The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 6, 1930, Page 6

ISCRUPTION RATES ji Sy mail everywtere: One vear $6" six months $3: two monthe $1: excepting Boroughs of Murhattan and Bronx, New York City and foreign wmteb are? 3X: Kix mone. $40 orker e—SP egret U.S.A. One yr . €apitalism!—but to THE COMMUNISTS, THE CO * OPERATIVES AND HALONEN MAX BEDACHT Il By ed) profit Communist unist paper, lated out com s and poor farr Tyomies and Ronn in sue Central Exchang 2 . The members under this polic The prices 1 the co-opere e, lower than those nd in ma cases charged in private are even i ae high nulated out of for them a weapon would truggle s surplus ne workin form of in the Je, in the form of of credits in time the prices would not be But when from these prices be- Halonen and the cap- inst the suppor strike support of unemployment, evi Jence accumulated comes a weapon in the hands of Tonn to help the capitalist class anc italist government in its struggle a: Communist” Party and the Communist then these prices become a definite method of exploiting the workers in the inerests of the capitalists. Halonen and Ronn Help Manufacturers. Lenin points out that one of the advantages ot the consumers’ co-operative movement that through this: orgsnization considerable influence can be exerted uvon the working con- ditions in the establishments, which produce for the co-operatives, The Halonen-Ronn leadership the Co-operative > change has never heard of this use of operative. Their contracts with food mer and canneries are only sources of riches for these capitalist concerns. Instead of benefiting the masses of proletarians and poor farmer thembers of the co-operative, these contracts benefit primarily the jobbers and wholesalers and manufacturers who sell their goods to the Central Exchange. No Help for Members. A condition exists, in fact, that if within 24 hours all the members’ stores: of the Central Exchange would close, the only sufferers would be the jobbers and wholesalers and manufac- turers from whom ¢he Central Exchange is buying its merchandise. The workers and poor farmers, aside from losing their original share, would merely go to the private store to buy press, of and wouil find there exactly the same prices | and in many instances better ones. not feel any difference in the situation. They would That a condition this can exis dence of the anti-proletarian polees of Halonen allies, Warbasse nn and and f Alla No Lenin their Agricultural Producers Co-operatives. points out that in connection with consumers’ co-operativ agricultural — pro- ducers co-operatives could also be made instru- ments in the class struggl Have Halonen and Ronn ever heard of that? They evidently have n They certainly do not believe in this. They support vate canneries’ with their patronage. These canneries buy tt v- est of certain staples, such as pea: for in- stance, from the very farmer members of the | co-operatives. They can or pack them, and then sell them to the Co-operative Central Ex- change. This organization, in turn, supplies its membership stores with the cans and boxes and the farmer member, who got almost noth- ng for his peas, gets the privilege accorded to him by the Central Exchange buying back his own peas at a comparatively exhorb- itant price, Such a condition and such a policy would damn any manager and leader of a co- operative composed of workers and poor farm- er A co-operative J is not an in strument in the cl; It is a source of income for some bourgeois jobbers, whole- salers an] manufactu and it is a nest of bureaucratic functionaries of the co-operative itself. Shall Halonen and Ronn Remain Leaders? Zonn only a few years ago participated in an official reception of the then president of the United States, the strike-breaker, Calvin Coolidge. When the Chamber of Commerce of Superior, many of whose members are greatly benefited by the patronage of the {o-operative | Central Exchange, appealed to Mr. Ronn for participation, his bourgeois instinct immediat ly dictate! his affirmative answer. It is the same instinct—or rather consciousness—which today makes him, in company with Halonen and Allane and Warbasse, use the funds of the Co-operative Central Exchange to fight Tyomies and to fight the Communist Party. The same instinct made him and Halonen re- move Oscar Corgan, Vainionpaa from the board of directors of the Co-operative Central Exchange because these co-operators refused to desert the interests of the working class, The same instinct made Eskel Ronn support a movement of the bour- geois Warbasse and the social-fascist Allane, to remove