The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 22, 1930, Page 4

a Page Four 28 PALWE New York FIRST “ANNIVERSARY OF THE T.U.U.L. SEPTEMBER 1 By JACK JOHNSTONE. ago Sept. Ist in Cleveland Union Educational League was r ognized as a revolutionary trade union ce! This was combatted by Gitlow and Zimmerman and other opportunist members of the National Committee of the T.U.E.L., on the grounds the U was entering a new period of pr perity that worlds capitalist crisis did not ef. rect America. In one short year, history proven the correctness of the program outlined at the Cleveland Convention. Sept. Ist, 1929, in Cleveland in mass conven- tion, the T. L. in line with the decisions of the Fourth Congress of the Red Interna- tional of Labor Unions, reorganized from a propaganda organization to a revolutionary trade union center. History itself has proved the correctness of the line of the R.I,L.U. to develop the league from a propaganda organ- ization to the leader of the economic struggle of the workers. . Sept. 1st, 1980, the Trade Union Unity League will celebrate its first year’s anniver- sary as a revolutionary center by organiz mass demonstration throughout the country against unemployment, wage cuts, speed-up and for workers’ social insurance. the Since the Cleveland Convention, hundreds of organizers of the T.U.U.L. and their af- filiated organizations are either now in the penitentiary or under indictment which will send them to the penitentiary for many years. And in Georgia, along with Communist Party organizers, the T.U.U.L. organizers face the electric chair for their activities in carrying out the decisions of the Cleveland Convention to organize the workers to strike against wage cuts, speed-up and to build the unions every- where on the basis of social equality between the Negroes and the whites to carry on a struggle against jim-crowism and segregation no matter in what form here. T. U, U. L. Leadership. Since the birth of the T.U.U.L. as a revo- lutionary center on Sept. Ist, 1929, the T. U.L. has participated in and led many ange struggles and participated in united front dem- onstrations against war and the March 6th demonstration against unemployment, and in the May 1st demonstration throughout the country: September Ist, 1930, on its first year as a union, the T.U.U.L. organizations with its own forces assisted by all the working class organizations and especially by the Commu- nist Party will lead a huge demonstration against unemployment. With cight million unemployed workers in the country, and unemployment growing, with wage cuts taking place everywhere, with speed- up developed to an unheard-of degree, with small farmers and agricultural workers stary- ing in the midst of raising foodstuffs, with the fascist leaders of the A. F. of L. and the so- cial fascists of the socialist party, more frank- ly than ever in united front with Hoover and the employers to overcome crisis by making the workers full becomes very lear that the tempo of organizing the workers must be increased and mass strike struggles its cost, it against wage cuts developed. Only the T.U. U.L. and its affiliated revolutionary unions | stand for this program and understand its necessity ani can lead the workers in such struggle. Sept. Ist demonstration against unemploy- struggle, for struggles against war and the ment, carries with it preparation for strike rallying of the workers for the Workers’ Social Insuance Bill as proposed by the Commur Pa to the Senate and the House of Repre- sentatives, In line with this proposal it is so nec o struggle for immediate un- employment relief. Immediate Demands. ork City has a cash balance in’ the £ over 56 lars. This should ediately expended for relief of the un- employe i The executives of the City of New York re- | ceive in salary over three million dollars ver ately they increased it by nearly six hundred thousand dollars. One-half of these huge salaries should be immediately cut and applied for immediate relief for the unem- ployed. The judiciary spends over 20 million dollars per year sending starving workers to prison from the picket line murderous gangsters and police, Many of these courts should and must be abolished and at least 10 millions of the money expended transferred for immediate relief to the unemployed. The city pays $1,777,000 annually for the | up-keep of armories and the National Guard which is used against the workers. This ex- pense should be abolished and the entire sum spent transferred for immediate relief. In the fight for Workers’ Social Insurance Bill we must also fight for the establishment of an emergency relief fund administered by the workers of the City of New York for non- eviction of workers who cannot pay their rent because they are unemployed, for free food | for school children of the unemployed. | Sept. Ist, 1930, the T.U.U.L. will bring for- ward in demonstration against unemployment its main struggles and demands. It marks a tremendous step forward from the propa- ganda days of the T.U 4 and expresses the growth of the revolutionary T,U.E.L. move- ment, in its first year as a revolutionary trade union center. Fight against wage cuts; for the 7-hour, 5-day weck. Wight for the Workers’ Social Insurance Bill. Fight ior | the immediate release of the Unemployed Dele- gation: Foster, Amter, Minor and Raymond, and the other class war prisoners. {ail the first anniversary of the T.U.U.L. as a revolutionary center by a mass fighiing demonstration against unemployment. All out on Union Square “Labor Day,” Sept. 1st, at 12 noon. and railroadin,: worker: and whitewashing against speed-up; Yankee Lackeys in Guatamala LINDO SOLORZANO is the name of the chief of police of Guatemala City and for ruthless brutality he would shine in Rumania or Jugoslavia. His favorite tactics when the workers stage a demonstration consist in turn- ing out al] foot and mounted police, in con- junction with regular army cavalry, artillery and infantry soldiers, to drive small groups up side streets, away from the street or place where militant workers try to congregate. The “driving” is done at the point of drawn sabers and bayonets. On May ist, the imperialist lackey “Pres- ident” Lazaro Chacon, sensing that the work- ers, under the leadership of the Communist Party, would a great demonstration, tried to sabotage the legitimate expression of the na- tive proletarians by staging an “inauguration” of public works—a small dam—with his yellow laborites and their mongrel unions. Whilst these festivities were in progress, Satrap Solorzano placed his urban police, rural police, mounted police, and a detachment of cavalry, all armed to the teeth, even to hand grenades, where the Communist-led masses were to congregate. As soon as the crowds began to gather, the methods of dispersal already described were put in practice. Several arrests were made, which included some Communist comrades, for distributing mimeographed leaflets. Slaves of Wall St. Between the coffee crisis and the wholesale looting of the national treasury by the Chacon gang, the country is practically bankrupt, with the consequent acute suffering of the enslaved Indian masses. As a means to prevent rebel- lion, and at the same time filling their pockets, the Chacon bandits voted to “contract a loan” with Wal] Street capitalists for twenty mil- lion dollars. This, of course, calls for the delivery of the @ountry’s Custom Houses to the management @ the money lenders and means the practical of the country to Yankee imperialism, in the same manner as Santo Domingo, Haiti, Nicaragua and Salvador, On May 19th, several thousand from all classes gathered on Sexta Avenida (the Guate- mala City Broadway), wearing small emblems as a sign of protest against the sale of the country and the consequent enslavement of the Population to Wall Street moneylenders. Though most of the protesters chose the “silent” method, the class conscious workers, led by the Communist Party, distributed leaf- Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. 1, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- ‘ist Party. Send me more information. aseres Central Office. Communist th St.. New York, N, Y. | | | bers of the penitentiary. lets and tried to make it a real protest dem- onstration. The police and army cossacks de- scended on Sexta Avenida and strenuously and brutally did their work, “dispersing” and ar- resting those who resented rough handling. About 200 arrests were made, including 14 organized workers, members of Red unions and | seven Communists. The majority were released after a day | or two in the hellish penitentiary, Fourteen workers, including the Communists, were held, on charges of “Disrespect to the Legislative Bower” and also on miltary charges. The lat- ter is the favorite method the Latin American despots have for throttling rebellious work- ers, as every man above 18 years of age is subject to military service and discipline, Communists Tortured. Torture is the usual thing with Guatemalan machete-generals and police degenerates and it is not the first time that they have tortured Communists. Comrade Alberto del Pinal has been beaten and tortured so savegely that it hag impaired his hearing. Two years ago, after the May Day demonstration, he was strung up by the testicles in the horror cham- Now he is in prison again, together with Comrades Pablo’ Lopez | Delgado, Manuel Marroquin (subjected to tor- ture) Agustin Gonzalez, Carlos Gonzalez, Max Gonzalez, Lorenzo Murcia and Jose Luis Soto. This last comrade had his home entered by the police scoundrels at night and, with his wife, hustled off to prison the police stole his typewriter and carried away the files of the Intenational Red Aid, of which he is local secre- tary. With the list of members in their poses- sion, Solorzano’s thugs are devoting themselves to hunting Communists and members of the I.R.A. Knowing what it means to fall into the hands of the totrurers and murderers, practically all organizers and leaders are in hiding, as they are actually hunted. Comrade Luis Villagran, Guatemalan dele- gate to the 1929 Congress of the Confederacion Sindical Latino Americana in Montevideo, was arrested and banished from the country about. four months ago, for the crime of organizing | the workers. He is now in Salvador. Robber Rulers. And in the meantime, machete-General Cha- con never tires of plundering, for himself, all his numerous rélatives, and his immediate gang of accomplices. When this Wall Street lackey | rose to power—after ths sudden death of his predecessor, Orellana, from “angina pictoris” | (2) and a fake election won with bayonets and fraud—he didn’t have “a grass mat to fall dead on” as the Indians say. He was not long in power before he com- menced to build a veritatde palace, a stone’: throw from the Central Plaza, Besides, he has sent his sons to be educated in Germany | and many members of his family—which is numerous—have gone on European tours, lav- ishly spending the country’s money. He was practically unknown before 1926, so much 80 that he was dubbed “The Unknown Soldier,” by the students, The Guatemalan bourgeoisie is determined to keep the Indian masses and all workers in general enslaved, as long as they have control over an army of automaton Indians. They fear Communism as they fear the christian devil. Actual chaitel slavery exists in their coffee | plantations , more than N Mauhattap and Bronx, BY BURCK. We Pledge To Carry On the Fight! The M.W.LL. Must Organize on the Basis of Shop Committees By PETE CHAPA, Head recent developments in the metal indus- try have proven beyond a doubt the deep going nature of the present economic crisis, and its effects upon the workers employed in this industry. The steel barons, like other bosses, are try- ing to solve the present crisis by cutting wages, intensifying the speed up and in general throw- ing the full burden on the workers. Especially is this obvious since the begin- ning of 1930, after the steel production has fallen to 50 per cent of capacity and the bosses became frantic to the extent of cutting the already low wages of the workers, which resulted in a number of spontaneous walk-outs. Strikes—But Too Small. In the year of 1930 alone dozens of depart- mental strikes have broken out against the plans of the bosses to still further reduce the standard of living of the workers. These walk- outs have brought up very sharply the ques- tion of the failure of the Metal Workers In- dustrial League to broaden these small depart- mental strikes into struggles that would in- volve all the workers employed in those partic- ular shops. The first point is that our form of organization in the M.W.LL. is still not the form that would make it possible, that is we have not organized our league on the basic form of struggle—shop committees. The corrupt, fake Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers cannot and will not make the slightest attempts for strug- | gle. But it is absolutely necessary that a be- ginning be made in transforming or reorgan- | izing the present structure of our league. Ignorance, Hesitation. Strikes have broken out in numerous places where locals or general leagues of the M.W. | LL. are organized and the results can prove this point. In Warren, Ohio, seventy workers employed in the Warren Tool and Forge Co. walked out against a wage cut ranging from 20 to 40 per cent and the general league did not know of this strike until one week later. This not knowing the nature and sentiment of the workers, coupled with a lack of understand- ing the first elementary tasks in a situation of this sort, resulted in no concrete organiza- tional gain for the M.W.LL. The second point to be noted is that where shop committees are organized, and struggles have broken out, there is entirely too long a period of hesitation, confusion and misunder- standing on the part of the members of the shop committee, A concrete example can be given in Baltimore, Md., where the workers of the Sheet Mill Department, Sparrows Point plant, rebelled against the introduction of the continuous mill, which process eliminated three men from a crew of eight, increased exploita- tion to the extent of increasing production by 200 per cent, ete. In this situation our com- rades, instead of immediately raising the ques- tion of bringing the entire plant out for strug- gle, hesitated and let the situation cool down to nothing. Must Get Ready. The gradually worsening conditions, the lowering of wages, increasing unemployement, is causing a tremendous stir among the metal and steel workers and the sporadic strikes oc- curing now are the signals for the approaching and developing struggles that will involve thousands of workers. All this makes it neces- sary that we make a complete turn, that the question of the building and strengthening of shop committees in every large metal manufac- turing plant be seriously considered and the necessary concrete organizational steps be un- dertaken to fulfil this task. The Election Campaign and the Workers’ Children By HARRY EISMAN. (Written in Jail.) wis the announcement of the Communist Party ticket for the next fall our cam- paign is now in full swing. Under the rotten political machine of Tammany Hall and the G. 0. P. one of the main sufferers are the children. In previous elections many workers have thought that children have nothing in common with politics. As a result of this thousands and thousands of children were drawn into clubs, circles and other forms of organizations by capitalict politicians during eection time to roo’ for them. The capitalist parties give these children all kinds of novel- ties announcing their candidates such as but- tons, blotters, pins, outings and ride along in trucks making as much noise as possible. Bosses Evlist Children. Thus, in this manner, workers’ children are won over by these parties and have their tninds doped up with patriotic ani cheap capitalist propaganda. In some schools, straw votes are taken where children are asked to vote for “their favorite” candidates. Still people say that children have nothing to do with polities. This is only one side, not mentioning how the present political machine that brings about starvation, unemployment and war affects the workers’ children, When a worker is unemployed, isn’t it the fault of the capitalists and their government? When a worker because he is unemployed comes home with the news of “No more money to buy bread,” doesn’t that effect his children himself? Therefore, we see that the worker’s child is as much if not more af- fected by polities as the adult, after all. Pioneer Election Tasks. During the last presidential election cam- paign for the first time on a large scale, the Y. P. of A. have organize! children’s meet- ings. parades and clubs for the support of our candidates. To some extent we entered the schools. Before school even opens, the Pion- cers will have the form “Foster for Governor Clubs” and “Vote Communist Clubs.” With the organization of these clubs, all our active forees must be utilized. These elubs should be formed wherever children are found. Espe- cially in the schools and playgrounds must this be done. Special children’s parades, meetings, picnics, gatherings, etc., must be organize { under the slogan of “Workers’ children have no bread. Working parents must vote Red.” Especially -vy with the present economic crisis will this slogan be effective. Cuban “Nationalist” Confesses ee so-called “nationalists” of Cuba, which fish with demagogic phrases for popular support much after the style of the Kuomin- tang in its early days, have been “permitted” by the dictator Machado to organize as a po- litical party to enter the coming elections. But they, with reason, distrust the “fair- of Machado’s mathematics in counting So their agents in the United tSates are intriguing in Washington for U. S. inter- vention to secure fair elections. And threaten- ing “revolution” if something is not done about it. ‘ ness” votes. Forcing Intervention, In the Spanish language paper “La Prenza,” their agent in the United States, a scoundrel by the name of Octavio Seigle, who has con- tinually tried to get working class support for the “nationalist” schemes—though the “nation- alists” merely wish to get Machado’s place as exploiters of the Cuban workers as lackeys of the Yankee imperialists, gives a brilliant idea of how they aim to force American interven- tion if Hoover doesn’t give it to them. Questioned about the possibility of an armed revolution in Cuba, Seigle says it is not pos- sible. But that bands of guerillas will, in dif- ferent parts of the island, destroy some Brit- ish property. This will make England, which Seigle slyly reckons'has a policy of making things uncomfortable for Uncle Sam, to send a cruiser and demand satisfaction, thus caus- ing Hoover to resort to intervention to stop England from violating the Monroe Doctrine. By this means the “nationalists” hope to com- pel Yankee imperialism to make Machado quit and let them serve Wall Street. Fake Talk. The “Nationalists” thus expose the fact that all their talk about “revolution” is a fake, that no action, even armed action, is directed to oust Yankee imperialism, but to get it to in- tervene in their favor. Cuban workers should never forget this, and when the fake “nationalists” start their “guer- illa revolution,” the workers must not follow them, but start their own armed revolt opposed to both Machado and the “nationalists,” with completely independent bodies of ‘‘gucrillas.” But attracting the whole mass of workers and peasants into a war for independence, for a workers and peasants government By the Pan-Pacific Trade ion Secretaria' and political ‘crisis which shaking it to its very foundations, The crisis started even be- fore the American crisis but the reaction of the American crisis on China has been most keenly felt. The intensified struggle for the Chinese market, the crisis in Japan and Korea, the sharpened competition from foreign goods, the | growing bankruptcy of the Chinese match and tobacco and other industries, the paralysis of | the silk and textile industries, the new wave SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Sy mat] everywrere: Une year $6 months $2; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of New York City, and foreign, which are: (me 3 siz mons. $450 (Shanghai). HINA is undoubtedly ahead of the other | colonial countries in the revolutionary | ; struggle. China is living through an economic | yvolyed in Mane own in the conflict over the e ‘Bastern Railway. Thus the militarist war in China is a c te manifestation not only of a deep cri of leadership in the Chinese counte: revolution but also of the t inten: tion of imperialist contra- 1s and conflicts of interest in the Pa- cific and of the growing danger of imperialist war, particularly against the U.S.S.R. At the same time the peasant war in south- ern China i ng in extent and intensity. The Soviet flag is waving over ever wider ter- The Workers’? and Peasants’ Red in China broaden an! strengthen the territorial basis of the revolution in China. of bankruptcies and runs on the banks in Can- In the Soviet districts and some other places } | ° ae pie we North, i Sorte OF un ny ag the main mass of the poor peasantry, the agri- Ories, the drop in silver, the decline of for- quatbans sooliaath = sign vqrade sinds-theawidecpread: yaralveie of | Curt, Worcers and spoliet het wena ao internal trade, the marked increase in unem- | Sut the agrarian revolution. They are carry ployment, widespread famine conditions and a | jng on a very serious struggle against the || re state of general panic—such are some charac- | jandlords, the gentry and all those who ham- || th teristics of the present situation in China. | per the agrarian revolution. A At the same time China is more torn than | Nothing can stop the forward march of the | | ¥ ever between the rival militarist cliques | Soviet movement in China. Neither punitive {Chiang Kai-shih, the northern generals, the | expeditions nor imperialist blockades, not even | Reorganizationists,” etc.) and the imperialist | girect imperialist intervention. by French, Bri-| | © powers which are behind one or the other of | tish, American and Japanese warships can| | * these, their “running dogs.” do ie ; By ahs eng Soy ene has avparenly | _ Simultaneously with the peasant movement Made such far-reaching Seaiaearaine tod apan | jin the provinces, a steadily rising strike move-| | 01 that Japan does not openly come out against | ment is recorded in the cities and industrial] | ai rene arauae cra oa areas | centers, though the movement of the industrial] | d vais Seen . proletariat lags somewhat behind the revolu-§ | s¢ and military advisors from, Japan. : tionary peasants’ movement. | nr _At the same time the United States supplies | The imperialists realize the world historicalff |! Nanking with guns, ammunition and bombing | significance of the Chinese Soviets. The First |" Planers: Sia rea the cao st | Soviet Districts Conference, which was held re-§| © Bs el eam ay Chiang with whole | cently, aul coming a Soviet Congress . ‘a Us nina roaden and stren; The British “Labor” Government and the | ee waverai in China. This Anema { Labor-Imperialists, while counteracting Amer- | ists can understand very well, hence their com. iean and German influence in Nanking through bined efforts to crush the Soviets. their political cémpradores (Hu Han-min & | The International proletariat must rally td Co.) SE a, slicting tt Psat ‘Re- | the aid of the Chinese Soviets and form an im & organizationists” and the Northern Coalition. | penetrable wall of international proletariarl | 17 French imperialism is meanwhile very active | solidarity, just as was the case with the Rus ec in Yunnan and Kwangsi, where in “defending | sian Soviets and the First Workers’ Republic t Indo-China” it directly helps to crush the revo- | the U.S. S. R. e “ : - ” 3 nternational Fampniets ‘ a q Anna Louise Strong, Modern Farming— | and degradation for employed and unemployed, 2 Soviet Style. 10 cents. | is the background for the demand of Work of 7 Henry Hall, War in the Far East. 10 cents. | Wages. The struggle of the Marine Worke: d Donald Cameron, Chemical Warfare. 10 | is carried on against shipowners subsidized b; e cents. | the Federal Government to increase their ‘ Grace M. Burnham, Work or Wages. 10 | swollen profits, against the “rationalization” cents, | carried on by these shipowners that throws 1 N. Sparks, The Struggle of the Marine | thousands of marine workers on the beach, and t Workers. 20 cents, against the labor lieutenants of the ship own: ] The first five of a series of International | ets—the officialdom of the racketeering craft] | Pamphlets have recently been published. Taken | Unions. Be ae ‘ as a group they can be considered an impor- pric thie Uaioa: tant task excellently accomplished. What The conclusions reached in The Struggle o 3 strikes one particularly is their readability. the Marine Workers are the building of tha An important factor in this respect is the militant, fighting Marine Workers’ Industrial , length of the pamphlets—three are thirty pages long, one forty, and one sixty. Several times this amount of space could have been devoted with justice to each subject. The re- striction to the smaller space allotted has made for an incisive and cogent presentation. There is no roundabout subtlety of argument. The argument comes straight out from the shoulder and follows through with certain and consistent impacts. In the pamphlets brevity and conciseness have not meant vulgarization of the subject matter or sloganizing. The authors know their material and have presented it in its es- sential features. Simplicity has resulted not from translating the factual material into empty generalizations but from the presenta- tion of the significant facts of the basic material. Live Subjects. The pamphlets deal with vital forces and struggles—the collectivization of agriculture in the Soviet Union “which is swinging one hundred million of the earth’s most backward peasants into farming