The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 8, 1930, Page 4

Publisted by the Comr Page Four Siuvie. New ¥ ‘ Adaters RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SOVIET UNION AND U.S.A. By N. OSSINSKY (Mosce etween the United tes and T= relations the S The . declara’ the: present state Soviet orders being d and to the ¢ viet. Union Bogdanov Id en the trade d the U. the foreign bourgeois press as % “breaking off f relations between the tw« countries. The characteristic of the present situation is precisely the fact that, between the. Soviet Union and the United States there ated rela treme normal and 1 tions. Therein is expressed the ¢ biguity of the point of view a cial circles of America in regard to relatior with the Soviet Union As is known, President Wilson ginning of 1918, sent a message to the Third Soviet Congress in which he assured the Rus- josnot exist. any and a ted by o at the be- sian people of the t feeling of the American nation and jromised us help whieh owing to objective r he was unable to grant. This message was sent after the legis- lative organs of the Soviet Republic had car- ried out the annu!ment of the foreign debts and the. natio tion of the banks and also of e part of the property belonging to foreign- ers. The message was addressed to the same authorities who were formally and actually “responsible” for these measures. Already in the summer of 1918 the situation underwent a sharp change: The American government began to support the counter- revolutionary movement in our country, took part in the armed intervention, sent troops to Archangelsk and reinforced the Koltchak army in the Far East. And when the inter- vention was at an end, the Soviet Union found itself confronted with a new attitude on the part of official American circles: Every time the leader of the foreign policy of the Saviet Union—true to its unalterable principle | of. preserving peace and establishing good neighborly relations with all nations—ad- dressed appropriate inquiries to the United States, the reply was.always: “We are good friends of the Russian people, but we cannot have anything to do with the present Soviet government which violated all the rules of international law, in that it repudiated foreign debts and nationalized the property of foreign subjects.” Thereupon the American govern- ment invariably, received the following reply: “We are ready to negotiate with you over your claims, but we preserve to ourselves the right to:submit our counter-claims and do not wish under any.cireumstances to accept any pre- conditions.” The Soviet Government not only succeeded im repelling the armed intervention, but was also able to recover economically and was very seon in a position to sell Soviet products abroad and to buy foreign goods. No matter what a great temptation it may be to foreign capitalism :to get complete economic and poli- tical control of the vast territory and the mar- ket of our country, if this is impossible of ac- complishment, then it must be content with less. It is‘also advantageous to carry on trade with such a country, even if through the me- dium of such an unpleasant authority as the People’s Commissariat for Trade. Therefore, as a supplement to the above- mentioned formula, there was gradually added anew: “We cannot and do not wish to rec- ognize the Soviet Union, but we have no ob- jection to trading with it.” In order to carry on “trade without recognition” it became necessary to found in America an American joint stock company “Amtorg” (it was im- possible to found a Soviet trading company). The shares of this company were necessarily under Soviet control. A considerable number of Soviet functionaries had to be sent to America; their presence on the territory of the United States was, however, void of any formal basis. Soviet passes could not be rec- ognized by American consuls, so that Soviet citizens travelling to America had to describe themselves as people of unknown origin whose identity could not be officially established. As the Communist Party is in power in the Sov- iet Union and the most responsible persons on the Russian side who managed the trade be- ‘tween the two states had to be Commynists, there, arose a further absurdity: pestle of- | ficially forbidden to enter the Unit# States, had in fact.to enter the country in accordance with the notorious formula: “Trade without recognition.” The incident with regard to the prohibition to place the Soviet Union railway loan among U.S. A. citizens, even through private chan- nels, the incident relating to the confiscation of Soviet gold, which was almost carried out, showed the whole ridiculousness of the situ- ation; its disadvantages were, it is true, felt in the first-place by the Soviet Union. When, however, there began the conflict over the Chinese-Eastern Railway, in which the Amer- ican capitalists displayed an increased interest and by means of which they tried to exert pressure on the Soviet Union, then it trans- pired