The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 4, 1930, Page 4

Tpoorka. JORGE —— By A Screw Loose »e we're just dumb and can’t savvy, ask Bill Green a few questions ngs clear. Here goes: (Green, we understand that n wages will prevent a business you t and I stick by it. I said are a hapy see you hing, but just wait a bit before hard. Now then, do we have a depression now in this country Hun Well, there has been some g times in t months, but Never nd about the future. Is business depressed now or not? Green: 1 object to the question, t, you'll have other thir tions before you die. A. F. of L., don’t know usiness depression exists now or not Green: Sure, I know but I d: you publish ut 20 per c And do you t are out of work? k that is because of prosperity or depressio Green: Yes, | published that statement, and ou can take it as it is and make your own ions, a question of interpretations, but of | We either have prosperity or we don’t. situation, anyhow Green: Well, of course, things have off a bit, but 5 Never mind the “buts.” Things have off, eh? Now, when do “things fall off depression or in prosperity? Green: That’s a fool question. facts. What is th > ina In a depres- sion, of course. We'll see who the fool is shortly. So with 20 per cent of the A. F. of L, members job- ss, and things fallen off, as you admit, there exists a business depression? Green: | admit nothing, It’s not safe to admit things. All right, don’t. We'll prove them anyhow. Now, if there’s a depression now on, and high wages would prevent a depression, then what you say is contradictory. Either we have low wages or have no depression. Which have we? Green: Go ‘way. 1 haye a headache. Terribly sorry, but you're one of the rulers of America and we want to know when wages were cut. How’s your memory? Can you re- member back as far as last year? Green: Sure! Well, we had prosperity then, didn’t we? Green: Sure! And high wages?, You said we had high wages then, too, didn’t you? Green: Sure! And recently you said that Hoover had “kept wages at a high level,” didn’t you? Green: Sure! Kept his promise to keep wages up, did h like you kept your promise to prevent strikes Green; I kept my promise to prevent strikes, sure, And Hoover “kept wages at a high level.” But tell me, then, upon us? Green: Who says anything about a depre: sion, There is no depression! There will be a depression! I know you, you're one of them damned bullsheviks trying to make the honest working men believe that they are hungry when they’re not. We had high wages, we have high wages, and we always will have high wages, and anybody who says anything different is a disloyal citize! Get out before T turn Mattie Woll loose on you! ete he News From Washington In looking over the telegraphic reports from Washington, giving the radio talk of William M. Steuart, director of the census, we were thunderstruck to run across the following re- markable declaration of Mr. Steuart: “In the conduct of business of all kinds, it is necessary to employ large numbers of clerks, stenographers, agents, bookkeepers and messenger boys.” Actually, we had never noticed it This is great news, indeed. thing a comrade handed us, follow “This year the blind shall see but little; the deaf shall not hear very well: the dumb shall hardly speak. The rich shall be better off than the poor. Old age will he incurable this year, on account of the years past; Those who get rheumatism will have a dickens of an ache in their bones. Sore eyes will by no means help the sight.” An Electrical Connection A fire, it is said that started from “an elec- srical connection” burned up all the Federal before! About like some- which read as Trade Commission’s “important documents re- to such investigations as those into public ies.” While it is quite true that the power trust 1as nothing to fear from the Federal Trade Sommission, still some of the documents might ve used by the barbarous “Reds” to expose he gigantic thievery of the power magnates of natural resources, We agree that an “electrical connection” tarted .he fire, and probably the connection vas a short circuit between some electric cor- voration money and somebody in the Federal rade Commission itself. We know “our” gev- rnment officials! Of All Things! 