The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 12, 1930, Page 4

lishing Co., me Stuy y Worker daily, except Sunda nt 1696-7-8. Cabdl 26-28 Union Squ le 6-28 Linton DAIWORK." e New" York N. ¥ -~< Daily The Political Report of the Central of the Communist Party o i. Among the Trotskyists the idea prevails that | are representatives of over-industrializa This view is, however, only partially cor- is only correct in su far as the close of toration period comes in question, at which juncture the Trotskyists rtainly did advance fantastic over-industrialization ideas. But with respect to the reconstruction period the Trotskyists, viewed from the standpoint of our tempo, are the most extreme minimumists and lamentable capitulators. (Laughter, ap- plause.) The Trotskyi in their declarations and platforms, make no statistical statements with respect to our tempo, but confine them- selves to general chatter on the subject. But one document exists in which the Trotskyists state in figures their views of the tempo of | the development of state indus I refer to the report of the “Special Conference for the Restoration of Basic Capital” in state industry, based on the principles of Trotskism. It may be of interest to devote a few words to this document, which was issued in 19 It is of interest for the reason that in this docu ment the Trotskyist schedule of the descend ing curve meets with complete defeat. According to this document, the amounts to be invested in state industry were to be as follow 1926: 1543 million roubles; 1927-28, 1490 million roubles; 1928-29, 1320 million | roubles; 1929-30, 1060 million roubles (on the | basis of the prices obtaining in 1926-27). Tht is the picture from the viewpoint of the descending Trotsky curve. What amounts have we actually invested? De facto we have invested the following sums in state industry: 1926-27, 1060 million roubles; 1927-28, 1304 million roubles; 1928-29, 1819 million roubles, and 1929-1930, 4775 million roubles (on the basis of the prices obtaining in 1926-27). That is the picture shown by the ascending Bolshevist curve. According to this document, the production of state industry was to increase in 1926-27 by 31.6 per cent, 1927-28 by 9 per cent, 1928-29 by 15.5 per cent, and 1929-30 by 15 per cent, That is the picture shown by the descending | Trotskyist curve. What have we attained in reality? In actual fact the growth of state industry has been as follows: 1926-27 19.7 per cent, 1927-28 26.3 per cent, 1928-29 24.3 per cent, 1929-30 32 per cent; in 1930-31 it will reach 47 per cent. That is the picture shown by the ascending | Bolshevist curve. As you know, Trotsky advanced this capi- tulative theory of the descending curve parti- cularly in his book “Towards Socialism or Cap- italism.” Here he states in so many words that since “before the war the expansion of industry consisted mainly of the building of new plant” and “at the present time the ex- pansion cunsists to a~much greater extent in the utilization of the old plant and undertak- ings,” “it is only natural that with the close of the process of restoration the co-efficient of growth is bound to sink considerably.” He suggests that “during the next few years the | co-efficient of industrial growth be incréased to not only double, but triple the six per cent of before the war, if not more.” Three times six per cent of annual industrial growth! How much does that amount to? A total of 18 per cent yearly. In the eyes of the Trotskyists 18 per cent yearly is therefore | the maximum growth of state industrial pro- duction under the conditions of accelerated de- velopment created by planned economics in the period of reconstruction—that maximum to- | I. W. W. and Craft Union Fakers The Party wards which we are to strive as an ideal, Let us compare this chandler-shop wisdom of the Trotskyists with the actual growth of produc- tion in the last three years (1927-28 26.3 per cent, 1928-29 24.3 per cent and 1 0 32 per cent). Let us compare the philosophy of cap- itulation of the Trotskyists with the 47 per cent increase shown by the control figures of the State Planning Commission for 1930-31, exceeding the most rapid of increase of pro- duction during the restoration pericd—-and we shall gain a clear conception of the entirely reactionary character of the Trotskyist theory of the “descending curve,” the whole profun- dity of the Trotskyist lack of faith in the pos- sibilities of the reconstruction period. This is the reason why the Trotskyists are * now lamenting over the “excessive” Bolshey tempo in the development of industry and the collective farms. This is the reason why today it is no longer possible to differentiate the Trotskyists from our Right opportunis It is self-evident that without destroying the Trotskyist-Right-opportunist theory of the “des- cending curve,” we should not have been able to carry out either a really planned system of economy or to increase the tempo and shorten the terms. In order to guide the realization of the general line, to ¢ rrect and improve the Five-Year Plan of reconstruction, to increase the tempo, and to guard against errors in the wor' of reconstruction, i s first ofvall neces. sary to shatter and liquidate the reactionary theory of the “dese: “-¢ curve.” As I have already said, the Centraf Commit- tee has -cted on these lines. It might be assumed that the work of guid- ing the building up of Socialism, of carrying out the general line of the Party, has proceeded quietly and without friction, without struggle and effort. But this is not so, comrades. In actual fact the work has been carried on amidst the struggle against the inner Party diffi- culties, amidst the struggle against all manner of deviation from Leninism, both in the sphere of general policy and in the national question Our Party does not live and move in empty space. It lives and moves in the midst of daily life, and is influenced by its surround- ings. And in our case these surroundings con- sist, as you know, of various classes and social groups. We have taken up the intensified of- fensive against the capitalist elements, we have made great headway with our socialist indus- try, we have exerted our utmost forces in the development cf the Soviet and collective farms. Such advances as these are not without their effect on the exploiting classes. As a rule they are accompanied by the ruin or the disappear- ing classes, by the ruin of the kulak in the vil- lage, by the limitation of the field of activ of the petty bourgeois strata of the towns. It it quite understandable that all this is bound to arouse a sharper class struggle, a greater resistance to the policy of the Soviet power on the part of the declining classes. It would be ridiculous to suppose that the resistance of these classes does not find its reflection, in one way or another, in the ranks of our Party. And as a matter of fact, it is reflected in our Party. The reflection of the resistance of the classes on the verge of extinction is to be seen precise- ly in the various deviations from the Leninist line observable in the ranks of the Party. Can we carry on a successful struggle against the class enemy without fighting sim- ultaneously against the deviations in our Party, and without overcoming these deviations? "Ve cannot, for the reason that it is impossible to take up the real struggle against the class enemy so long as that enemy’s viewpoint is Betray Workers ot Northwest BY A SHINGLE WEAVER. __ 7 i For some time the militant workers of the Northwest have been kidding themselves | into believing that the Shingle Weavers’ Union, | which is a narrow craft union organization, was | a fighting organization, despite the fact that its very structure and looseness paralyzed and condemned this organization in advance. This union, whose members are now faced with bitter struggle, is impotent in the face of the onslaughts of the Northwest lumber barons, and, what is worse, the fakers of the I. W. W. are proving themselves, in their alliance with the misleaders of the Shingle Weavers’ Union, as a social-fascist element. On May 11 there took place a convention vi the Shingle Weayers’ Union in Centralia, The Trade Union Unity League and the National Lumber Workers’ Union, which is an infant in- dustrial union affiliated to the Trade Union Jnity League, brought before this convention the program of the National Lumber Workers Union for industrial unionism, and struggle against the lumber barons, The speeches and resolutions of the aJher ents of the T, U. U. L. pointed out the present Pitalist crisis on a world seale, including the United States of America, and especially the deep-going crisis of the lumber industry, and laid down a program for resistance and strug- gle and for building a big industrial union of all lumber workers, of which the shingle weavers were urged to become an integral part, thus strengthening the position of the | lumber workers by building a big industrial union in the lumber industry. The T. U. U, Le The Trade Union Unity League pointed out | | | that the present decaying condition of the lum- ber industry would lead to a campaign of wage- cuts, unemployment, speed-up, etc, and, theres fore the convention must take steps to mob- ilize all the forees.in the lumber industry, in- cluding the shingle weavers, and make wide- ¥pread preparations for taking the offensive even before the attacks commence, At this convention, the faker, “Stumpy” Payne, who writes for the l. W. W. (Wobbly) sheet, which is published in Seattle, slander- ing the revolutionary struggles of the work- ers everywhere, this individual who presumes to pose as an industrial unionist, made an alli- 4 ice with the A. F. of L. agent in the Shingle- Weavers’ Union, the faker, Mr. Lovelace, ail | the shyster tricks were resorted to by this odious combination to defeat the proposals of the Trade Union Unity League, and only by a slim majority of one vote did they succeed in doing s0. Mothers’ Day. The convention happened to be convened on that particular day which the capitalist busi- ness men designate as mothers’ day, to do a big business in flowers and candy, ete. This occasion was utilized by the I. W. W. faker as a means of distracting the thoughts of the workers from their real problems, as though “mothers’ day” had any baring upon the strug- gl-s of the working class. No sooner had the convention adjourned than the news came about that a wage-cut in Kalama, Wash., by the Blue Ribbon Products Co., manufacturers of shingles. The National Lumber Workers Union delegates and organ- izers immediately proposed to assist in every way possible the workers in organizing their strike against this wage cul; this was resisted by Lovelace, in a very artful manner, by posing as being in favor of the strike on the floor of the union meeting, an] working insidiously when the meetings were over, to smash the strike, The Trade Union Unity League pointed out that Kalama was simply the beginning of a general attack against the shingle weavers and demanded that the shingle weavers union unite with the Trade Union Unity Leagué to carry on the struggle. Four members of the Trade Union Unity League attended the Gray’s Har- bor local of the shingle weavers union several months ago, and pointed out these same prob- lems and pledged the cooperation of the Trade Union Unity League. After many suggestions were made by the T.U.U.L. representatives Lovelace used several of his flunkeys to defeat the coming struggle of the shingle weavers and himself acting as a dummy, refused to give a single encouraging word or show any leadership in the face of all these wage cuts, while from the floor, his partner Payne thundered to the shingle weay- ers in typical boss-fashion not to accept any “outside aid,” using all the arguments of the bosses about how it would be bad for workers to receive the assistance of “outsiders,” ete., and several oiher flunkeys of Lovelace kept continually juinn'ne to the Mer, throwing wet Licn.ews over every proposition still reflected in our own ranks, and as we have people in our faith in our cause, in every possible advance, Hence the irreconciliable struggle deviations from the Leninist line i urgent task of the Party Why is the Right deviation the chief danger in the Parcy at the present time? Because this deviation reflects the kulak danger, and at the present moment, the moment of the developed offensive and of the uprooting of capital o long rear who have no oring forts to d who y to hamper our e against the the most «Worker Central Orfeo Ryist Party U.S.A. f the Soviet Union SUBSCRIPTION RATES: 5 s t re: Une year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs o! Machen and Breex, New orm City, and foreign, which are: One yr. $8: six mons. $4.59 ening the country must the,C.C. do in order to overcome Right d tion, to remove the last traces of the “Left” deviation ,and to clear the path for the maximum concentration of the Party around the Leninist line? First of all the last remnants of Trot- the remnants of Trotskyist theory, must be cleared out of the Party. We have long since shattered the Trotskyist group as opposition, and ept it out of the Party. Now the Trotskyist group represents an anti-pro- letarian and anti-Soviet counter-revolutionary group, industriously keeping the bourgeoisie las ce ie. 3 Bis SS CAWSADE AD SENSE sous th Eton’ OSES : ee wee as Pereekes has The Whalen Forgery Trail Leads to Chas. Wood and Bachman By VERN SMITH. URTHER and more complete evidence of the “hook-up” between the Fish committee, the forgers of the Whalen documents, Commis- sioner Wood of the U. S. department of labor, the New York police foree and the Russian monarchist espionage service and forgery mill in the U.S. has been provided by the incautious statements of one Gregory Bernadsky and two police officials. Together they make some startling revelations, printed Saturday in the New York Telegram (a Seripps-Howard paper) of the devious methods employed and degen- erate elements used to try and start a com- bined imperialist war on the Soviet Union. The war plan has not been abandoned. One of the most significant things admitted by New York Police Deputy Inspector Edward J. Lennon of the Sixth In: strict is that Bernadsky is “deciph Soviet codes for the department of justic Since there are no secret Soviet Codes in America, and since Bernadsky has not so far even posed as a code expert. this statement can only mean that either Bernadsky has been commissioned by those in America who want trade embargo and war on the U, S. S. R. to cut some more for- geries “out of the whole cloth,’ or that he has been given the commercial codes of Amtorg subpoenaed from Western Union by the Fish committee, to be mistranslated as he sees fit. He's That Kind of Expert. Bernadsky is an expert both at mistransla- tion and forgery. Coupling what he told the Telegram, and what is otherwise known of him, his career is as follows He is a Russian monarchist and underworld character who came into America about 1920 or 1921. He went to work in a bakery, which he left by being arrested for stealing sugar. When he got out of that mess, he_onened a gambling joint, known as the Philinn Club, at 138 W. 119th St. He was raided and arrested by the New York police on March 20, 1930, and he and 21 others, monarchists and other sorts of white guards, pleaded guilty and were | sentenced. He had been arrested at other times. But this time, knowing the war move against the Soviet Union was coming, Ber- | nadsky appeared before Police Inspector Arehi- bald MeNeil and Deputy Inspeetor Lewnon, ac- cording to their own story to the Telegram, with documents showing that he was an ad- visor for the U. S, department of justice, work- ing against Communists. That Makes Him All Right. “When Mr. Bernadsky showed me his work with the department of justice,” said Lennon to the Telegram man, “I saw he was all right.” Of course he was all right! During the Fish | committee stay in New York, every kind of - | underworld characters and smugglers and ille- gal entrants got a clean bill of health from the police if they would testify to some kind of lie against the Communists or the Soviet Union! - Bernadsky, feeling his immunity, advertise: his club in the Russian monarchist paper in New York, in an open and flagrant manner. | He printed on December 8, 1929, in Novaye Russkaye Slovo a full-page alvertisement illus- trated with drawing, showing himself presiding over monarchist meetings, handing drinks to | those who can pay, running “commercial | games” (gambling), and (fine emotional ap- | peal), giving carfare home to those who lost all their money in his gambling hell, Under a cartoon showing Bernads!y handing a dollar to a patron whose pocket is turned inside out, Bernadsky says: “And finally, if you intend to go home, and perchance have no money, the management of the Phillin Club will gladly pay for the trip.” The cld Monte Carlo ethics: | | “Don’t shoot yourself on the premises.” Even the nere “Philinn,” is a Russian word, the “pane of o ''5d of an owl a bird of prey that | flies by niyo. | of them are hi | tisement in the American Observer. This is the sort of character that the Fish committee took to its bosom. Bernadsky sat right behind Representative Bachman, of the Fish committee, all through the sessions in »w York, translating what was said in Rus- sian by witnesses, and prompting Bachman what to ask. He was clearly either Bachman’s protege, or Bachman was his—and much can tt be said about that partnership. Bernad- sky boasts to the Telegram that he told the Fish committee what witnesses to call and what to ask them. “Interpreting.” On the final day, Bernadsky was sworn in by Chairman Fish to act as the committee's official interpreter, and as such he was three times caught lying and exposed by the Am- torg interpreter there, receiving mild repri- mands by Fish on one occasion, but not being ousted from the interpreter’s chair. é During the course of the testimony by Max Wagner, who actually printed the forged lettér- heads of institutions in Moscow on which tke “Whalen documents” were typed, Wagner poin.ed dramatically to Bernadsky and identi- fied him as one who came to his shop ‘with Yasowa, the employe of Novoye Russkoye Slovo who ordered Wagner to do the forgery job. But even this did not dislodge him from his post back of Bachman—Bernadsky seems to have as much of a key position in the anti- Soviet Union war plot as even Djamgaroff, the paid darling ef Mrs. Loomis, sister-in-law of Seeretary of State Stimson. Undoubtedly both in the ranks of the Russian monarchist espionage service and organization of gunmen, “The Union of the Sovereign’s People.” What's a little thing like running a gambling joint if you are a useful forger and false witness relied on by the war mongers? Inciting Murder of Workers. Bernadsky took open action against the work- ers of Ame , he was not content merely to plot against the workers of the Soviet Union. In a full-page alvertisement in Novoye Russkoye Slovo, April 27, he called on all white guard assassins (of whom some are en- rolled in the Russian monarchist battalion in ; the Ninth Regiment of the N. Y. National Guard, with another large contingent manu- facturing daggers to use on the workers at the machine shop of the Sikorsky airplane factory) to get their badges from the Philinn Club and to march with the Veterans of Foreign Wars on May 1 Bernadsky, like many in the war plot, talks too much, To the Telegram reporters he boasts that he is starting a weekly magazine, to be called “The American Observer,” a sheet to incite attacks on Communists and all militant, workers. And Commissioner of Labor Charles Wood. he who as an United States official ordered the breaking of the contract with the Independent Shoe Workers Union in Brooklyn and started a lockout in 57 shons last year, has, says Bernadsky, taken a full-page adver- Further- more, Wood, says Bernadsky, is a frequent vis- itor at Bernadsky’s office! . Sernadsky also boasts that he ordered the police raid recently on an East Side drig store, alleged to be the headquarters of the Cheka To be sure, that was rather a shot in the dark, for the proprietor of the store turned out to be a member of a Tammany club instead of a Communist, and the Cheka was not found there, but it does show the confidence of the pdlice in this somewhat mysterious and wholly un+ savory figure, Bernadsky, Bernadsky boasts, like Djamgaroff, that he operates a spy service in Amtorg. Like Djam- garoff, with his state department connections and his “A. B, C. News Service,” a clear trail runs up and down, through the underworld, connecting the forger an! gambling joint pro- prietor with the police, with the U, S. govern- informed as: to the affairs of the Party. The Party has not yet been quite cleared of the last residue of Trotskyist theory, of Trotsky- ism. First of all, therefore, this last residue must be cleared away. What is the éssential character of Trotsky- ism? The essence of Trotskyism lies above all in its denial of the possibility of building up Socialism in the Soviet Union with the forces of the working class and the peasantry, What does this mean? It means that unless we be- fore long receive the aid of the victorious world revolution, we shall be obliged to capitulate to the bourgeoisie, and to make room for a bourgeois-democratic republic. Here we are faced with a bourgeois denial of the posibility of building up Socialism in our country, a denial veiled in “revolutionary” phrases on the victory of the world revolution. