The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 1, 1930, Page 4

STRIKE STRATEGY Ry JACK JOHNSTONE. Article No. 2 extent that the r leagues carry out we be at plannec in p The whole pe strike s ing be organized however, must ‘ore the compe the cient been won over by the workers. s a glaring example of y where the leaders of the Union had not organized a had not organized a e committee, but de- upon the miners responding to The fact that 10,000 miners ndid strike for many weeks ned forces of the mine own- U.M.W.A. and I.W.W., and the ernment, showed the real fighting mood of the miners, the depth of which had not been plumbed by the leadership of our reyolutionary miners uni The forms that strike struggle commi assume, depends solely on the understanding of the functions of these committees, the pur- poses arfd objectives of the strike. In the event of an proaching lockout, or strike, we must immediately popularize the election of broad rank and file committees of ‘struggle against the lockout of strike committees which must take the leadership of the struggle upon themselves. If the strike or lockout is de- clared unexpectedly, the first organizational step'is the election of strike or locked out com- mittees by the workers involved, and should take place immediately and before the work- ers haye left for their homes. state gc al Large Strike Committee. The strike committee should be large and broad in scope, representing all categories of workers, especially the most exploited section, | the unskilled. The size of the committe na- turally, depends on the scope of the str it involves a number of shops or factories there will be a number of strike committees, with an elected central strike committee ex- ecutive. The strike committee has the task of ca’ ing*the struggle to a successful conclusion, keeping a constant registration of the strikers, pushing forward plans to still further broaden the stiike, organizes and leads the picket lines, enters into negotiations, if necessary, signs agreements, but only after the agreement has been accepied by the rank and file. This does not mean, by any means, the pushing to the one side of the election leadership of the revo- lutionary unions: on the contrary, it develops the prestige of that leadership which should become the leading center of the strikes. However, the strike committee must keep a constant watch over the A. F. of L. fascist bureaucracy who will always bé ready to step in with fake settlements, mobilizing the werk- ers to demonstrate before 1 ¢ company union building, against the fascist leaders, declaring that no agreement entered into by the bureau- crats will be binding upon the workers. These strike committees must become powerful in- struments in the hands of the revolutionary unions for driving the age.its of the bosses, Fight Against Starvation, Build | socialist party bu- movement, York shoe New workers ak strike is a good ‘ations, and of an in gles of the work of warni e workers, the lead- union made no Under the direction of the revolutionary ent, Commissioner Wood in- ted certain employers (with their consent, o break their contract with the In- hee Workers’ Union on the grounds t was under the control of the Commu nist Party, which the bosses verw gladly did. leadership of the union calling upon t nd file to immediately organi a rank and tile committee against the lock- out, they passed a resolution protesting to Mayor Walker against the interference of the Department of Labor in the business affaurs of the union; waited until the lockout was put into effe then declared a str 3ut, they made practically no effort to broaden the strike commitie held the hope for months that a favorable settlement could »e made. The work- ers put up militant struggle, many were clubbed an,! jailed, but the policy and strike strategy was wrong, which led them to defeat Cloak Strike Mistake, As in the shoe lockout, so in the fake cloak strike—agreed to by the bosses and called by the social leade: p of the I.L.G.W. com- e. pany union. Our leadership of the Needle Trades Workers’ Industrial Union failed to step into the strike leadership, failed to take | advantage of this favorable opportunity. Al- | though notice of the impending fake strike was given for weeks, the policy was: It is a fake strike—why have anything to do with a fake strike. The slogans, n the fake strike into a real strike,” “Organize rank and file strike committees” came too late. The op- lost and the company union ed themselves in the cloak field, and the N.T.W.I.U. is just now beginning to get an organizational foothold among the cloak The errors of these and of other strikes must not be repeated. The ba task of the strike committee is to completely tie up the plani by drawing all the workers into active participation for the demands of the workers—the organizational objective must be a 100 per cent strike. The demands 0” the strike may be of a very ele- mentary charecter at the beginning of a strike New strike slogans should be raised in the course of the struggle, including political de- mands, depending of course, upon new ations and changing conditions. Today, the importance of the demand for the 7-hour, 5- day week and unemployment insurance should be brought forward in every fundamental strike. was - Blexibility Necessary. The strike committee cannot operate on the principle “We win everything or we lose every- thing. Revolutionary class warfare deman flexibil: an understanding of the day-to- day tactics of the strike,,and the ability to understand how to maneuver so as to be able to determine whether a change in the relation- ship between the workers and the employers, benefits and strengthens the workers in any proposed compromise that falls short of the orginal objective. While we must guard against unnecessary rigidity, the main danger is and will be, the readiness to compromise. This danger becomes less to the extent that the strike committees are broad, including the un- skilled as the dominant element, and to the extent that they understand the program of action of the T.U.U.L. and revolutionary strike sfrategy. Democratic elections of strike committees must be followed bY the strictest inner dis- cipline. This is a fundamental neces the success of the strike. Any task assigned by the strike committee to any member, must be carried through. To leave it to the whim of every individual as to whether they will or will not carry out a decision would be ruinous, Those who will not carry out the decision of the strike committee must be recalled by the strikers and others elected to their place. Unemployed Councils By SAM NESIN. ITTO MANJA, an unemployed food worker, | his wife and three ‘children, have been or- dered evicted by the bosses’ court of Brooklyn for non-payment of rent. The case of Manja is one of 1700 evictions which take place in the city of New York every week. That is the number officially reperied in the capitalist press. If these figures are as reliable as the figures given out by the state labor depart- ment on unemployment there must be at least twice that many. This throwing of unem- ployed workers’ families and their few broken pieces of furniture out on the sidewalk repr sents the final kick in the face which the boss class and its government gives to the worker as a reward for his labor. On September 1st, so-called Labor the day which the bosses of the United States have set aside as a special day for spreading the poison of class collaboration, the A. F. L. fakers will be busily engaged. At this time when 8 million workers are unemployed and this army is increasing daily, when the em- ployed worker is being speeded up and his ‘wages are cut, when thousands of workers’ families are being evicted and thrown on the scrap heap, such agents of the bosses like Wm. Green, Matthew Woll, John L. Lewis and their kind will assemble in milifary other such places together with tl imperialist war mongers who cal! colonels, majors and rear a!mirals phasis on the rear, to give us the blahg about cooperation between ca labor, the principle of high wages, etc. A Classical Example. The most classical *c workers, can expect from ¢ collaboratian is the so-celle 5 t ference called together in Washington several months ago by our worthy president, Herb. Hoover, where miracles were to be performed. This conference was composed of representa- tives of large corporations and the A. F, L. fakers. Its purpose was to cover up and if possible to’ pacify the workers’ resistance to the at- tacks that are being made against their living y co standards. Now the United States Labor De- partment ig compelled to admit that of the very corporations that were present more than sixty of them have violated the so-called agree- ment and have cut the wages of their workers. It is also stated in this report that there seems to be no way of enforcing the understanding which they have reached. The bosses with the aid of the Wolls, the Greens and the Thomases are putting into ef- fect their understanding, which is wage-cuts, speed-up and lay-offs, We, the workers, can enforce our demands not through class collaboration but through class struggle. The Trade Union Unity League, as an integral part of its organiza- tional campaign, is building the Unemployed Councils on an industrial basis. Unemployed workers of every industry are called upon to orgagize into these councils which are linked up through the election of delegates to the shop delegates council of the industrial union or league of the respective industry. We must also carry on an energetic strugglé in the lo- cals of the A. F. L. to win over the rank and ile to the support of these unemployed coun- cils of the Trade Uniea Unity League. The councils are composed of all unemployed work- ers of the industry whether they be members of the T. U. U. L., A. F. L. or unorganized, This’ tagk of rallying the employed workers in support of the organization of the unemployed must be conducted in all shops and factories. Workers, Unite! We must unite the employed and the unem- ployed in the struggle against unemployment. For the Unemployment Insurance Bill as pro- posed by the Communist Party and endorsed by the Trade Union Unity League and the Unemployed Councils. This bill calls for the turning over of the billions of dollars ap- propriate] for war purposes to the unemployed. We must organize and fight against wage- cuts, speed-up and lay-offs. For the 7-hour day and the 5-day week. - Against evictions and for the release of the Unemployed Delegation. The T. U. U. L. and the National Committee of the Unemployed Councils have declared September 1st as a’ day | Central Organgei the-EdRynist Party USA J = Pata ma naga Daily. AWorker SEM at Telen Stuy DATWORK ie My - Sy matl everywtere: One vex SIX months $3 Peon Naw Nope S. oN a Miohaticc nas Uruk. Rea@vbrh Ole caaiiroun Gare two mouths 3} eacepuing Uoruughs of $8: six mons. $4.90 The New Wave’ of Wage- Cutting y WM. Z. FOS 5 risoner No. 52350. (Communist Candidate for Governor of New York State.) HE Daily Worker of a few days ago pubs lished the following quotation from the | “fron Age,” the organ of the great steel interests. “We are in for wage reductions. How sweeping they will be is another story. The doctrine of the consuming power of high wages is losing ground. There is too much rehiring at reduced rates, following recent shutdowns, to prevent a spread of the wage revising practice. What has occurred is largely outside the metal working fields, but the prolongation of this depression provides | the sentiment that fosters all sorts of wage cutting.” This is an impertant statement, considering its source. First, it is a practical admission of | what we have been saying all along, namely, that wilespread wage cuts have already taken place in the industries generally. Large | masses of workers have had, their wages cut from 10 per cent to 40 per cent by the in- sidious ‘method indicated. The assertion that such wage cuts have not taken place in the metal industry is a lie; the steel, automobile and electrical manufacturing sections being leaders in the wage cutting, especially of the unskilled, unorganized masses. ‘ ‘The New Boss Offensive. But most important, the “Iron Age” state- ment is a definite threat of furthe: wage cuts. It presages open, sweepin, hori- zontal, wage reductions in many industries, in- stead of the policy of: cutting rates depart- ment by department or by small groups of workers. This authoritative trade paper would not make such a statement unless the big capi- talists, whose policies it voices,. were deter- mined upon a wholesale wage cutting policy. Indeed this campaign is already well under | way. The capitalists deem the occasion opportune to further slash the standards of the Amer- ican working class. Of course they totally | disregard theit “solemn” no-wage-cuts pledge | to Hoover. The deepening economic crisis bears down upon them intensifying competition and price-cutting in the home markets, and wage cuts in England, Germany, ete., put them at a disadvantage in the struggle for world | markets. So they press on with wage cuts. | The big employers think they can get away | with the proposed heavy wage cuts. They | hold in their pocket the A. F. of b, leadership | as their chief strike-breaking weapon; the | great masses of workers are unorganized; ——_—— —— SO for demonstration against unemployment. On this day we will throw the lie about harmonious relations between the bosses and workers into the teeth of the contemptible fakers an! the boss class which they represent. In New York the workers from the shops and factories, from the unions, fraternal or- ganizations and the Unemployed Councils will rally to Union Square at twelve noon under the banner of the Trade Union Unity League and demonstrate their determination ¢o build | the militant industrial unions and the coun- | cils cf the unemployed in the fight against | starvation for unemployment insurance, “To Hell With Starvation! We Wan! Unemployment Insurance Now!” BY BURCK. Latin-American Revolts HARRISON GEORG HE present outbreak of revolutionary fer- ment in Latin America will appear differ- ently to many workers of the United States, whose views have been shaped by | capitali propaganda. Some, in spite of all Communists have said, and still infected with notions of American imperialism’s “exceptional” power, will regard the present revolts as “another joke” and will cite many of the opera bouffe insurrections of the past to “prove” it. Others, who have sheltered the same error in a form of philistine sentimentalism that wept over those victims of imperialism with- out any conception of the oneness of their struggle with our own, with the world revolu- tion, may be-quite at loss to understand what it’s all about, this wave of revolt. To Communists, however, who have the key of Marxism-Leninism to the understanding of social for the Latin American revolts are but another proof of the correct analysis of the Communist International of the present period as one of war and revolution. Let us explain briefly what are the chief forces at work. Imperialist Rivalry. 1, Imperialist penetration: Before the world imperialist war, England led in imperialist in- vestments and political influence. Since then, American imperialism has advanced rapidly so that now their investments are about equal. The battle for domination to the exclusion of ialism. 2. Native class relations: In the past the ruling class has been predominantly feudal, not of the category of feudalists who are tenant landlords, but rather great estate holders, with thousands of wage workers often half serfs and sold with the land. A partial development of some light indus- try and a native trading bourgeoisie nourished a bourgeois stratum which seeks to develop na- tive industry, become a big bourgeoisie and control government. Complication of Class Relations, Imperialist penetration, interested only in raw materials profitable investments (public utilities railways etc.) and markets for im- perialist manufactures breaks up not only the “normal” capitalist industrial development hin- dering manufacture, but shatter as well the “normal” class relations development, the con- solidation of either feudal or bourgeois classes in political parties of national scope, striving for political power. In Latin America, somewhat differently than in China, imperialist penetration in some cases conflicts with the great feudal landholders in those places where imperialists themselves be- —————— about 8,000,000 walk the streets unemployed. Thus, deeming the workers unable to success- fully resist, they go ahead reducing wages at an increasing tempo. It is a most important situation and great tasks and responsibilities devolve upon the Communist Party and the T. U. U. L, The or- ganization of the workers and their mobiliza- tion for struggle becomes of the most supreme and immediate importance. The workers will fight. They will not passively submit to all this pressure. They will fight bitterly. But it is up to us to give them organization and to lead them in struggle in the teeth of the systematic betrayal of the A. F. of L. and S, P. We must unite the employed and unem- ployed to make a joint struggle. Especially we must take advantage of the present elec- tion campaign to awaken and organize the workers. The struggle against wage cuts and for the relief of the unemployed will beéome especially acute with the onset of winter. We mut therefore prepare for real struggle on a mass scale, We must counter the employers’ wage cutting by a m atant strike policy. Workers! Demonstrate September 1! Or- ganize and strike against wage cuts! Fight for unemployment insurance! Build the Trade Union Unity League! Vote the Communist ticket! (Wriiten at Hart's Island Penitentiary.) s rival is the chief concern of each imper- | | come great planters and rationalize their hold- ings, competing at an advantage with the old feudalists. But imperialism needs political domination to insure and advance its interests, particularly when an imperialist rival enters the field. Hence the “normal” class struggle of the na- tive bourgeoisie to take power from feudalists and of the latter to retain it, is changed into a struggle often more violent than this “nor- mal” class violence, of fiercely contending groups, frequently mixed in class composition, against the ruling group, also of mixed com- position, in which one or the other of great imnerialist rivals are deeply interested. A dic- tatorship of one such group or another thus repiaces the “normal” violence of one-class rule which we “enjoy” under the name of “demo- cracy.” 3. The world economic crisis: Because these Latin-American countries are based mostly on an economy of mono-culture, their prosperity depends upon one or two raw material or agrarian products, the depression in imperial- ist manufacture brings a severe economic crisis, more severe than in imperialist coun- tries, cutting deeply into the income of all native exploiting classes, impoverishing the poorer petty bourgeois strata, and creating mass misery of utterly unbearable degree to millions of wage workers and the poyerty- stricken small peasantry. Political Effects of Crisis. 4, Taking advantage of this terrible misery of the masses, whose hatred for the native lackey of imperialism who rules as a dictator over them increases with their misery, British imperialism, in the cases of Bolivia and Peru, has intrigued with the discontented groups having military following and ousted the pup- pets of American imperialist domination in these countries. The almost instant answer of American imperialism was to attempt the same in Argentina and Brazil, where British imperialism dominates the government. 5. Where is this all heading? A revolution, properly termed, involves a transfer of power from one class to another. No change of this kind has taken place in Bolivia or Peru, though the revolts which put in new groups of native exploiters (of mixed class composition) and gained political domination for a different im- perialism, may dynamically awaken mass movements which will seek such a real revolu- tionary change. In Argentina, the same immediate outcome, or perhaps less, because of Yrigoyen’s greater mass following, may be expected, though the masses there, with proper direction by a Com- munist Party which practically does not exist in Peru or Bolivia, gives perspectives of rapid reyolutionary advance. Overture to World War. 6. Imperialist war: The crisis in imperial- ist economy drives both Britain and America into fiercer conflict, and these “little wars” in China and Latin America are but the overture to the inevitable war to the death on world wide scale between British and American im- perialism. The forces let loose by such a war allow the perspective not only for successful revolutionary advance in Latin America, but, as ‘the Communist International has pointed out, in a number of important capitalist coun- tries. This is a period of wars and revolution, 7. In Brazil, with a Cemmmunist Party with real mass following, schooled in three armed risings, with influence in the armed forces and an alliance with a sector of the petty-bourgeoisie, largely small peasants anxi- ous for armed struggle with maneuvering room and a program calling for ousting imperialisms, both British and American, land to the peas- ants, factories to the workers, nationalization of the large rationalized plantations under a Soviet government of workers and peasants, Brazil offers a really revolutionary immediate perspective, with characteristics similar in some ways to China, For Soviets In Brazil. This is the reason why the Communist Party of Brazil is raising the banner of civil war for the este''hment of councils of workers, peat ants, soldiers and sailors, against both the gul- | sooner or later! ‘ By JORGE : ! er entenntne Imported Goods We have always had the idea that the rea- son why an ordinary worker has a sinking feeling when told gruffly to report to the su- perintendent, is because that boss holds eco- nomic power, the power of sentencing the worker to death by starvation by firing him. From our esteemed contemporary and name- sake, the “Daily