Oscar Corgan from the delegatoin of the North American Co-operative League to the International Co-operative Congress in Vienna, of Warbasse. The same instinct is making Ronn and Halonen attempt to organize com- peting co-operative stores, in every town where the member co-operative of the Central Ex- change insists, on continued support of the working class. If Halonen and Ronn are permitted to re- main in the leadership of the Co-operative Central Exchange this organization will be- come an instrument of the capitalists against the workers. The Co-operative will lose all value for the workers and poor farmers and will no longer deserve their support. Nicholas Miraculous Awakens By HARRISON GEORGE. ‘OLUMBIA UNIVERSITY is famous for at least two things. That it is subsidized by J. Pierpont .Morgan. Also that it has for a president, Nicholas Murray Butler ‘holas Miraculous, as he is known, as reactionary a hardshell republican as one could find. "On the eve of Labor Day, forth with a new policy, to all appearances. Actually the same old policy of reactionary capitalism, with a new dress of “liberalism,” faintly tinged with “the social mindedness of the socialists.” There is no such thing as capitalism, said Butler, and what we call capitalism is really “liberalism.” By declaration, thus, he tries to ‘évade the fact that historical epochs are founded upon an economic base, and endeavors to throw every argument into the clouds of metaphysics. A social system is not to be classified as feudalist, capitalist, or socialist, according to the property relations between man and man, says Butler, but by some mystical interpreta-~ tion, which Butler cannot, dare not, define, So he rids himself of troublesome fact, and by decree declares that the present system is “not capitalism, but “liberalism,” and adds that it has been “developing” for twenty-five centuries. “Ignorant” Workers Upset Things. And now, says he, “the world,” this world of “liberalism,” has reached “another crisis,” and it all comes about because the Russian workers, not being blessed with the “knowl- edge” imparted at Columbia University, have overthrown “liberalism” as taught them by the knout and the noose of the czar’s hang- men, and are building up a socialist society under the guidance of the Communist Party. Of course Butler will not admit that they really are doing that. To him, as to all the apologists for capitalism, the accomplishments of the dictatorship of the proletariat remain “an experiment,” and probably will so remain till the end of time, Butler's time. But to the Soviet working class, freed by their own revolution from the bloody oppres- sion of the czar, with the landlords’ land in the hands of the peasantry and the workers in charge of the factories, with, light thrown into the dark masses of the village, with the security of social insurance against unemploy- ment, sickness, old age, with their rapidly rising standard of living, with the seven-hour, five-day week, and their job as free men, con- sciously and collectively working out their own dest the Soviet “experiment” is a tangible reality. It is something they can eat, feel, enjoy. + Quite correctly does Butler admit that it is § “challenge” to capitalism—no, there is no “the existing order of yeiings, ” to “liberalism.” 4 A Long Time Till Breakfast. Butler prefers to be Olympian, and from a point high above history, looks over the ages -and questions this “experiment” which has come to trouble the souls of the 59 rulers of America under the “existing order” of “lib- eralism,” which he says has been “developing” €~ twenty-five centuries. he blossomed | Look in your history survey the “advantages through the ages. f If we take the capitalists’ own word for it, it was a “liberal” named Pontius Pilate who, like Butler, questione1: “What is truth?” and sent to death the legendary figure whom the christian “liberals” have ever since in- voked every time they start upon a war of loot and massacre. We will not tire the reader with the long list of savage wars and centuries of slavery which held “liberal” despots in power over the masses from early Greece to the overthrow of the Bourbon kings. But in that overthrowal there arose from the blood and slaughter of “developing lib- eralism,” the class power of the bourgeoisie, the modern capitalist class, born in blood and violence and retaining power today only by dictatorial force but thinly veiled with ever more tattered trappings of “democratic rights.” That Ex-Ambassador Gerard can name a handful of rich men as “the rulers of America” flatly contradicts Butler’s contention