unemployme Bill which provides $25 a week f employed’ worker ar each member of the f ritel workers in additic gle. these demonstrations, were not March 6th demonstrations, they were the re- sult of our direct influence he capitalist press throughout the count silent on our prepe« tions for Jobles on Labor Day but up to the | counter- 2a demonstration ranged in v ship of the 4 This was particularl: before March 6th the capitalist press was full of stories of “reds preparing’ for Jobless Day March 6th.” On the Labor Day preparations not a ‘single capitalist paper in ( mentioned the dem tion ited space with fr heac @emonstration’ of unemployed A. F. of L.” 4. F. L. Flops, h at The result was ranged by the TUUL about 10,000 workers demonstrated. coming as 2 f our dire contact with the workers the Chicago Federation of Labor demon on melted from a promised 100,000 to about 2 000, Even the Chicago Tribune admits there were not re than ,000. The compositio! ft Chicago Federation of. Labor hering wa not of a working class character. The im od from the jority were school children mobi thousand, schools, women and of course a seven or eight, of workers who still have il- lusions that the Chicago Federation of Labor is fighting against unemployme In our preparations for Jobless Day we not sufficiently raise the slogan of boyc the demonstration of the Chicago Fed of Labor and rally to our demonstration. cially did we fail to raise this slogan in the locals of the A. F. of L. This shows our in. herent organizational weakness and inability to‘ reach these workers and precisely because as yet we have failed to build revolutionary trade unions of the TUUL. Surely the work- ers who came to our demonstration are poten- tial candidates for our unions and Unemployed Councils. We still think that our unemployed york, the struggle against unemployment, for ocial insurance, confines itself to demonstra- “tions and mass meetings and not to o tional work. The demonstrations thust be a ‘o-ordination of our activities and must be a sten forward toward the building of our move- ment. The fact that out of 10,000 workers at the demonstration in Chicago we secured only $1 applications to the T.U.U.L. showed the basic weakness and inability to mingle among the workers and to recruit them into our mass organizations—the TUUL and Unemployed Councils. . Better organizational results have been achieved in small industrial towns for instance, Gary and Indiana Harbor where out of 500 in Gary and 800 in Indiana Harbor at’ the- demoystration, total over 100 applications to the TUUL and Unemployed Councils were turned in. It shows that the comrades Gary and Indiana Harbor took much more seriously the directives of our Party to take organizational advantage of the demonstration than the Party organization in Chicago. Although it is true that compared with other demonstrations in our district, during the period of prenaration we achieved more or- did tt ati ganizational results, these results are insigni- | pect the workers to follow u em from ctive favorable opportunities. We Myst Change. * ust be a definite change in the daily up to this time is yet only in t tage of propaganda and agitation. It mus be brought to the stage of organization, and organization for struggle. The Unemployed Councils are dying Not because there is less unemployment. To the contr , unemployment-is on the increase. But because of our inability to ‘give leadership to the Unemployed Councils. The capitalist politicians in Chicago and New York, such as when one views the point 0} Mrs. MeCormick, republican candidate for U. S. Senate; Lewis, democratic candidate in their speeches openly proclaim that unemployed workers 1 workers rally are “fit for Communism. Gov. Roosevelt of the state of New York the other day declared that he is for socia ice (of course fake social insur- ad the workers) “even if financial all me a Bolshevik.” ance,to 1 papers wil There daily evidence that the capitalist class f Communism. Our meetings are tacked spe rs are arrested. are ai attempting to cripple our organi ) jail leaders and to make as difficult they can the carrying on of our work. ts are true but the main weak- workeamong the unemployed is give leadership an guidance workers in their everyday s{ruggle. They Look To Us. who ur do not our Unem- our mili- Unempk . ployed Councils come ¢ a result of vill givg leadership to tant speech we th@&r strugg! italism, against wage cuts for Worke ial Insurance but in our Unemployed Coungils, in. most cases, these things are not taken up. I was present at the Polish Unemployed Coun- out from the s ds and when the work- wers began spe about arranging mass neetings on the streets it was our own com- rades who were sent to the Unemployed Coun- cil to give leadership who were the ones who spoke against mass meetings. Worke¥s raised the question of demonstrations against evic- tions and there was no response on the part of our comrades and when I spoke to the work- rs at that meeting on the move to outlaw the Communist Party, the only Party which fights against unemployment, indignation of the workers grew and .readiness to take up the struggle to put our Party on the ballot showed itself. We asked for volunteers to solicit natures on our Nomination Petition Blanks and they responded very gladly but there were no petition blanks at the meeting. One comrade, by accident, had in his pocket three blanks which the workers took away. Watch Organization. In other words we do not pay any attention to our organizational work. We must make every Party member