5 We learn that on Friday, at the New tity “employment bureau,” 200 jobless men nd women marehed to the City Hall. But this ime, it appears, the police did not club them nto insensibility. Unusual, yes. But che cruel irony of the thing is that hey were hired for $3 eack to serve as “a 10b.” with Denuty Inspector of Police Seer ‘avtain of Police Loehmann, fifty cops. 1otor cons, ten mounted cops. five se af and an emergency wagon. -rrohahls 2e that like Foster, Minor, Amter and 1} sond, they would be arrested if thev t » demand something substartial for the noloyed, After being ant to ed un- “shot” by a mnany’a faked up Mayor @ who disgraced himself movie camera Walker and some by dolling up like in ten | or | plished by the & ally ae oo on how did a depression come | never | go about en, York | ie Public Y Tele “WE'RE ALL Onton ORK N Broun Gathers “Valuable” Material By HARRY RAYMOND Prisoner No. 49 (Member of the Imprisoned Unemployed Delegation), Hore BROUN, darling of Park Avenue and Greenwich Vill , two mon ‘social- i ” eandidate for conzre: on the “socialist” ticket in the Seventeenth “silk stocking” dis- trict, appeared a few days ago before Tam- many’s fake employment bureau—which, by the way, Norman T as clains credit for help- ing the Tammany grafters to organize. The object of Mr. Broun for coming down to the “poor people” was, if you please, in order to “investigate,” to “study,” to “valuable | information” about the cena situa- tion. Mr. Broun has been “so” interested in the unemployed that he himself had opened a spe- cial correspondence. bureau for unemp! d under the firm name “Give a Job T June” is rw. i s. beginning to “investigate. .” Mr. Broun must have been ve much sur: prised to find so many thousands of unem- ployed in line. Is it possible that his bureau has now solved the nployment question? And is it possible that in the month of August which happens to be after June there should still be unemployment? Oh dear, oh dear. Well, nobody can say that Mr. Broun hasn’t discovered something while “investigating” the unemployed in line. Of course, he hasn’t taken the trouble to find out how many dozens cf jobs Tammany is offering to the tens of thou- sands of unemployed and at what low wa the handfull of jobs is offered. Thesé are mere trifles with which only Communists can occupy themselves. People like Broun, par- ticularly after entering the “socialist” ranks, interest themselves in “higher things.” And so Mr. Broun nas discovered that a beautiful blond with long hair was in line and—imagine how wonderful—she actually received a job with a hair tonic company! Oh, praise to nmany, and to Reverend Norman Thomas, prophet! The unemployment bureau is working miracles! One Fellow Will Get Relief. Withguch valuable material at hand we are sure Mr, Broun wil! rot vive up his fight for the yed. He will surely elaborate enormously on the hair tonic affair and will write reams of “clever” stuff, and will sell it to the capitalist p at so much a column to the joy of the Park Avenue ladies among whom such stuff is greatly in demand. By reading Broun’s story about the blonde they will sigh with relief—at last the terrible un- employment question is being solved - and will ying life with more confidence, Nobody vill dare to deny that Mr. Broun's analysis of the unemployment situation, be- ginning w -h the slogan “Give a Job Till June” Srover Whaln, they were sent back to' look for real jobs. Probably this film will be sent to the back. woods to show how kindhearted Walker and Whalen were in receiving the jobless and thet the Communists were lying when they say Walker wouldn't see the Unemployed Delega tion. When a real Red demonstration happens, the cups bust the cameras, Since Mulrooney’s cops have been given a training in burlesque dramaties, it appears he needs another thousand to inte the movies Move likely of course, to “prepare” for a busy winter erac ing head. ving workers. ) Daily eMorker’ =o Jaurniet sorts US.A. BY BURCK. Strike Strategy By JACK JOHNSTONE, Article No. IV ITH the proper preparation for asis the ba of strike struggle, and with the approach. ing of the time for a strike, in an indust where the shop committees are weak or where their influence may be greater than their or- ganizational strength, we must translate our agitation and propaganda work for a united front strike committee ‘nto a definite org ization. The best and mos! militant irrespective of their unions or political filiation, religious belief, race, sex or ¢ must be elected on the strike committee, on the basis of merely representing some ¢ although this must be considered, but on is of ability to earry on the work. an workers not roup, the The strike committee should be constantly strength- ened by the drawing in of fresh workers and the weeding out of the wavering elements. The strike committee must be constantly the alert for the reformist ideology. No difference of opinion that exists within strike committee should be covered up should be reported to the strikers. It is this manner that the fas A. F. of L. le ers strive to disrupt a strike committee b pealing to the weaker members even on the payroll for on erious the but in ad- ap- placing them the purpose of dis rupting the strike committee as a prerequisite to breaking the strike. Flint Experiences. From the recent Flint auto workers’ we have much to learn, first str ike and foremost was the complete lack