that his “liberalism” has anything “liberal” or “demo- cratic” about it. Just Which “Individual”? And his puerile solicitude for “the individ- ual” as, against the peril which he claims “the individual” encounters under the socialist sys- tem being built in the Soviet Union, is ob- viously a defense of those few “individuals” who profit from wage slavery in America, and not at all a plea for the 122,000,000 “individ- uals” who make up the population. Where was the concern of “liberalism” over the murder of Sacco and Vanzetti? It burned them to death in the electric chair! This capitalist system, which Butler brings to us in sheep’s clothing, doomed the Gastonia defendants to a living death by a farcical trial. It sent the heroic workers who went into Imperial Valley to organize a union to the hell of San Quentin for forty-two years each, It is trying to send to the electric chair six more workers at Atlanta for the “heinous crime” of distributing leaflets. While over 8,000,000 jobless workers and their families are starving amid plenty, and millions are getting wage cuts by arbitrary decree of a handful of multi-millionaires, while suicides of desperate workers occur every day in every city, while thousands of workers search the garbage of the rich for food, Dr. Butler raises not a whisper for defense of their “individual” right to live, But he reserves all his anxiety for the hour when “Communist propaganda” comes on the scene, organizing these suffering masses of “individuals” into a class movement of strug- gle against Dr. Butler and his class, for bread, for work, for freedom from exploitation by Dr. Butler’s “individuals,” The Murderer Denounces Murder, Butler, this hypocritical disciple of a system of war and plunder, of a system which sent 10,000,000 boys to death in the last World War alone, dares to lecture the Communists against, the use of “violence”! And “warns” them books, Gases t reader, and “liberalism” and | Matti Tenhunen and Jack | an] to fill his place with some tool | | While the fake | workers nothing worth fighting for. | | eucn s worker at least $25 “socialists” beg at the coat tails of the rich, Workers: fight for the Worker per week at the expense of the capitalis they put out a fake ‘ Unemployment Insurance to Stop the Monkey Business! “unamployment insurance Unemployment Insurance Bill of the Communist Party, which gives s, not from other workers! scheme which gives the By JACK JOHNSTONE. Article Six. HE class collaboration poliby of the A. F. of L. and kindred organizations finding full support from the socialist party reaches a development in this period of open strike breaking, which has become the international program of the reformist whose policy is “a peaeeful solution of all questions arising be- tween the workers and the employers.” Gree”’s pledge to President Hoover that there would be no wage increase demands was a pledge to break all st-ikes, a pledge that the labor bu- reaucracy would caryy thfough the Hoover plan of making the workers pay the cost of the crisis. This me@ns that all strikes which involve members of these’ unions are unofficial and will have the active opposition of these fascist leaders. Considering the unorganized state of the workers, and the strike-breaki"g policy of the A. F. of L. and socialist bure®ucracy, sporadie and un°fficial strikes become ® seri- ous problem, and are occurring frequently, with the revolutionary unions and leagues hav- ing either no connections with the strike or stepping in when the strike is lost. First the necessity is to overcome within out own ranks an enormous appro*ch to work within the A. F. of L. company unions. Con- stitutionalism on the one hand, and en the other, withdrawitg from the company unions are the two extremes of a wrong policy and is 2: wide range between which many errors have been and are being made. The constitu- tion of the company unions are made t® ham- string the workers. To try to develop struggle on the basis only of the constitution is im- possible. The development of @ umited fron’ with members of the company union must be built on the basis of independent struggle against the employers and their agents, the company. union officials. Alliance wtih so- called progress’ for a struggle to change the constitution is side-tracking the fight, ru"- ning it into the ground and playing into the hands of the enemy. that théey will not get a “hearing” unless they “cease agitation”! And what is his own speech but “agitation”? Touched with senility he be- comes absurd: “Unless Communists stop their propaganda I will not listen to it?” Whom is Butler addressing in a plea for “social mindedness”? Why does he not ad- dress his remarks to the 59 rich “individuals” who rule America? Why make a speech to 600 and have it spread over the mass of 122,000,000? The reason is that he knows that the 59 rich men, the whole class of capitalists, himself, have no intention whatever of being “social minded,” but he wishes the 122,000,000 to believe it, in hopes that the suffering masses will starve passively “in the interests of society.” “Socialists” Minus Socialism, Butler hopes to divert, with this chatter about “the social mindedness of the socialists,” to focus the attention of the discontented masses on the fake “socialist” party, so that as they turn away from the other capitalist parties, they will fall into the trap of a “so- cialist” party which does not believe in so- cialism, which talks about the workers enough to attract them as being what Butler calls “social minded,” but which is merely another capitalist party in disguise. The speech of Butler is important, yes. But not as revealing any intention of the ruling capitalist class to consider the needs, the mis- ery and hellish insecurity of the toiling masses they exploit and oppress, It is important because it marks a realiza- tion that the capitalist class cannot rule in the ‘old way any longer, and that hand in hand with the growth of purely fascist forms of class terror which we see around us every day, the capitalist class is pushing forward the mask of social fascism, the “social minded- ness” of the capitalistic “socialist” party. like | Strike Strategy Sidney Hillman, president of the company unionized Am@lgamated Clothing Workers is an adept at these practices, and has been able many times to demoralize the revolution- ary minorities, allowing even members of the T-U.U.L. to hold official positions in the union, Local 34 ef New York City is an outstanding example of this wrong policy, where some of the officers of the union, although members of the T.U.U.L. and Communist Party, are not fought by the Hillman machine, because the; adhere strictly to the cotstitution, as if it w: this piece of paper that ruled the union and not the employers @nd their fascist agents. These comrades are holding office by suf- ferance of Hillman who arbitrarily removes candidates from the ballot, expells them from the company union and the shop the moment they bring forwatd a class struggle program. Constitutionalism within our own ranks must be rooted out. It expresses an underes- timation of the power of the workers to strug- gle and an overestim@tion of the strength of the fascist company union apparatus, and | shows a fear of the workers conducting and leading independent strike struggles which re- sults in sporadic unofficial unprepared strikes, or sensing the discontent of the workers and with the consent of the employers fake strikes are called by the fascist leaders who hold bu- reauctatic control of the strike keep the work- ers from picketing, eventually settling the strike upon a prearranged wage cut. This dangerous method adopted by employ- ers and their age"ts, especially in the clothing industry has been quite succesful for the em- ployers, but only because our revolutionary union had no o'ganized contacts with the rank and file of the company uni°ns, and until re- cently the policy followed by our comrades was wrong. With a correct policy the calling of fake strikes will not be indulged in so often, because the instincts of the workers is to fight and a fake strike can be turned into @ * real strike under the le’detship of a rank and file strike committee. Stay in the Struggle. To leave the A. F. of L. company unions is runni"g away from the strugg. We must stay withing these company unions and carry out the task of exposing the tre@chery of lead- ers, of p°inting out to the workers in impos- sibilit of winning conditions through the com- pany union apparatus and of the Need of sm*shing the company union appatatus, not through the constitution, or fighting for mere constitutional changes, but by winning the membership to the program of class struggle, of the workers, taking the strikes into their own hands, of setting up united shop com- mittees drawing them under the influence and eventually into membership of the revolution- aty unions. Arouse Workers’ Initiative. In strikes involving members of the c°m- pany uMion, it is especially important to arouse the initiative of the workers to bring wide masses into action. Only in this mnner can we break through the united front of the fas- cist leaders, the employers and the police. In this period of high technical deevlopment and rule of finance capital, of crisis, u2em- ployment and the ‘ising mood of the workers to struggle, the employers more and more will depend on the fascist A- F. of L. leaders to break strikes. As strikes develop, these agents of the employers will be c#lled in to do their strike breaking even in industries that have heretofore refused so,fat to accept their prof- fered services. So while we must not over- estimate the strength of the company union ap- parstus vo fool and lead the workers, we must not underestimate the strength and power of the united front between the fascist leaders and employers to smash strikes, More and more the economic strike assumes greater political significance for the whole working class, therefore the question of broad- ening the strike becomes imperative. Single shop strikes should be spread to other shops. Department strikes into factory strikes. = = FROM atching the Palatial Yachts By WILLIAM Z. FOSTER. Prisoner No, 52350. (Communist Candidate for Governor of New York State.) HILE many millions of workers and their families, denigd an opportunity to make a living by the bankrupt capitalist system, are on the verge of actual starvation, the wealth- bloated capitalists go on undisturbed with their orgy of luxury. What matters it to them if the workers who produced their great wealth suffer in want and privation? A Political Prisoner Looks At the Idle Rich. From this prison island we can see many interesting features of the plutocrats’ wealth. The shores, Long Island and the mainland, are lined up with the great estates and country palaces of multi-millionaires. Every morning one sees many rich parasites rushing to New York in their costly speed boats. Automobiles and trains are too fatiguing for these pam- pered people. The air is hardly ever free from the roar of their privately owned airplanes. While the workers sweat in boiling hot tenements, they are cooling themselves in the skies. Morgan Yacht Near Hart’s Island Prison. Off City Island, just next to us, the stretch of water is constantly dotted with yachts of every description, from small sloops to gigan- tic steam yachts. Many of the latter veri- table liners owned by Morgan, Vanderbilt, Hannon, ete., are palatial in character. They are constant scenes of voluptuous parties and reckless gaiety. They are forever coming and going, bearing their rich owners to Canada, Europe, the Bermudas, or wherever the jaded tastes of the rich may urge them. But most extravagant of all are the yachts built to defend the American Cup against Lipton’s Shamrock V. All summer long the Enterprise, Whirlwind, ete., have been in and out of City Island waters. They are great toys, sailing monstrosities, neither beautiful nor useful. Built for just these races, they are worthless when the races are over. They cost many hundreds of thousands of dollars. Fortunes have been wasted upon them, just to give a thrill to their super-wealthy owners. Meanwhile, millions of workers stand in line Industrial strikes governing cities, spread out, to other cities, or spread out to workers in other industries. Th* “im of the bourgeoisie, the government and the A. F, of L. leaders is to narrow the strike and isolate the strikers. Our policy must be the opposite, to widen the strike and to bring large sections of work- ers to its support. Broadening the strike, how.ver, is only pos- sible after seious and energetic preparations, coldty calculated and worked out on the basis of revolutionary strike strategy, What is the strongest point of the workers? What is the weakest ; oi: + of the employers? After careful consideration is the determining factor on whether of net a certain citegory of workers should be called upon to join the strike. Have the employers transferred their order to anoth- er corporation? Are they importing goods, or parts ftom other sections of the country? These are all points to be considered in the broadening of the strikes. } By JORGE e Judicial Crisis In China, from an article bearing the head line; “Wanted, Magistrates who are not to die,” we learn that in recent months ristrates have been taken for a ride by ds or Communists” and that while ia nt days magistrates would choose death ther than flee from rebellious peasantry, “younger officials hold life (more particularly, we understand. their own life) at a higher value.” So the colonial revolution is upsetting “judicial poise.” but righr deepened Hav- And not only is China affected, here in Tammanytown, the crisis has something awful r the magistrates, ing bought and the bu graft income son the installment plan, depression having affected the seriously among the “pett) graft” Walker ists, it seems that tha downtrodde es can’t keep up the installe ments, and so are being “removed.” One judge, McCre wed $10,000 on a 000 “pay as you g position according to port, and had to be “liquidated,” while another named Crater, fallen into the voleano ved altogether. Dead men tell no tales, says Tammany, and especially when they can’t be found. li seems to have d disappe A gink named Ch@Mes Adcock, said to be a racketeer, was ® sted, so the papers’ say, “charged with snapping a pistol” at another person. The New York cops are indignant at 2 gangster whose pistol only snaps. If he had only killed his man, he might not only be released, but put on the force in the special “Red squad” to “handle” strikes. What’s this? The papers say that Mrs, James J- Walker has returned from a two months’ vac*tion abroad. And just to think that we didn’t know she was gone! Probably Walker did®’t know it himself. We wonder what sort of toil Mayor Walker’s wife takes a vacation from, anyhow. eae Gangsters, gangsters everywhere, and @ headline in the Telegram sys: “Mulrooney Says He’s Helple: Funny how “helpless” he gets in situations like that. But when there’ a demonstration of hungry jobless, he and his hosts are Johnny om the Spot. Funny, ain’t it? +) ISK In these days when thousands of workers are hunting through the garbage heaps to get something to et, and when news ftom Chicago says that 2,500 workers are evicted monthly for failure\to pay rent, it may cheer someone up t° know that the Society for Prevention of. Cruelty to Animals says—“There is no food on the streets for abandoned animal pets” and offers to take care of unw@nted dogs and eats. It doesn’t cheer us up. It makes us sweat! ae oe Gov. Roosevelt of New York blooms out as a “dirt farmer.” which is a term inyented by rich farmers to cover up the differences be- tween rich 2nd poor farmers, and in the spirit of this demagogy saYs that taxes are too high, The poor farmers really ought to take this seriously and, all together in on® bunch, refuse to pay any taxes at all until they come down. Roosevelt would be the first oNe to have heart failure if they did that. & Nee The widow of John B. Kennedy, a banker and partner in robbery with the unlamented James J. Hill, has bequeathed $10,000,000 to foreign missions. The “mission” of mission- aries is, as someone has said, to make the heathen wear pants so the imperialists can pick his pockets. + 50" The much advertised “investigation of food prices” in New York City, has now reached the stage where it gets a half column on the fourth page. Which means that the food mono- polists are coming through with the graft, and a slow and painless disappearance of the “in- vestigation.” Food prices will, in the mean- time, go up because of the added overhead due to graft payments. ae eae Santo Domingo hurricane notes: “U- S. Min- ister Curtis’ Home Destroyed; Insane Asylum Wrecked, Inmates Loose.” If You ask us, we think that a U. S. Minister in Santo Domingo is more dangerous to the toiling inhabitants than any number of maniacs set loose by the hurricane, even adding the hurricane to boot. ees me We are reminded that Mrs. Ruth Hanna McCormick who spent some $500,090 to get the republican nomination in the Illinois primaries for the U. S. Senatorship which pays $10,000 a year salary, is a daughter of old Mark Han- na. When asked if she was having private “vainly searching for work to fend off the threatening starvation. This is the boasted prosperity of American imperialism! But the workers are waking up. Sooner than we realize they will be delivering power- ful blows at the capitalist system, and these will grow heavier until they finally smash capitalism. The present election campaign is a fruitful opportunity for us to wake up masses of work- ers and to unite them under the banner of our revolutionary Party. Workers, fight for unemployment insurance. Strike against wage cuts, Join the T. U. U. L. Defend the Soviet Union. ticket! (Written at Hart’s Island Penitentiary.) Vote the Communist Demand the release of Foster, Minor, Amter and Raymond, in prison for fighting for un- employment insurance, .Write as you fight! correspondent, Become a worker detectives dig up some dirt on Senator Nye who is “investigating” her campaign expenses, the old girl said: “I did it. I am still doing it! What is Senator Nye going to do about it?” And this is the system of society that Professor Butler tells us is “liberalism” and not “capitalism.” Huh! at the factory gates and employment offices