conscious of his respon- sibility to the Party and the working class to mobilize workers for struggle, lead them in struggle, bring to the workers the campaigns of the Party and organize masses of non- Party workers to carry our campaigns into the broad masses of workers, Negro and white, mtn, women, youth and children. This can be done and it has been proven time and time again that this can be done and when this is not done it is not the fault of the workers— it is the fault of our Party and our Party members. Onde and for all, our Party as a whole and every indivilual member must feel the historical responsibility of the present per- iod, we must understand that if we will not be able to take advantage of the present situa- tion to give leadership to workers in their struggle when the workers are looking for this leadership and looking to us with confi- dence then we must’ ask, “When can we ex- Election Campaign Activities in New York State conducting our election campaign activities even at this date a serious under- the role of the revolutionary Our comrades and large vi the working class do not yet under- aud how the parliamentary struggle can be hound up organically with the struggles for the generai demands of the working class. In this respect it is-our task to make a decisive turn from the past? Our aim must be to bring the election campaégn into every shop and working-class section. The shop nuclei must carry on the agitation in the shop. The street nuclei must carry on their work in the fac- tory concentration point and in the neighbor- hood in which they operate. The number of factory gate and neighborhood meetings must be increased ten fold over those held in the «Past. we fin -, In New York state we have the task for the first time to really place candidates in every working-class section. The results obtained so far indicate a decided swing towards our Party im mariy seetions where,we were unknown only a few months ago. Our problem is to really capitalize the very favorable situation that exists for our Party in the state among the most unskilled and unorganized masses. The center of our campaign must be among the great mass of unemployed. We have done away with the policy of following the line of Jeast resistance by putting up candidates where we are known, but instead of on a basis of where the industrial proletariat was found. The placing of the*candidates on the ballot is a real task for all revolutionary workers. In order to place all the candidates already nominated requires the collection of thirty- five thousand signatures in certain specified sections of the state. This job is only 60 per cent complete. In the next two weeks the sig- nature campaign must be completed The sig nature drive gives us an opportunity to directly, and personally appioach thousanls of worke with our platform. Many new members, sym- *pathizers and readers have been gotten for the Party press. Our press up to date has not reflected a true role of the election enmpaign as the co-ordinat- ing force of the campaigns conducted by the Masses Swinging Towards C. Communist Party and the revolutionary trade unions. One of the most ious shortcomings today is the lack of activity of the revolutionary trade unions and the mass organizations in the election campaign. The election campaign at the present time is not only the job of the members of the Communist Party, but of all workers and workers’ organizations that ac- cept the election platform of the Communist Party. The campaign is part of the general class struggle and not separated from it. Some steps are being taken to overcome the situa- tion and make a new turn to participation in the election campaign of our Party. Unless we can get the, active -participation of these mass organizations in our campaign it becomes the same narrow campaign of the past. We must reach new working-class organiza- tions and draw them into the election cam- paign, including the membership of reactionary unions that are not connected with our cam- paign, We can report a decided improvement over the past on the question of the number of sig- natures collected, but. insufficient to place all our ‘candidates on the ballot. Unless we are able to mobilize all members of the Party, the Young Communist League and the revolu- tionary work: we will not be able to accom- plish this task. Many Touring. A number Of s»eakers have been sent up- state. Comrade Moore, our candidate for at- torney general of the state of New York, is at present on tour, to be followed by Comrade Engdahl and Foster. It will be our task be- fore the election campaign is at an end to penetrate every city and hainlet in the State of New York with the election platforms, leaf- | lets and speakers. In our agitation we must make our center the unemploynfent. question and the struggle against rationalization and wage-cuts. We must expose very sharply the role of the socialist party, especially in the state of New York, where the leadership of the socialist party is under the guidance of Norman Thomas, For conducting an effective election campaign. our tesk is to mobilize the ers of the state of New Yo k into its various phases. ‘Twenty thousand — election ” > COCK FIGHT BY BUR SK. By PAUL NOVICK. "S quiet on the Tammany front, with the xception of some minor affairs of Mes Ewald, Healy, Walker, ct al, in addition some affairs of Connoll to Sealy, Vitale, in ad- dition to some affairs of Mancuso, Cooley. in addition to—ete., ete. J. Healy, Tammany leader Walsh, Henness' How did Mar 's administration m#hage to