of any organizational strike preparation by our comrades in the A Workers’ Union. Despite the fact that A.W.U. is known to all auto workers and t quite a lot of propaganda work had b carried on, the strike broke out without union having actually had no organized contacts. The strike committee that was set up to me authority that should belong only to ers. “he Auto Workers’ Union y tri uto the hat een the made any strike preparation and as- the ery quickly toox the leadership of the strike and | of the strike committee, but proceeded to make a number of fatal-errors that helped materially in allowing the A, F. of L. to step in, af the police had jailed most of the revoluti ary strike leaders and betrayed the strike. ‘To the Rank and File. ‘ter jon- From the very beginning of the strike, dif- ferences aros? that were hushed up and not thrashed wita the strikers. Comstock, the chairman the strike committee from the outset against all militancy in the strike, was favor of settling the strike on the basis the skilled workers’ demands, openly favor with the police. This was kept wit the confines of the strike committee, the sults being that Comstock was able to ganize the weaker of the most militant and revolutionary bers of the strike committee. The A. F. was able to capture the control of the members of the committee and with the aid of the police, and the arr mem- of L. tri within the strike committee, out of was in of carried hin re- or- est committee and through terror broke the ranks of the strikers and betrayed the strike. The errors of the Flint strike are mot mental, the lessons of previous strikes in auto industry have been many and these rors were certainly impermissible. The A Workers’ Union paper, “The Auto Work which he put forward after March 6 in or to fool the workers, and ending with his dis- covery of the blond girl, is not ultra since the four Marx brothers themselves endorsed his candidacy, . . . ’ No worker expects anything else from IV h nu- the er- ute er” der Marxian” ave ay- wood Broun whose clownishness is only medium of s his joining vhe “socialist” p: which is ing the same thing in a different ‘way. workers wil] not listen to these lackeys capitalism and will rally around the Comn ving capitalism and which has justified do- The of mu nist Party and the Trade Union Unity League. the Vote t ticket, Worker: Comm Commenist, agitate for f join the Communist Pait is filled with the betrayals of the A. F. of L., the betrayal of the Ashawa (Canada) strikers, General Motors) by the A. F, of L., the be- trayal of the Hayms body workers in Indianapolis. was in Flint that the A.W.U was able only a short time ago to defeat the A. F. of '. in their attempts to betray the oil nders strike; so that the errors in the late Flint strike were certainly not due to the lack of experience. Opportunist Errors, Allowing Comstock to remain as chairman of the strike committee, the hiding from the strikers of gross opportunistic practices with- the strike committee was rank opportunism. he strengthening of the strike committee should have been the first task of the members, and especially the task of the leaders of the Auto Workers’ Union, >y exposing to the striking workers the weaknesses within the committee, demanding the removal of Comstock as chairman and from the strike committee, the elimination of the wavering elements and the election of new and more militant workers into the strike committee. The struggle against the reformists is in- tensified during ike struggle, conciliation with these elements is opportunism in practice. How can the ideology of the strikers be raised, and the strike reach a higher political level if such practices are pursued. is bound to lead to defeat. No Such a practice strike committee making a report to rs is a force from a revolutionary point of view, if that report is couched in terms that hide opportunist pract: within the commit- tee. This expresses a lack of faith in work- ers, a developing bureaucracy, and becomes in essence, a break with the united front from below and the setting up of a slick leadership. Of course, one cannot say that the strike would have been won, but we can say that strikes e headed for defeat when errors of this kind e allowed to be made. Who Leads? The strike cammittee is the leadership of the str It must express ‘the policy, pro- gram, tactics, and the high fighting spirit of the workers. We must fig] t against anything and anybody that tends to weaken the strike committee, special attention should be given to fight against the forming of groups among the leaders of the strike committee, to fight against all attempts to set up a united front at the top, as Comstock was able to do in the Flint strike. In strikes or lockouts where the fascist of- ficials of the A. F. of L. are in control, they set up their d»mmy strike of lockout committee, as they do on many occasions, such as in the olothing industry. They may place left wing- ers on the committee, as they have done in the present strike of the children dressware of New York (which I will deal with in another article), The duty of the revolutionary work- ers and the N.T,W.I.U. workers in a case of kind, is to expose the treachery of the bureaucrats, win over as many of the appoint- ed strike committee as possible, which you may be sure will not be many, to a program of struggle before or at the very first meeting of the strike committee and withdraw from the committee and call upon the strikers to form a rank and ile strike committee, which at its | initial meeting should issue the statements, that the strikers will not be bound by any agreement entered into by the fascist bureau- cracy. Broad Conferences. During strikes and lockouts it is very es sential that conferences be held, under the leadership of the strike committee, of organ- ized and unorganized workers, youth, women Negro, the unemployed so as to draw all work- ers into the struggle, so the best, most en- | ergetic and militant workers can be drawn into posts of strike leadership, and to cen working class solidarity in the strike, raising the level of the struggle, making possible the raising of new economic and political strike slogans, ‘ In the preperetion for strike struggle, and in developing and broadening, the sirike, the Sy mail everywhere: Marhattep and Bi INTERNATIONAL ASPECTS OF GERMAN ELECTIONS ( supsuniliON RATHS: One year $6; By HEINZ NEUMANN (Berlin). F for us Communists parliamentary elections are never mere struggles for votes but in- dicators of the forces in the class struggle, this applies more than ever to the present Reichstag elections in Germany. The election fight which has been called forth by the dis- solution decree of the semi-fascist Bruning Government is in reality a parade of all the fighting class forces, a formation of the so- cial fronts, which is of the greatest imporiance for the whole future development of Europe. The whole of Europe, the whole world is watching with strained attention the present election fight in Germany. The toiling masses are groaning under the consequences of the economic crisis and under the burdens of the Young Plan. Germany, which only a few years ago broke the record in regard to bour- geois “stabilization” and was praised as an tanding example of the “vitality” of capi- s now experiencing the most severe economic and political crisis since the end of the war. The ruling class of Germany, their ministe! their spokesmen, their lackeys and their newspapers speak of the danger of a collapse of the present social order. A collapse of German capitalism, however, would undoubtedly mean the end of the whole capitalist stabilization and would cause a no less profound shaking of world imperialism than that caused by the Bolshevik October Revolution in 1917. Therefore the world bour- geoisie whose fate is bound up by a thousand threads with the fate of German capitalism, is following with bated breath the course of the class struggle in Germany, The dominating factor in the economic and political development of Germany is the Young Plan, The existence of the German bourgeoisie depends upon whether it will succeed year by year in squeezing on an average 2,000 million gold marks reparation payments and 1,600 million interest in debt, i. e., a total of 3,600 million marks out of the blood and sweat, out of the bones of the toiling masses of Ger- many as tribute to foreign capital. Six Months of Young Plan. Tt will soon be six months since the Young Plan came into operation, These six months have alre; shown that the Young Plan leads to disaster for German economy, to the shak- ing of the bourgeois class rule, to millions of unemployed, to wage cuts in all branches of industry, to the most frightful impoverish- ment of the working peasantry, to the ruin of innumerable petty bourgeois in the towns. The resistance of the toiling masses, the re- bellion of the working class, the’ indignation of the indigent middle strata in town and country are assuming increasingly sharp forms, The Young Plan, which has been in force hardly six months, is now threatened at its very foundations. The Young Plan is proving to be an insolu- ble capitalist contradiction threatening to re- sult in a violent explosion, The first victim of this contradiction is bourgeois democracy. The bourgeoisie, from the extreme Rights to their most Left Coalition Party, formerly the democratic party, recognizes that the Weimar Republic, parliamentary, is completely incapa- ble of securing the carrying out of the Young Plan and of holding back the threatening ad- vance of the revolution. Therefore the Ger- man bourgeoisie is doing away with the last remnants of the democratic system. Hence it is abrogating the Weimar Constitution by means of the dictatorship, Paragraph 48. Hence it causes Parliament to be dissolved by President. Hindenburg. Hence it is usirg all its political and organzational power to let loose the fascist tendencies and is arming the Nationalist Socialist terrorist bands against the working class. The overthrow of the Herman Muller coali- tion government by finance capital was the first signal for the setting up of the fascist dictatorship. The social democracy with min- isterial jobs is to be converted into a social democracy without ministerial jobs in order to proceed all the more ruthlessly against the revolutionary proletariat. The peculiar fea- ture of the fascisation of Germany is that the decisive groups of finance capital, with Hin- denburg at the head, are setting up the dic- tatorship themselves and at the same time making use for this purpose of the social democracy and the fascist bands, For the bourgeoisie the question is not: Fascism or social democracy, but fascism with social democracy, Thus there arises the peculiar situation that in the Reich the bourgeois Hin- denburg parties are in the government. while in the Prussian Government the same Hinden- burg parties share office with the social dem- building of effective city and state Trade Union Unity Councils becomes of major im- portance. This important organization, of which none yet exist that function as they should, is the artery of the Revolutionary Trade Union Movement of the cities and the states, is the coordinating, directing organ- ization which solidifies the workers of all in- dustries in joint strike struggle. Popularize the demands of the striking workers. narti- cipating in a leading capacity on all strike committees, not superceding but brincin= for- ward the strike committee as the leader of the strike, organizing demcnstrations against the fascist betrayers against police tery against the state, organizing mass wor! class violation of injunction, ideology and raising financial support for the strike, and eventually drawing larzer masses of workers into joint strike ugcle on con- erete demands. The United Front. The successful carrying through united front from below during a str be carried forward after the strike and the revolutionary, industrial unions and leagues have been built into powerful organs of the struggle. Not only in the preparation and during strike are the revolutionary unions and T. L, brought forward as the leaders of the struggle, but during and after th strike is over, definite organization gains must be shown. Build the Strike Fund. we must admit our weakness in ng spreadine class inly | organization, in preparations for strike strug- gle, our weaknesses in planned work. At this writing, August 31, the drive for the $100,000 Strike Fund launched by the T.U.U.L. is still very weakly in operation. The tempo of the campaign will have to be increased if we want to reach our objective of $100,000 strike prep- aration fund by November Ist. six months $3; two months $1; nx, New York City. and foreign which are: Ga Boroughs of Ome yr. $8; six mons. $4.60 . Peace, the Locarno Treaty, the Young Plan, as! ocracy, and in the Thuringian Government th same Hindenburg parties share office with th Nationa) Socialists. All parties in Germany therefore, with the exception gf the Commu ion parties, government par All parties in Germany with the excep tion of the Communists are therefore Youn parties, who, pported by the governmén power, fulfill the Young Plan at the cost o the toiling masses. Against Young Plan. The German Reichstag elections are a de cision of the ma: for or against the Youn; Plan. Herein lies the international impo: tance of the elections, The fascists are at tempting to win broad mas by means o the false flag of fight against the Youn: Plan, They have achieved certain successe lately in their policy. The petty bourgeo!: masses and that part of the working class Wh« vote for the national socialists in so doing ex press not their satisfaction but their dissatia faction with the eyfsting capitalist society their hatred and their bitterness against the Young Plan. The strengthening of the fascist: means, however, at the same time a strength. ening of the German bourgeoisie, which i: carrying out the Young Plan with all means. Therefore the Communist Party is throwing all its energies into the fight against fascism. We are exposing the national demagogy oi the Hitler par We are combatting the threatening enslavement and exploitation oj the German people by the fascist dictatorship by proving before all to the toilers in town and country that the national emancipation of rmany can be accomplished only by the so- ] revolution, by the overthrow of the bour- geoisie in Germany itself. The coming Ger- man Soviet Republic will declare the Versailles well as all the other imperialist treaties, agreements and plans to be null and void. The| German Soviet Republic will not recognize any frontiers ‘that have been drawn without regard to the right of self-determination of the peoples and without the approval of the| overwhelming majority of the toilers, The| German Soviet Republic, in closest economic] and political alliance with the Union of So- cialist Soviet Republies and supported by the brotherly solidarity of the proletariat in the victor states and of the oppressed peoples of the colonies, will oppose all acts of violence on the part of world imperialism. The German Reichstag elections are a deci- sion of the masses for or against imperialist war. The policy of the government party, the’ imper ialist policies of Hindenburg and Brun- ing, Hugenberg and Hitler promote the danger of war in the whole world. The imperialist German bourgeoisie, supported by the social democrats and fascists, is actively taking part in the preparations for an intervention war against the Soviet Union. We embody the common class struggle of the workers of Germany, France, Poland, Italy and Great Britain against the common enemy—world capital. Fight Fascism. The German Reichstag elections are a de- cision of the masses for or against fascism. Through the whole of Europe there is sweep- ing a wave of fascist reaction, which has been let loose by the ruling classes as their last resort against the radicalization of the pro- letariat, against the advance of the socialist revolution.’ Whilst the fascist dictatorships in Italy, Spain, Latvia and Poland are being shaken by the world economic crisis and the class struggle of the proletariat, new fascist dictatorships have been set up in Yugoslavia, Austria and Finland, In Germany, the great- est industrial state in Europe, a fight is rag- ing between fascism and proletarian revolu- tion. The bankrupt bourgeois democraey and its chief representative, the social democratic Party are in this fight unconditionally on the side of fascism. The Reichstag elections are a trial of strength for the inevitably approach- ing decisive fight between revolution and fas- cism in Germany which will be of the very greatest importance for the future develop- ment in the whole of Europe. The German Reichstag elections are a de- cision of the masses between Communism and social democracy. They are an important stage in the fight of the Communists for win- ning the majority of the working class. The social democracy, in the one year and nine months in which it participated in the coali- tion government set its approval to the crim- inal Young Plan, placed enormous burdens upon the working masses and systematically ereated the pre-conditions for the establish- ment of a fascist dictatorship. The elections will represent a settling of accounts with the party of Hermann Mueller, Severing and Zoer- giebel. They will be an important indication of the radicalization of the German proletariat, of the advance of the Communist Party, Fight Wage Cuts. The German Reichstag elections are, finally, an important decision on the standard of wages of the international proletariat." In Germany the employers’ offensive against the standard of living of the working class, for the purpose of carrying out the Young Plan is in full swing. If the German capitalists succeed in reducing the wages of the German proletariat by ten, twenty, thirty and forty per cent, it will mean a powerful incentive to immediate wage cuts in America, Great Britain, France, Italy and all other countries. The predatory character of the Young Plan lies precisely in the fact that its realization inevitably results in lower- ing the standard of living of the proletariat, in a threatening of the very existence not only of the German workers but of the workers of all countries. The worl] bourgeoisie realizes the meaning of the German elections. The French govern- ment journalist Sauerwein published in the “Prager Presse” of August 12 an article en- titled “the German Unrest”, in which he de- scribed the danger of a proletarian revolution in Germany. He declares that “sickle and hammer will not mean a very agreeable winter for Germany.” Sauerwein regrets the decline } of the influence of the soc'al democracy on the masses and appeals to all imperialist gover- ments to do their part in order to save the country which both geographically and politi- cally is the most sensitive spot in Europe from violent shakings. , The Communist Party will do everything in order that the German capitalists, these slave drivers for world capital, shall not be spared any not even the most “violent” shakings. In this hard fight the German Communists are sure of the sunrort 6f all Parties of the Com-» munist Thtewnationel, of all class-conscious.- workers in the whole world,