Worker” of England, we learn that we are all wet. It seems that the organ of our brother party in Britain thinks it well to run a column on physical training. And it’s not a bad idea. And the writer there- of thinks it well to advise the British prole- tariat to wash its feet daily, and not fail to open its bowels. Yes, it’s all there and re- peated for emphasis. Now, we are not for constipation as a Party policy, but when the physical expert of our namesake in London hands out the following, our bowels are un- moved by mercy and we must raise our hand in protest. He says: “Why have many work- ers an unconscious dread of the power and superiority that the boss exudes? Because when you are ‘on the carpet’ his teeth are white and his hands neat and fresh—your teeth are stained and your nails—well, look at them!” This does not appear to us as a way to bring the horny-handed sons of toil to Bolshevism. Let the workers, yea, even the unwashed,’ stand before the boss with clean class struggle and unity, and if _anybody’s bowels must move, let it be the bosses’, Hail to the working class, may it always be clean, but clean or dirty, the working class! Woodenheads We see that Mexico, so says the boss papers, is “cleaning its house of undesirable foreign- ers.” While we stand like a rock of Gibraltar for the right of any worker to stay in any country he feels like, we nevertheless must re- mark sardonically on the net result of all this woodenhead deportation mania that falls on the bosses of this and other capitalist countries. The reader will recall that Machado of Cuba deported seven Spaniards back to Spain re cently through New York. A revolutionary situation is rapidly ripening in Spain and these Communists will be needed. A brutal roundup of Mexican workers in the United States is throwing thousands, penniless and sore ut Yankee imperialism, across the Rio Grande. The American 100 per centers think they are thus making the country safe for Wall, Street. But what these Mexicans will do to American imperialism in Mexico Will Mattie Woll sleep sound- er after knowing that, let us say, a Red from Poland is sent back there? While he’s dream- ing, that Polish Red can do more real dirt to American imperialism in Poland than he might in the good ol’ U.S.A. So it’s all a woodenhead business, though we don’t expect to convert Ham Fish. If it wasn’t wooden- head, he wouldn’t be in it. Incidentally, Mex- ican “authorities” say, as an excuse to deport Reds, that Mexico has been overrun with for- eign prostitutes, and that’s why there’s got to be a lot of folks deported. But that excuse would seem insufficient. Why run out for- eign prostitutes and leave Ortiz Rubio, Portes Gil, and the rest of the “revolutionary family?” * ‘ * Holy “Wheels of Chance” Over in Brooklyn where things happen, the following occurred: The Williamsburg Post of the American Legion and the Hadassah Sis- terhood Gates of Prayer, and the Catholic Big Sister, all were having bazaars and other blow- outs, and the police (you know the police! They’re always doing something!) interfered. So the Gates of Prayer Sisters and the Legion boys and even the Big Sisters all went down to court to get an injunction out against the naughty police, who claim, it seems, that the Gates of Prayer Sisters, Big Sisters, and Le- gionnaires, too, were all running “wheels of chance,” butting in on the regular gambling games which are supposed to get the protec- tion they pay for. The dishonorable judge who knows “What Price Walker?” refuses the sanctified Sisters an injunction, so. we suppose that Brooklyn Catholics and patriots have to get along with the regular gambling houses. Gettin’ to be a heck of a country when Catholic sisters are forbidden to play poker! A Company Spy Exp sed 'HE Central Control Commission of the Com- munist Party of U. S. A. has approved the expulsion of T. S. Rawlings (T. L. James) of Birmingham, Ala., as a company spy. It has been definitely established by the Party District Bureau of District 17 that Raw]- ings in 1922, was engaged in hiring scabs for the Florida East Coast Railroad Co., and that he is now connected with an industrial detec- tive agency, the Corporations Auxilliary Co. Also, that he acted as a stool-pigeon against the Party since he succeeded in becoming a member of the Party this spring. Rawlings, a machinist by trade, is of slight build, about 5 feet, 4 inches tall, and weigh- ing about 120 pounds; age, about 45 years, has a receeding chin and very prominent front teeth stained with tobacco, smokes cigarettes, slightly bald, wears shell-rimmed glasses, He appears to have some connections in the labor movement and claimed to be a correspon- dent of the Federated Press. * All. workers? organizations against this spy. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION, Cc. P. OF U.S. A. are warned ing group dominated by British imperialism and against the “liberal” group (backed by Amer ican imperialism) now opening armed fight for power. 8. So long as revolts merely place new mil- itary dictators in the saddle, as in Bolivia and Peru, American imperialism, though hard hit, does not regard the case as hopeless. In both countries the new military regime has declared that all foreign interests will be respected. But should the masses rise independently and seize power, as is possible in Brazil, both imperialist rivals, without slackening their rivalry for @ moment, will agree on a savage intervention to crush the revolutionary masses. Every Amer- ican worker must stand ready to prevent such countcr-revolution,