The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 9, 1930, Page 4

worry the w Published by the ( Page Four Sau New ¥ ARGENTINA AND THE WAR | DANGER | By HARRY GANNES, IRIGOYEN is s oved « Heo! YTE presidency in Arge by the d bourgeoisie and pr their alli and the f the r-worsening ¢r workers the mass rm ers bei At the same time, the state d Washington openly declares its pl the removal of this staunch supporter of B id becomes “ f cooperation will result from that is developing Sept. s been a veritable merican imper i h the fight keener election Herbert itself mperial greater degree order Argentina between Br: the past t and the imperialism avai fully of ae cooperation against Amer Nor were the Yankee ex ploiters lax in gaining allies wit hin Argentina ae It foremost ti well a battle eir bandit, powers througho atin Ameri n Latin America has been red fold Behind the present clash between American and British imperialism in Argentina is a long history? of intrigue, ma and struggle for markets Before the war, British imperialism had un questioned sway as investor and leading found in Argentina. The end of war American imperialism with a solid foothold ir this prized market. From then o imperialist robbers strainel every able to oust « other, to gain the upper hand. They lined up the ious capitalist groups in Argentina, British imperialism gained a distinct advantage in the election of Irigoyen. . American imperialism records a triumph in his downfall. The result will bring war a step closer. Ramsay MacDonald has done his aid British imperialism in i preparations for hegemony in Latin / he It was under MacDonald’s regime that the n was sent to Argentina with the express purpose of winning trade from the United Stat About one month before the armed uprising in Argentina, the D’Abernon Comm British, government announced the proposed trip of the Prince of Wales to Argentina as salesman in order to win trade for the Bri- tish empire. Dr. Max Winkler, expert on foreign invest- ments and trade, wrote in the N. Y. Post that this challenge would not go unanswered by American imperialism. The lines were then drawing sharper. Both princes and labor mini Ss are ex- tremely valuable to British imperialism. Mac- Donald sharpens the’ sword of war, while the Prince of ‘Wales becomes a_ supersalesman. Hooyer 1s not the only one to develop, an itch for Latin American touring. The crisis in- creases the sharpness of the struggle for Latin American markets. .Hence the Prince of Wales adds another title to his long string, “Commissioner Extraordinary of Empire Trade.” He will visit Argentina next year on the British aircraft carrier, Eagle, or a battleship. little trips involve involve nking n some figures. The | sharpening struggles of | its for a greater share of | eae imperialism } Canadian th he eat $300,000,0( trade to G in. It lo $80,000,000 in trade to the competitor.in Argentinian trade, after | the D'Abernon Commission visited Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay. Announcing the proposed visit of the Prince of Wales to Buenos Aires in March, 1931, a cable from that city to the New York Times Phat Britain is making strong efforts to regain the leading position in trade with | Argentina appears to be demonstrated by | the announcement of a return visit of the | Prince of Wales to this country in connec- tion with the holding of the empire trade exhibition here next spring.” nt trebled its empire trade hibition pla uenos Aires. The I goyen government of Argentina favored Bri- tish nper sm. It took.a lot of coaxing to goyen even to spez to Hoover over | the transcontin al telephone system when it was completed. But Irigoyen exuberantly. an- nounced that he was extremely happy over | the prospective visit of His Royal Highness, a i h entertains such happy memories j} vious tour.” | nt of forees in Argentina sup- | porting the various imperialist contenders was: | brought by ze of the Hawley- | Smoot in proposal | _for British Empire fre Great Bri tain section of th bourgeoi porting American imperialism expressed their hostility with the gew tariff, More d satisfaction was evinced over the British maneuyers with Canada and Australia, to al low their agrarian products to enter Great Britain as against Argentinian goods. So this le for the Argentine markets becomes sharper every day. American trade, up to 1930, was growing by leaps and bounds in Argentina. While British trade with Ar: * gentina had increased 34.96 per cent between 1913-1927, in the same period American trade had increased 168.75 per cent. Even during 19, OQ. H. Hopkins, acting director of the | | bureau of foreign and domestic commerce, ad- | mitted that “The active attempts of our Euro- | pean competitors (foremost Great Britain.