deposit $70,009 in the last three fears at an annual salary of “only” $7,000? Well, this may be an arithmetical problem but politically, weé thought, it was solved long ago. Somehow, the bank account of almost every capitalist office holder happens to be out of pronortion with his salary. It is the same as with the labor fakers (whether “purely” A. F. of L. or ist”-A. F. of Somehow, the ac- counts of these faker far ahead of their “legitimate” income. al is The democrats have answered the republican attacks on Tammany with a series of articles by former prohibition administrator of New York, Major Maurice Campbell, who involves the republican machines in New York and Washington, as well as the republican admin- istration (which is the same) in a number of sensational prohibition scandals. The “best poker-player in Washington,” Y \_ President Curtis is supposed to have used his influence, while senator, in order to get an alcohol permit for a “certain” party. Mr. Lowman, assistant to the secretary of the treasury (the same gentleman who-had stopped the import of So viet pulp-wood), is supposed to have instructed Campbell during the 1928 campaign to “loosen up,” so that “the voters of New York should have beer’ to sooth their parched throats.” Ete., ete. Now the democrats need onlv answer the “socialists” with a series of “discoveries” of graft and corruption in the company unions in the needle trades and in other trades led by “socialists,” and we will have then a little truth about each of the three canitalist parties, And while these parties are fichtine about “hon-. esty,” the crooks will get into office, as usuai because there cannot be any honesty in a s tem of crookedne: If Mayor Walker gets $49,000 a year in “honest graft” why should a Healy be satisfied with $7,000? If a ciplist” editor like Abe Cahan gets $400 a week when hundreds of workers are starving, and if Morris Hillquit can sneculate en Wall Street ard live like a million- aire, why svould a “socialist” labor faler be satisfied with a measly $100? If exploiters can get rich by robbing the workers «why shouldn’t the servants of the exploiters do a little robbing? But the “hero of the hour, is not satisfied with Hoover's attitude towards *the unemployment situation. Broun has a bet- ter attitude. After March 6. Hoover predicted prosperity in sixty days and made a fool of himself, while Broun predicted profverity in nivety days and—made a socialist of himself! Broun’s “Give a Job Till June” had the same end in view as Hoover's propheey. It nt. in June there will be prosperit Therefore, do not organize, keen cool. in ninety davs it will be over. Ninety days instead of sixty! Broun asks for “national thinking” in order to solve the unemployment problem. And it is Havwoeod Broun, campaign platforms have been sold to: date. Our objective is to sell fifty thousand before the close of the campaign. Our drive for the campaign fund has not reached the proper momentum, The various unions, mass organizations and mmunist Party sections must take up the financial prob- lem and raise a fund for struggle. The election commaign must become a regl campaign of struggle. Strike | JACK JOUNSTONE. Article 8, WwW H the rapid conceniration of and rule by finance capital, the deepening of economic er , the consequent sharpening of class lines, and antagonisms between the imperialist na- tions, leading to mass class struggles on the one hand and to imperialist war on the other, means that all strike struggles no matter how elementary the economic demands may be, be- come political class struggles, i. e., a struggle between the strikers and the state, There are sufficient regent examples of this development in recent <Bice struggles to make this clear to the student of revolutionary strike strategy. The conviction of the T. U. U. L, and Party organizers in the Imperial Valley strike, the conviction of the Gastonia strike leaders, the open fascist declaration of Jones, the police commissioner of Birmingham, Alabama, “that Tom Johnson will be put out of the picture,” that is, the police will shoot him. The action of Commissioner Wood of the Department of Labor in ornlering the shoe manufacturers to break their agreement with the Independent Shoe Workers’ Union. In every strike the city, state and federal government steps in and ts the employers in smashing the strike. der these circumstances it necessar that the T. U. U. L. and the revolutionary unions teach the workers polities on the basis of the eve: is means that in the preparation and in the course of the strike itself, it is necessary on the basis of the demands set forth, that Slogans shall be raised at each stage of the struggle that will ise the strike to a higher level. Our genefal weakness on this problem to talk polities in the abstract, To talk about the demands of the workers, then call upon them to fight against imperialist war, for de- fense of the Soviet Union, to vote Commu- nists, ete., without connecting the slogans with the current struggle. Because every strike acquires a political character, this does not mean that the workers unlerstand the poli- tical, that is, the class character of the eco- nomic struggle, To the workers, police brutalities, injune- tion convictions, long jail sentences may ap- pear as being done by a bad administration which could be overeme by the election of a sood administration, or convictions could have been defeated by the hiring of a gogd lav Teaching politics to the workers, that is gi ing political. content to strikes, means to con- nect up the immediate demands