more modern than America”; the seizure of the Chinese Eastern Railroad which crystallized in Manchuria, “the attack which the imperialist powers are direct- ing against the Soviet Union”; the key part played by the chemical industry in the prep- aration for the next imperialist war and for the attack on the Soviet Union; the challenge of unemployment, which means starvation, misery and degradation for the worker thrown on the streets and more severe oppression and exploitation for those still fortunate enough to have a job; the struggle of the marine workers under the leadership of the Workers’ Industrial Union for higher against speed-up, for social insurance, against. the blacklist, against racial discrimination, against the war danger and for the organiza- tion of the working class for the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism. The authors have presented these struggles against their appropriate background. Anna Louise Strong points out the need for collec- tivization to break down the primitive agricul- tural methods previously in use and to enable agriculture to fulfill its very important part in the Five Year Prégram. The present strug- gle in Manchuria is shown by Henry Hall to be on the one hand an accentuation of the im~- perialist rivalry which has fought since the turn of the century to partition China and on the other, a part of the general imperialist attack on the Soviet Union which has created an armed camp in the western border states (Poland, Roumania, Finland, ete.) to carry on the attack from that front. The feverish in- tensity with which the imperialist powers are furthering the development of the chemical in- dustry is one of the most significant features of the preparations for the coming war. Don- ald Cameron’s description of the physiological effects of the gasses to be used in the next war is a most compelling sketch of the hor- rors that capitalist society is preparing for the working class in the next war. “The certainty of unemployment” and its concurrent misery wages, Marine | Union and the defense of the Soviet Unio by the marine workers against the imperialis attack by a refusal to load or transport the arms anil munitions the capitalist class will attempt to use against the workers and peas ants of the Soviet Union, Cameron points ou! the imperative need for mobilizing the work: ers in the chemical industry under the lead. ership of the Trade Union Unity League fog an aggressive struggle against capitalist ex; ploitation and in defense of the Soviet Unio The answer of the working class to the “chal lenge of unemployment,” in Grace Burnham’} pamphlet, must be the organization of the wu’ organized, Negroes and whites, women an youth, employed and unemployed, led by thf T. U. U. L. Henry Hall points out that thi conflict of American capitalists with other i: perialists in China has “brought Manchurij into the life of the American worker” and h conclusion is that “it is against this danger (a an atack on the Soviet Union) that the wor ers of the world must remain on constat guard.” He has said too little in both rd spects. What imperialist war means to tl American worker should have received moy extended mention than these few words. should have been pointed out that “remainin on constant guard” against the attack on t Soviet Union means becoming a part of 1] revolutionary trade union movement and of tl Communist Party. These pamphlets whic] deserve widespread reading should lack not! ing in explicitness, In them conclusions mug be drawn—directly, conclusions which hamm¢ away at the need for the organization of th working class and at the tasks which lie b fore. A similar deficiency must be noted 4 Anna Louise Strong’s pamphlet. She notes passing that “in rich America farming bankrupt; it cannot produce a decent livii wage by living standards,” and that “man| millions of farmers’ sons have been dislodge into the unemployed of the cities, sacrificd to the machine and to farm efficiency—th: efficiency which piter all these sacrifices give no decent living.” But she does not say wh: “this most important harvest that has eve occurred since prehistoric man first learned t east grain on the soil for food” means to t! American agrarian masses as a solution their misery, nor does she point to the nee! for the organization of the defense of thi epoch making collectivization, for the defens of the Soviet Union. Both should have bee made ‘clear. The absence of explicit conclt sions in.two of the Pamphlets we find a ious shortcoming. _ Implicit conclusions may suffice for worke who are already class conscious but certai not for the unorganized workers and agrarit masses who should be reached through the: pamphlets, We have previously touched the excellent features of the group in its tirety.., Because of the extremely signifi stories “they carry these pamphlets should fi widespread distribution and discussion. Thei publication is certainly to be welcomed as pai of a proletarian pamphlet literature of rath widespread diversification of subject matte! They must become a powerful weapon in thi education of the working class. The pampi lets which the publishers note being preparation ‘ndicate that the a*senal will a ready «ne. {