— H. G.) to obtain a greater share fo the mar- ket were particularly noticeable during the | year.” | What must be"these “active attempts” now with a 25 per cent drop in U. S. foreign t i and a ing crisis at home in all ba: industries ? | His. Royal Highness’ visit signifies an im- | tus to these “active attemy and the so- | cial-fascist Ramsay MacDonald is not an un- t one with his tremendous war prep- arations, An armed struggle is impending throughout Latin erica between the two leading im- perialist powe The struggle for markets in Argentina has al | open hostilities. The imperialists cannot hide | the, harsher antagonisins which lead them to | war. The struggle for trade is very rapidly entering the stage of a gigantic armed con- flict. dy reached the stage of Pity the Poor Soviet By JAMES BARNETT. ET the worker of the United States draw a deep breath of factory smoke, throw out his. chest to see how it feels to rest the kinks * in his back, look up at the:belts and drive shafts, and think of his “blessed fréedom.” Let the bellowing foreman roar. Father Woll wants you to be happier about the joys of working: under capitalism. You know the blessings all wight, but why mot look ’em over once in a while and find a few new ones? You know capitalist rational- ization which you call'the “speed-up,” provides all.manner of belts and conveyo the biggest speed ride you've ever taken, Many simply collapse from the thrill of it. You produce over one-half more than you used to. Then you are free to work longer hours for less pay that is if you have a job, otherwise you.can take a longe vacation on an empty stomach. An Eye Out Free. : Also think of the many nice ways the bo: provide for a little injury now and then: an eye taken out free of charge, or a leg cut off. Or if you like a little bath in boiling steel, or a brush down with several tons of: metal. 85,000 killed every year. The bosses have provided so many more severe accidents for you that they are begin- ning to kick a little at the expense. But in spite of this they are still increasing the sup- ply. About 38,500,000 non-fatal accidents per year are now furnished. i : And you know how free you are to move to California, Florida, if you don’t like Chicago. But these are just reminders, you can think of | many more, aes er tat you may know the great pri- vileges of your life Father Woll wants you to contemplate what “slaves” the Soviet workers are. Just look upon these Reds and be happy ‘in your own position, Think how hard it must be for these work- ers to get along without capitalist bosses to run their industries and take care of all the profits, ing nine times faster thah the United States industries. How do they do it? Getting Along Without Wage Cuts. How hard it must be to get along without wage cuts. Instead the workers are burdened With an increase in real wages of 39 per cent above pre-war, and if the other social benefits such “as free medical attention. rest homes, sanitaria, excursion trips, ete., are counted the real wages are 67 per cent above. In addition to this, during the FivesYearPlan from 1928 to-1933, laborers are to get an increase of 70.5 per cent in real wages. A terrible burden— for each dollar they now get they will have T* certs more to spend. That would surely ers in the U. S. whoyare even t to give you. “Slaves” of the And these Soviet industries are grow-, | Union being taught the refined and delicate art of getting along without eating. Then the Reds have been deprived of the joys of depression and “hard tin Unem- ployment is-being eliminated, 40 per cent put to work during the last six months. ; While socialist rationalization is speeding things up the productivity per worker is. in- creasing over twice as fast as it is in the U.S Soviet workers are being “short changed” on working time. It is being rapidly reduced to seven hours per day and the gloomy prospects are that by 1938 this will be cut to , by 1943 to five hours per day. By that time young people under 20 and old people over 50 are not to work for a living at all, They’ are to be supported on the'surplus production, something has to be done with it, you know. They are not allowe! to dump food and stuff into the river in the Soviet Union! Overtime Privilege Denied. Tougher still, there are rules against work- ing overtime. How tan a’ worker stand being without his regular dose of overtime? Danger- ous trades have only six hours. But this is just | a clever device to keep accidents’ and sickness away from the miners for instance. the 15 extra rest days per pear, in addition they “must” take 15 days vacation | with p: The dangerous trades being ° dis- | criminated against, get one month with pay. This must be a hell-uy-a- country. Then there are all of the other schemes to deprive laborers of accilents millions off dol- , lars are spent eve r along with strict en- | forcement of safety rules and devices. A person must havé to sneak off in a room by himself, if he wants to cut his little finger! And there { are. great laboratories studying fatigue, trying to reduce it, to the minimum, Hedged With Insurance Schemes. e toilers are hedged about with all sorts | insurance schemes, uneniploy ment, old age, sickness and other forms of insurance, The | workers being “taken care of.” But the, picture is black enough, no more need be said. Workers having to run indus-* tries, getting more pay, shorter hours, fewer working days, more things to live on. T have visite] this strange country and really never seen such a spirit of freedom and confidence among the workers, They must be really good actors to hide their gloom for from | all appearances they are the freest and hap- As if this-were not sufficient “slavery” workers are given piest bunch of workers in the world. . But Father Woll says they are “slaves.” Too bad! Too bad! Demand the release of Foster, Minor, and Raymond. in prison fer emp'oyment insurance Amter | fighting for un- | the white Dail Central “THE «Worker tne et ee U.S.A. Sy mail everywtere: MASON-DIXON LINE” Manhattan and Bronx One year '$ New York SUBSCRIPTION RATHS: 1x months $3; two months $1: City and foreign whteh are: excepting Boroughs of Ome yr. $8; six mons, $4.50 bY BY _BURCK. “Southern Worker” Faces Tremendous Tasks y TOM JOHNSON, HE appearance of the first issue of the Southern Worker marks a long step for- for the majority of the decisive sections of the Amer- jean working cle That this paper can be published at all is proof that our Party has begun to sink its roots deep in the most ex- ward in the struggle of the Party 8. an proletariat, of the Ameri workers south ploited sections of the and Negro Mason And Dixon line. The special features of the class struggle in the South impose great and important tasks on our first Southern paper and make its main- tenance and extension a matter of importance to the entire Party. These special features are: 1. The Southern working class is sharply divided’ on racial lines. It is the foremost task of the Communists to smash through this age-old wall of hate and fear erected by the master class between the races. This can best be done in the struggle itself. The very lo: of struggle against a common enemy break down the racial barriers. At the same time it is vitally necessary to carry on a careful and patient campaign of education of the white workers particularly as to the neces- sity of class solidarity. In this campaign the Southern Worker will become the best weapon | in our arsenal. 2. The Southern prol at in large industry of comparatively recent origin. Large sections of the workers have no tradi- tions of organization and of class struggle. The pressure of capitalist rationalization is driving them to action—they are blindly grop- ing for a way out from their present intoler- able conditions. It is the task of the Southern worker to point the way to transform the present growing blind revolt inte a conscious revolutionary struggle against capital 3. In the revolutionary national movement of the Nezro masses the proletarian revolution has an ally of tremendous potential power and cvigor. It is the duty of the Party to first of all arouse the Negro masses to national consciousness, then to give every support to the national movement as it develops, to clar- ify its aims and to direct it more and more into workingelass channels. In this struggle the Southern Worker will play an increasingly important role. 4. Ours is a young party in the South—a party of new: members. We have no developed cadres of rank and file leaders which form the back-bone of the party in other sections, The rapd development of a native southern lead- ership is one of the major jobs of the Party in the South tocay. In this campaign of prole- tarian education, in this development of Party cadres in the South, the Southern Worker will be a most important factor. Support Southern Worker. It has been no easy job to establish the Southern Worker. Its first issue has appeared in the face of the rising Wave of white terror in the South, It will be a much more difficult “job to keep our paper. The whole forces of the capitalist class and its state power will be mobilized to crush it. Its publication is a major victory for the southern workers and for the Party. Its suspension for any reason would be a major victory for our class enemies. Every Party member, every revolutionary worker, both North and South, must realize this. Support the Southern Worker! Subscribe! Contribute to its fighting fund! Forward to a mass party of action in the South! Tammany grafters go free—the Unemployed Delegation is in prison—Vote Communist! The Daily Worker is the Party’s best in- strument to make contacts among the masses of workers. to build a mass Communist Party. On the Inner Lite otf Communist Party Units By R. BAKER. of the principal tasks in Bolshevization of our Party is to overcome the organiza- tional looseness and opportunist attitude to Party discipline, the remnants of which still cling to our Party. The weakest link in party is the basic unit. The weekly dues payments, the weekly unit meetings, the organization’ of unit buros and the activization of all members are some of the measures taken by the Party to put our basic units on a Bolshevik organizational basi In examining the life of our units, a decisive improvement is obvious over the old forms, methods and activities. However, our units still have many serious shortcomings, most of which are of an organ- izational character. Most of the weaknesses hinge around the unsatisfactory functioning of the unit buro. The Unit Buros in a Bolshevik Party are actually the leading committee of the basic unit, they make decisions within the scope of their activity that are binding on the unit members. Th» unit buros possess authority and power to make decisions on all phases of work and determine which of the unit prob- lems shall be diseussed and decided upon by the membership meeting of the unit. The unit membership meeting has the power to review, reverse or approve the decisions of the unit buro, However, such actions do not take place un der normal conditions unless the buro is com- posed comrades who are incompetent or have serious political differences with the unit as a whole. The above is a correct application of the principle of democratic centralism in a Com- munist Party. Out unit buro up to the present time met and diseussed all the problems and formulated proposals for each of these problems which were brought into the unit ance again discussed point by point and finally voted upon. The result was thet the ative and the authority of the unit buros was not devel- oped and their effectivent was destroyed. Today we still have the situation where the agenda of a unit meeting contains 10 to 15 points and the meeting lasts 3 to 4 hours most of which is spent on details of relatively small importance, each of which should have been finally decided upon by the buro. Such matte: to who shall sell the Daily Worker on Wednesday or who shall bring the platform to the street mecting, leaves of ab- sence, transfers, disciplinary action and so must be decided by the unit buro. The unit buro being composed of the most develoned, retive and reliable comrades ix best fitted to take action on the detail routine prob- lems of the unit as well as to outline the main political activit This method of work leaves the unit meeting free from details and creates the possibility for a thorough discussion of the main prob. lems. The unit membership must recognize that after a unit buro is elected as the leading com- miltee of the unit it must have the necessary authority and power to make binding decisions The essence of the principle of democratic centralism consists in the democratic @lection of the leadership and accepting and fulfilling of the decisions passed by this» leadership whether on the unit, section, distr et or na- tional scale. The meeting of the unit membership is held for the purpose of clarifying the membership on the main tasks of the Party and assignment of work and activity to members for the period between meetings. Only such problems are placed before the membership meeting which will result in the improvement of the work, raising of Bolshevik efficiency and the theeret- ical Jevel of the unit. By improving the inner life and functions of our unit, we create the the structure of our ot basis whereby we can draw in the majority of our members into active participation in Party work. . The new Party members who enter our units must see and feel that membership in a Com- munist Party is a serious matter. Our Party machinery must work with clock precision and Bolshevik efficiency on the basis of political clarity and iron discipline of all its members. The non-Party workers who accept the lead- ership of the Party also expect and want to see our Party work and lead in a true Bol- shevik manner. i Anthracite Miners Revolt Against New Agreement By PETER THOMAS. THE new sell-out agreement signed between the Anthracite coal operators and the fas- cists of the Lewis, Kennedy and Boylan ma- chine of the U.M.W.A., enslaves the Anthra- cite miners for a period of five years and seven months. This agrement compels the min- ers under the clause “of an improved carload of coal” to produce much more then ever be- fore, without any guarantee of additional pay. The operators are free to introduce all kinds of efficiency systems which in practice will mean more jobless miners and a more murder- ous speed-up with less wages for those who remain at work. The operators in return agreed to give the “check off” to the Lewis gang. The hard coal miners throughout the Anthra- cite region are revolting against this new outrageous agreement. Even during the ra- tification convention in Scranton, in spite of all the fake methods and intimidations that the Lewis machine used to prevent any oppo- sition, over 200 delegates fought bitterly against the new fake agreement. When the agreement was put to a vote 129 delegates voted against it. These 129 delegates were the only real representatives of the sentiment of the great majority of the hard coal miners. Many U.M.W.A. locals throughout the Anth- racite are voting against the entire agreement. At the McAdo local meeting the fakers with the help of gangsters adjourned the meeting in spite of the vigorous protests of the miners before the vote was taken because of the big opposition against the agreement. Af the Oly- phant local 65 per cent of the miners voted against it. The same opposition sentiment pre- vails among the great majority of the miners in the entire Anthracite. Economie Crisis Hits Anthracite. With the intensification of the economic crisis of which the Anthracite is no exception (some of the Anthracite Party members main- tain that there is no economic crisis in the Anthracite) unemployment is steadily growing. According to the Bureau of mines more than 10,000 hard coal miners are permanently with- out work, besides the fact that at least 60 per cent of the miners are working only part time (two or three days a week). Production of hard coal declined from 71,514,896 tons in 1927 to 65,518,031 tons in 1929. On the other hand we see that through the murderous speed up that the miners are forced to work under, the productivity per miner per year increased from 419 tons in 1928 to 435 tons in 1929. Under the new agreement the conditions of the hard coal miners will become still worse. Build Mine Committees for Struggle. Because of this situation—the worsening of the conditions of the miners, unemployment, wage cuts, speed up an] the ‘new sell-out agreement--the miners are becoming radical- ized, They are ready for struggle against the coal operators and the Lewis machine. The miners are disgusted with the U.M.W.A., they are ready to deliver the final blow to that or- | ganization which is controlled by a gang of agents of the coal operators. But they need leadership, the slogan: “Strike against wage | | page the following | “Organized Labor Has the Good Will [he By JORGE “Labor” Lunacy—and Lies We just picked up an A. F. of L. paper—you know the A. F, of L.! It’s that organiza- tion run by Bill Green and Mattie Woll. Some people think that the workers in it run it, but that’s a bad mistake. An organization's policy can be seen in its papers. So we introduce you to an ordinary A. F. of L. paper, “The Houston Labor Jour- nal.” The issue for labor fakers’ “Labor Day.” Splattered across the page is the editor's “Labor Day Thoughts,” in which he calls the workers of Houston to “ . .. contemplate the blessings of a land of liberty, education and enlightenment.” No, he didn’t say that that “land” was the Soviet Union, but the United States! Well, that settles him. We look all over the darn paper, but we can’t find out anything about the 8,000,000 unem- ployed. Guess they’ve been abolished! But on the front page at the bottom there is a nice article on spiritualism. The writer of it don’t state his opinion, just gabbles, and asks: “Do people really live after they are dead?” What a jackass! No, not that, either. Be- cause he writes this kind of stuff to keep the workers from becoming aware that they, the workers, don’t “really live” even when thi alive! Over to the right of this stuff, is a “Labor Day Proclamation” by W. E. Monteith, Mayor of Houston. He,:just to be sure that people who don’t know that he’s a liar would find it out, starts out thus: “In our country, as in no other, has the splendid strength and stability of labor been recognized. Enjoying wise leadership, under ent laws, with complete freedom for dual adyancement, labor has attained in this country a prestige and position hith- erto unknown in history.” We pass! This guy can tell more lies to the square inch than any we’ve met since god was a boy. The only thing correct in his procla- mation is the punctuation. Over on the left is an article dated from Charlottesville, Va., giving the speech of Don- ald R. Richberg, who is atorney for the 16 Railway Brotherhoods (lots of brothers in that family!), from which we select the following gem “of purest ray serene”: “We see on every hand laudable efforts t render public service by great money makers.” Which will do for fertilizer. It will also do for the front page, so we flop the thing over and see all across the back “streamer”: of Houston Business Men.” “Good will” is inedible, we recall, and good wages is lots more negotiable when it comes to paying rent or eygn buying hot dogs. So we wonder why the editor has put this hokum in, when-our eyes chance to ‘fall on the rest of the page, which is covered with advertise- ments of these very same “Houston business men.” Have you had enough? We thought so! But ain’t the A. F. of L. just grand? Uh, huh! Grand larceny! * * . For a Frosty Pulmotor Ordinarily the weekly journal of the big boys, “The Annalist,” cuts slashes out of Hoo- ver hump of optimistic hokum, and talks cold turkey about just what’s what in business. But the issue of September 5, while admitting that:— “On the basis of the current business rec- ords there is little present encouragement for expectations on any larger scale (than the present business slump).” goes on to say, with all the stupidity of Henry Ford, that:— “Perhaps a few sharp, frosty days would be a good thing for business and the business man’s psychology.” Really, this is as rotten as Heywood Broun, who thought that when the smiling days of June came around, Hoover’s promised “pros- perity” would go up with the thermometer. Last winter the whole tribe of hokum ped- dlers had it: “Things are bad now, but just wait till spring.” Spring came but brought the reverse of prosperity. During the long hot summer the thermometer rose but the num- ber of unemployed rose with it. Then somebody got the bright idea that “tree sitting” might hélp. So they went out with the squirrels and roosted in the branches, awaiting “business revival.” But it revived only in the newspapers, which have been doing their damnedest to make everybody believe that things simply had to improve when September 1 came and vacations were over. Some of the “tree sitters” are up there yet, and haven’t-heard the news that “Texas” Guinan has joined Heywood Broun’s “socialist” campaign committee and everybody has opened a new bottle of gin. Alas, now the “Annalist” wants “a few sharp frosty days” to bring the “tree sitters” down and the business man’s lost “psychology” back home. So as long as we don’t run out of Springs and Autumns, you can believe what you see in the capitalist papers about how business is just on the point of picking up. Whenever some smart aleck tries to kid you, though, about that “revolution just ’round the corner,” tell him to think how many times business has picked up—and gone to the Sovict Union. * * # “Why,” asks a bewildered reader of the N. Y. Telegram, “does the city pay 200 to 300 per cent more for property it buys for parks, than the property is worth?” He should have read on another page where it is told (in a way to hide it) that a Brooklyn Tammany leader, John H. McCooey, was “interested” in property the city bought for a school. It was assessed at $45,400 and the city paid $240,- 604.81 for it. Why the 81 cents only Tam- many knows. Write as you fight! correspondent. Become a worker cuts and the new sell-out agreement,” is practical slogan and can be realized provide! that our Party and the Mine, Oil and Smelter Workers Industrial Union start immediately a real organization campaign throughout the Anthracite. The organization of mine commit- tees is the most urgent task.