with demands of a more general character, For example, in all strikes police terror is used, the courts issue injunction the ¢ governments supply police protection to strik breakers. It nec that the worker, through his own experience in the struggle: learns that the government protects the em- pfoyer ani is against the worker, not merely By is is hardly worth while out newly-hatched Marx-Brothers thinker does not mention the fact that capitalism breeds unem ployment and that no amount of “free” pointing that this em- ployment offi will be abl under capitalist rationalization and speed-up and robber profits. According to the brothe Marxian of Broun an {rving Berlin song on a/national seal, to the tune of “Better Times Are Coming” would be sufficient. S to create jobs Meanwhile, all is not quiet on the Commu- nist campzign front. Many hundreds of fevo- lutionary workers have turned out in the last few days in order to fill the dangerons gap that have been created in the various districts where local Communist candidates are short of some few hundred signatures each. The dan- ger is not over, Some very important districts are still in doubtful position. Some more wi in the style of the last few days will relieve the situation. And there are only a few more days to go! More visits to workers’ homes means more Communist proprranda es well, more agita- tion for the Communist platform, Strategy | for the moment, or because of a certain poli- tical machine but that the police, the courts, the press, the chureh, which according to the illusions of capitalist democracy are not sup- posed to be class institutions, are really insti- tutions controlled by and for the employing | class. } The workers have to learn that it is the institutions that are used against the workers and that these institutions cannot be used in the interest of the workers, and that it is only through mass class struggle and pressure that the police and the courts, can be made to yield. Teaching politics to the workers means to get the workers to realize that every economic struggle, even a very small struggle (for ex- ample, the murder of Steve Katovis by a New York policeman occurred in a strike involving | only three workers) means a fight of class against class, and that the A. F. of L. and so- cialist bureaucracy who deny the class strug- gle are the agents of the employers within the ranks of the workers. It is important not to raise too many slogans at once, but to carefully work out central slo- gans that will rally the workers. Political slo- gans will be of the greatest value only if they are closely connected with the demands put forward and in line with the path along which the strike is being guided. To have a meeting of strikers adopt a demand or raise a given slogan is one thing, to have them understand the meaning of the slogan is another. In the first instance, it means they are raising slo- gans and in their minds fighting for some- thing else. To understand the meaning of a slogan means that it becomes a fighting de- mand. Militant political slogans connected with a given strike may in its entirety be a united political platform upon which the work- ers of all political beliefs may unite. As an example, the slogan of unemployed insurance, not raised in the abstract, but carrying with it the endorsement of the Party’s unemployed Insurance Bill and the Communist candidates in connection with the struggle for the 7-hour -day week, can be a rallying point for unit- ing the strikers and unemployed workers around a common political platform and the activization of the workers for its enactment not merely during the election perigg but after the election is over. In the preparation for strike struggle, it is especially important to draw the women work- into all strike committees, and set up spe- cial women’s departments to hold shop dele- gate conferences to discuss the special prob- Jems confronting the women workers. Ration- alization of industry—the simplification of machinery—has drawn millions of women into industry, not only in light but in heavy basic industries. Working women and housewives have played and will play an increasingly impor- | tant role in the developing strike struggles. The demands of any strike must include spe- cial demands for women who generally receive Jess wages than men doing the same work and are given no consideration during the period before and after childbirth, a “crime” for which they are generally discharged. The tendency within our own ranks is to minimize the importance of special work among women. This is shown by the fact that there is no functioning women’s department in , any of the revolutionary unions and leagues. In the election of anti-lockout or strike com- mittees, the revolutionary workers must see to it that a sufficient percentage of women workers are incluled. In those factories where the vast maiority are women the strike com- mittee should be composed of a majority of women. In the settlement of strikes the company union bureaucracy generally make their agree- ment with the employers at the expense of the weakest category of the workers, the unskilled, especially the women, youth and Negro work- ers. To defend and bring forward the de- mands of these workers they must be drawn into the leadership of the strike, and all com- mittees should be composed of a maiority of ‘ unskilled workers By JORGE | Goldfields We hope you’ve been reading the anti-So- viet propoganda put out by British imperial- ism about the Lena Goldfields, Ltd., to scare U. business men away from trade with the Soviet, and serve generally as a kind of British Fish Commitie The Lena company had a cone Soviet to develop gold But djdn’t develop anything much except nter-revolutionary spying. So the Soviet declared the concession off because the company didn’t keep its con- tract. It appears the company never work the concession anyhow and was only try- ing to “get something” on the Soviet which could be used as propaganda that “the Soviet don’t keep its contracts.” And as the contract had a clause saying that disputes should be submitted to arbitration, it used this to call an “arbitration” hearing in London. From this on the story gets richer and racier. From the N. Y. Times of Sunday we get the following: “Arbitration proceedings opened in Lon- don May 6, with the court including Dr. Otto Stutzer of Freiburg University, neutral ar- bitrator, presiding officer, and Sir Leslie Scott, K. C., representing the Lena company.” The Soviet refused to thing to do with it, so it was as gloriously “neutral” as the Fish Committee. It “got down to business” on August 7, says the Times, and since the “court” consisted of two people, Stutzer and Sir Leslie, Stutzer had a decisive audience of one, when as the Times continues, “Dr. Stutzer delivered the opening address.” So, with an anti-Soviet speech to open with, in which Stutzer objected to the press articles ridiculing the farce as being “improper attempts to influence this court,” the “neutral” arbitrator called in all the Mattie Wolls of England to make more anti-Soviet speeches. After which, it solemnl d “the plain- tiff” no less than $65,000,000 “damages,” and gave a long list of “breaches of contract” by the Soviet, some of which are rather funny. Mainly, the company complains that the So- viet government didn’t act like a capitalist government would. As a final “crime” the court added: sion with the wanted to up “The adoption by the government of th policy of intensified socialization of industry and trade in the U. S. S. R. tending to the complete elimination of private enterprise, as evidenced by the so-called ‘Five Year Plan.’ A gink named Dr. Idelson the living image of Mattie Woll, wound up the “testimon: also wound up the Times article with the fol- lowing: “It is the Communist Party in the name of the Russian proletariat which governs Russia today, and the general secretary of the Communist Party, Mr. Stalin, is dictator of the U. S. S. R.” This last thrust at Stalin qualifies Dr. Idel- son to join the Trotskyist “opposition,” or perhaps Trotsky to join the Lena Goldfieds company. ® « * Fs At last reports the German police were try- ing to deport “Legs” Diamond, but couldn't, be- cause all the boats were full. Reminds us of a story about an audience watching a Faust drama where ctage sinners were being thrown down through a trapdoor in the stage floor into what was supposed to be hell. The trap door stuck, and a chap in the gallery yelled: “Hurrah, boys! Hell's full!” * God Outvoted The sky pilots journal, “Christian Century, took a referendum of nine preachers on question: “Does Prayer Change the Weathe And got back six yotes against god’s omni potence on that. But the votes were not unqualified, as preachers refuse to be pinned down to an} thing. Let’s look some of ’em over: A Chieago preacher said he “does not sup4 pose prayer affects the weather directly” and goes on to say that god may answer prayer fo: rain “in a way other .than which they asked} or thought.” Possibly it might snow, we may presume. Another pulpit pounder said that thoug' prayer couldn’t change the weather, “it may help the farmer to endure the weather.” If any farmer can be comforted by that, he is beyond prayer. A Divinity School preacher of Chicago de-| cided that prayer was “important and need-_ ful,” although it doesn’t bring rain, but as a means of “worshipful problem-solving.” We think this guy ought to be promoted to tha} White House to give out weather reports on’ prosperity for Hoover. An Ohio priest decided that prayer didn’t bring rain, but it does “relieve spiritual drouth in the human soul, and this may spill over and affect bodily health.” Which sounds interest- ing but unconvincing. If you ever “spill over’ that way, let us know. s 8 Pot Addresses Kettle “I feel that your effort to alarm the busi- ness men of this country into contributions for a campaign aganst Communism is en- tirely on a false basis. ‘The undue exaggera- tion may fill the coffers of the National Civie Federation, but that does not in any sense relieve your position from absurdities or warrant your attacks on representative citizens.”--From statement of S. Stanwood Menken, chairman of the National Security League to Ralph M. Easley, chairman of the National Civie Federation, Workers should know, of course, that Men- ken’s charge should have read like this: “You have a lot of gall, you fake patriot, to get money from British imperialism to keep American business men so scared of the So- viet Union that they won't trade with it; and at the same time to bum these business men to pay you for scaring them away from the business the British are getting.” ‘ eat . 3 A chap writes in to the capitalist press, that in these days of mechanical bookkeepers, ete.. why not have mechanical judge: No worker who has been up before a capitalist judge would write such a letter. He would already know that they are part of the capialist ma- chine, end that no robat could do any better in rasping out “Over-ruled!” and sending such 6th feswers sor the worke's as the Mareh Unemployed Delegation to prison | | | i