that. the “non-existing government of the non-existing country” also on its part did mot wish to negotiate with the government of the United States—and this precisely because the American government had hitherto not heen inclined to “establish acquaintanceship” with the government which embraces a sixth of the world. The political absurdities were soon followed by: economic absurdities, particularly in recent times. The export of wood and manganese from the Soviet Union to the United States is increasing. The Soviet Union possesses a huge portion of the forest lands of the world which have escaped the depredations of profit- seeking capitalism. Apart from British-India, . the Soviet Union possesses the largest manga- ‘nese deposits in the world. It is quite clear ‘that, after the Soviet Union had returned to normal economic life, a great development of the export of timber and (manganese was bound to ensue, These commodities are greatly in demand by the American wood and paper industry and by the American smelting indus- try. . This, however, runs counter to the inter- ests of the American lumber industry, and the fegble American manganese industry, which from the standpoint of the national economy are.of much Jess importance. Und ac~ red formula, “trade without recogni e., in a situation where there is no certainty in regard to the lega) situation as far as the Soviet goods are concerned, any American of- ficial, on the instigation of any group of in- terests, can sabotage trade between the Soviet | Union and America. For this purpose it suffices to trot out the | Union—from them we do not need any official pretext of re ‘convict labor” Soviet workers, who are masters of the Soviet Union, the white the me Bol- } shevik government which they themselves have | created and support ent the ves of on the other this m the U.S, honorable gentlemen who permit to with America without recognition and therefore without a solid credit basis for this trade, with the result that we have to pay for everything with cash, thereby compel us, in, order to make these cash ments, to sell a more or less corresponding ¢ ntity of goods to America. In America they are complaining of Soviet dumping. These complaints are, to | put it mildly, exaggerated. No barons of | monopoly capitalism will succeed in stopping | the Soviet Union from developing its home in- | Finally imports sile, affects the | Union. A the Soviet The us trade dustry. For that, at any rate, is our own,in- ternal affair And when, in order to realize | our Five-Year Plan, we have to expend thou- sands of millions of roubles on factory equip- ment, a large part of which comes from abroad, it means that either foreign credits are placed at our disposal in order to prevent the in- creased development of Soviet export and of Soviet competition, or (what happens today) there is an increase of Soviet exports. The foreign bourgeois gentlemen ought to have understood long ago that the realization of the Five-Year Plan necessarily means an in- crease of Soviet exports. Nevertheless, our learned foreign “critics,” who have been taught by experience, cannot yet grasp this truth. There are, of course, two alternatives: to divert orders for factory equipmert from the United States to Europe, or to refrain from placing orders abroad and to develop the production of factory equipment to the maximum in the Soviet Union itself. We have become tech- nically and economically so strong that. we could adopt the second course, although this | would cost us ¢onsiderably greater efforts than if we adopted the first course. It is clear, however, that in this case, a gengral restric- | tion of trade on the part of the Soviet Union | with the bourgeois world would be inevitable. In reality it means for the bourgeois countries the complete loss of the Soviet market, of the former Russian market. And it is already clear today that this loss would be a severe blow both to American and European inJustry. * * . What are the immediate causes of the pres- ent crisis of “Soviet-American relations?” Without doubt they are: 1. The worsening of the position of American industry, due to the economic crisis, and, in connection therewith, the efforts of certain branches of industry to get rid of the “competing” Soviet imports; 2. The increasing discontent of the working masses and the growth of the Communist movement in the U. S. A.—both of them also due to the economic crisis. These circum- stances give rise to particular anxiety ih the ranks of the yellow trade unions, who fear a defeat by the American Communists. Pre- cisely for this reason the chief instigators of the present anti-Soviet campaign in the U. S. A. are, on the one hand, the heads of the tim- ber industry, the owners of manganese mines, the coal mine owners, ete., and, on the other side, Mr. Matthew Woll, together with the heads of the American political police, We can at present indubitably record in the first place an‘ enormous growth of the trade turnover between the Soviet Union and the U. S. A., with the prospect of a possible still further growth, This fact sharply raises the question of transferring Soviet-American trade to the normal basis of usual international econ- omic relations. “Trade without recognition” on this scale is impossible. Secondly, the in- crease of the foreign political strength gf the Soviet Union is of fundamental importance: the Soviet Union is a great Power with whom the bourgeois politicians are compelled to reckon. The Soviet Union can thwart any tricks on the part of bourgeois diplomacy. This is becoming even élearer both to our bourgeois “friends,” and in particular to the enemies of the Soviet, Union in the U. S. A. | It is palpably clear that the latter, in the given circumstances, must strain all their forces in order to stop—if that is at all pos- sible—the inexorably approaching change. Wherein lies this. inevitable change? Pre- cisely in that which American government circles have for ten years evaded: the estab- lishment of normal diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. The establishment of such relations lies in the interests of the American bourgeoisie themselves; it is fully in accord- ance also with the principles of our policy, which is directed towards the peaceful co- existence of two different economic systems. Only the establishment of such relations is capable of securing to American industry an increasing number of Soviet orders, the im- portance of which the American machine-tool | making industry, the American tractor fac- tories, ete., are thoroughly convinced. And only the establishment of such relations is capable of Securing to the American wood- working industry, the paper industry,-the metal industry and other important branches of in- dustry the regular supply of qualitatively | high-grade and cheap Soviet raw materials, It does not require any great amount of com- mon sense and logical thought in order to un- derstand that all these things are to bourgeois America of no less, and perhaps even more, importance than the Soviet Union. Finally, the American workers are interested in the establishment of normal diplomatic rela- tions. The scourge of unemployment in the U. S. A. calls for the creation of favorable preconditions for the placing of orders by the Soviet Union. Hence there arises the ever more insisted demand of the American workers for a settlement of relations with the Soviet Union. Bourgeois America must also bear two things in mind. stly, the development of Soviet- American trade must, after the settlement of the diplomatic side of the question, necessar- ily be based upon a broad development of credit. If the Americans do not like the all- round increase of our exports, then they have only one protective measure, i. e., credits. It has become evident that not only the military, political or goods blockade directed against our growing socialist country but also the credit blockade is simply incapable of realization and has consequences harmful to all those who seek to employ it, but not.to those against whom is it employed. We are of the opinion that the question of “recognition” is no longer on the agenda, that this is an obsolete question. Those who up to the year 1930, in the 153th year of our ex- istence, have not come to recognize the Soviet PAP Wenety bNY | aganda of the bosses. Dail LAU cs Rynst, Porty U.S.A. verywtere © fb and Bret SCRIPTION RATES: (ire year $6 ithe $3: two months $9: x New Vor d fereih which are: One vr 38 BY bUKCh. On Oct. 6 the F. will be a real tea-party for the bo: eS. The American Legion will have its representative pr w Attack on Foreign Born Workers. By H. RAYMOND. Prisoner No. 52349. (Member of the Imprisoned Unemployed Delegation), WHLe Tammanhy’s fake unemployment agency goes on record for placing only simon-pure 100 per cent American residents on jobs and denying jobs to non-residents and foreign-born workers, Elmer Andrews of the State Department of Labor warns all con- tractors handling state and municipal construc- tion work against giving job preference to workers from other states or foreign countries. Twenty of the contractors, upon reeciving Mr. Andrews’ warning, promised to replace all non- residents and aliens by 100 per cent American residents. . Work For “100 Per Cent Americans.” This is only one phase of the vicious attack launched by the bosses against the foreign. born workers in America. Campaigns of fin- ger printing, police registration, deportation and police brutality have been going on with increasing tempo for some time. The murder of Steve Katovis and Gonzales by the police was a part of the bosses campaign to terroriz> the foreign-born workers and make them sub- missive to capitalistic exploitation. The deepening crisis in capitalist economy has thrown millions of workers on the streets to starve. But the workers, under the leader- ship of the Communist Party, have shown tl , bosses that they will not starve quietly, that they will fight militantly against the system that has nothing to give them but misery, police brutality and terror. “Solving” Unemployment By Race Hatred. But despite this militancy already shown by the workers in their struggle we must not minimize the poisonous effect the bosses prop- aganda against foreign-born workers has on the native workers. We must give every ef- fort to make the bosses’ hateful instructions react against the bosses. The effects of the erisis—unemployment, wage cuts, etc.—must be used to solidify the native and foreign- born workers in their struggle against the | bosses and their agents, the socialist party, and the fascist A. F. of L. The struggle of the foreign-born workers against unemploy- | ment, against wage cuts must be a major issuc in the election campaign. Still great masses of native born workers remain in the clutches of the vicious prop- Race hatred against Negroes is still strong all over the United States. Everywhere workers, poisoned by capi- talist propaganda and led by the American Legion, A. F. of L. and other patriotic or- | sanctioning of our international legal position. We have won this ourselves in brilliant poli ical and economic fights. In the relations. be- tween us and the U. S. A., the only question can be the establishment of diplomatic rela- tions: nothing more and nothing less. It is not as if one can “sanction” the other. Neither party can submit preconditons. Thus and only thus is the question to be put. at this convention, fresh sent to give the A. F. of L. fakers lesson will open its 50th convention in Boston, on the 50th anniversary of the founding of the A. F.sof L. It Hoover has promised to speal h from a conference with the leading bankers. s in effective jascist tactics. Strike Strategy Article 7. By JACK JOHNSTONE. HERE has been sufficient strike experience within the last f¢w years to show that the A. F. of L. company bureaucrats and their socialist allies only enter into strikes for the purpose of betraying them. When not able to disrupt the strike from the beginning they use every means from without, the capitalist press, the radio, the church, gangsters and police. Generally the propaganda is that the strike is being financed “by Moscow,” always with the demand for the employers to deal with the A. F. of L., carrying with it the propa- ganda that if the workers will accept their leadership a favorable settlement can be made for the workers. Fascist Strike Breakers. At all times these vultures, the fascist lead- ers, are watching for a lull in the strike. for a favorable opportunity to knife the striking workers in the back, paying special attention to the higher skilled strata of workers, know- ing that the most passive among the workers will follow those who propose the ending of the strike. If this fails they will enter into negotiations, sign agreements, declare the strike ended, without the workers having any- thing to say about it and in many instances the workers have unanimously voted against the signed agreement. New Orleans. The strike of the New Orleans street car men of a few months ago is a recent example, where Green and Mahon signed an agreement without the consent of the workers, and al- though the strikers voted unanimou: against it. Due to the fact that the Railroad Indus- trial League and the T.U.U.L. were not in the picture, this very militant strike was dis- rupted and betrayed at the very moment when the strikers were fighting the strongest. Another Example. The recent five-year wage cut anthracite agreement signed by John L. Lewis without the consent or knowledge of the miners hailed over the ralio and talking pictures (this prop- aganda reaching millions of workers), as a great victory for the peaceful solution of econ- omic problems between the workers and the employers. Purposely staged to disrupt and defeat the growing strike sentiment that is leading toward a general coal strike, and to combat the growing influence among the coal miners of the Mine, Oil and Smeltermen’s Union (formerly the National Miners Union). Militancy and enthusiasm in strike struggles ganizations, come out against their foreign-- born brothers. The Communist Party, the only workers’ Party, is vigorously fighting this vile propa- ganda that the bosses and the labor fakers are spreading against the foreign-born work- ers. It is educating and organizing the native workers with the foreign-born workers. It is teaching them the boss class origin of race and national hatred. The Communist Party points to the fact that only through the soli- darity of all workers, regardless of race or nationality—that only by breaking the chains of capitalist tradition—can we defeat the capi- talist tradition—can we defeat the capitalist profit system based on ignorance, wage slavery and starvation, and set up a workers’ and farmers’ government based on planned production for use, where each will give ac- cording to his ability and receive according to his needs. Workers! Fight race and national prejudice! Fight against unemployment! Fight for a Workers’ ,and Farmers’ government! Vote Communist! ‘ (Written at Hart's Island Penintentiary) } are very necesary factors, but without a revolu- tionary policy and program of action—even in strikes where the economic demands are of the most elementary nature—there can be no revolutionary strike strategy. These disrupt- ive and strike-breaking methods of the bu- reaucracy have to be discussed among the workers as a part of strike preparations, so they can be successfully defeated by the work- ers. Prevent Strike Breaking. Systematic strike breaking. by the A. F. of L. apparatus places before the entire move- ment the question of how to prevent the dis- ruption of strikes. This can only be assured by the complete uprooting of the influence of these fascist leaders and their class collabora- tion policy among the workers, which’ means that the. sharper the class war rages and with the increasing of strike struggles, the mose energetically must we fight against these agents of the bosses who operate within the ranks of the workers—not by merely calling them names, but by exposing their class col- laboration policy and giving the workers con- crete examples of their treachery. Don’t Court Defeat. To neglect to do this work in preparations for strike struggle, to say the least is court- ing defeat. A strike means to fight the em- ployers and the A. F. of L. bureaucracy on one front. ‘This means to unite the workers for struggle on the basis of class war. In or- der to attain this, it is necessary: (1) To sharpen the fight against the A. F. of L. and the socialist bureaucracy, showing the work- ers before and especially during the strike— if led by them—that the enemy is now within their own ranks; (2) During the election of the strike or lockout committee a struggle must be waged against any of the bureaucrats being elected to the strike committee on the basis that they are strike breakers; (3) To fight against appointment of the strike committees from above, to have workers reject these ap- pointed strike committees and to elect their own rank and file strike committee; (4) To sharpen the fight against arbitration, so-called impartial chairman, and other reformist meth- ods of smothering the strike; (5) To system- atically expose before and explain to the work- ers of the company union afparatus, its tac- tics of class collaboration; (6) To expose all attempts at secret negotiations With the em- ployers, having the strikers declare that no agreement signed by the bureaucrats will be accepted by them, that only the strikers can negotiate an agreement or declare the strike ended; (7) To bring the strikers under the leadership of the revolutionary unions and the T.U.U.L. With two Trade Union Centers—the com- pany union center—A. F. of L. and Revolu- tionary 'frade Union Center—the Trade Union Unity League—there are many diversified problems. In this situation our most import- ant task is to broaden the base of the revolu- tionary unions among the millions of unorgan- ized workers, and to strengthen the revolu- tionary minorities within the ranks of the A. F. of L. and company unions and to liquidate these organizations by winning over the mem- bers to the program of the T.U.U.L. and into membership, The task of the xevolutionary industrial unions is to win the unorganized and liquidate the company unions. This is one of. the main organizational objectives in strike preparation during the strike and as a result of the strike. In an industry where the company union still has organizational influence over the work- ers (job control) the revolutionary unions, in preparing for strike struggle, must be wide awake to the influence that job control has on the workers, and the easy manipulation of this excepting Horoughs of Six mons 3450 | By JORGE eens ‘A Nice Country The following item appeared on an inside E of the N. Y. Post on September 5. It wasn’t very important, you know, for capital- ist editors: “PHILADELPHIA, Sept, 4 (A.P.).—While protesting against the removal of his furni- “ture because the rent was several months in arears, Harry Paul, twenty-six, jobless father of two small children, was shot through the right lung today by his landlord.” Now we'll bet that the landlord don’t go te any electric chair. Electric chairs are reseryed seats for workers. But while we're on the subject of Phila- delphia, which we remind you is the “City of Brotherly Love,” we must call your attention to the society columns of last Friday's N. ¥. World, where it tells the workers (and we hope the Philadelphia Comunists are alike enough to relay this to Edna Paul, 24 year | old widow of the victim of the landlord) that— John Foulkrod, the Third (Get that? “The Third”) of the Philadelphia nobility, arrved at Sonehof, the estate among the Newport, Rhode Island millionaire summer colony occupied this year by the Van Beurens, for a silk-hatted wedding of two parasites at which also at- tended Judge John Kephard of the Pennsyl- vania Supreme Court. Judge Kephard will see that the Philadephia landlord does not go to any electric chair, if indeed the “prosecution” gets any further than the police court. While we are about it, we may add, for the information of the thousands of evicted work- ers and the starving millions of jobles: general, that the Newport society items good realing on an empty stomach. The item just mentioned went on to say that “In addition to the numerous colonists who will occupy their estates until after the yacht.races, others are returning for the late season, and there will be many house guests at the various villas. So the rich, who have houses in the city (some even houses in several cities!) are “oc- cupying their estates” for the late summer season at Newport, while jobless workers with little starving babes are thrown onto the streets by landlords and shot for “protesting!” If you ask us, we'll say that this is a nice country the whites took away from the Indians and gave to the landlords! But that doesn’t remove the blame from the Unemployed Councils which are supposed to be organized all over this country under auspices of the T.U.U.L., but which seem to be pro- foundly slumbering under their auspices. If these Unemployed Councils are showing any faint signs of life it has escaped us. What do they exist for if not to prevent evictions, perhaps the organizers will explain at the next meeting. Maybe these organizers think that the councils exist to furnish the organizers an audience for lectures on the Syrian empire. Perhaps the agenda may be arranged to smuggle in a debate on the question: In cases of eviction, who should be shot, the tenant or the landlord? Oh, sweet land of liberty! Putting You on the Spot— Unless you're a denizen of the underworld like Haywood Broun, the “socialist” candidate for whiskey (no, he says he prefers gin—so gin it is and may it choke him!), you may not be hep to the correct slang of gangsterland. > When a Tammany (or Capone) gang thinks it necessary to bump off somebody, they bor- row a Thompson’machine gun from the oblig- ing police, and perhaps a bullet proof vest as a matter of precaution, and then figure out a way to “put the guy on the spot.” Knowing his habits, whether blonds or brunettes, they get a jane to give him the come- on, and make a date for a secluded spot, or even one not so secluded. He comes, but she doesn’t. She has “put him on the spot,” how- ever. And the gang rides by in a car, fills him full of lead, and sends him to breakfast with the angels. We are reminded of this when reading the speech of Governor Roosevelt of New York on Sept. 5, to the N. Y. American Legion conven- tion. The N. Y. World says he “urges train- ing of sufficient numbers of citizens to guar- antee a state of preparedness,” and then quotes him as follows: “I am not a militarist. But 1 am 100 per cent in favor of having this country ready in case of emergency.” Now we don’t contend that Goy. Roosevelt is a blond or brunette jane. That would slan- der janes in general. But he serves the pur- pose of making a date with you, the workers, on the corner of Preparedness Avenue and Emergency Street, so that the imperialist gang- sters can have you shot full of holes for the greater glory of god and J. Pierpont Morgan. Moral: Beware of blonds or brunettes, but if you have to choose between them and capi- talist bull, our advise is that janes are risky, but capitalist “peace talk” is always a peril control by the bureaucrats in staging fal strikes with left phrases to fool the workers. In these cases the revolutionary unions must be able to register the mood of the masses, to build united front shop committees, to conduct their campaign in the shop rather than in the company union hall, in utilizing company union elections—not in any alliance with progressives who want to patch up the company unions but only as a platform to expose the bureaucrats and to bring forward the program of the revo- lutionary union. In this, of course, we cannot follow a rigid policy. In cases where a local union affiliated with the A. I’, of L. company union joins the strike, and is really waging a struggle against the employers, the task of the revolutionary unions is to enter a united front with the local unions, taking all necessary precautions against any possible tendencies. to capitulate during decisive moment of the strike, drawing the rank and file into active participation in the strike committee. The T.U.U.L. must lead all workers, those organized in unions, as well as those unorganized, thus demonstrating in theory and practice that only the revolutionary trade unions can lead the workers in strikes, and are the consistent fighters for the econ- omic demands of the workers. Only through a correct policy, with a thor- oughly plaaned campaign of action can the revolutionary unions be strengthened political- ly and organizationally, drawing masses of workers into membership ,thus laying a solid foundation for strike struggle. oe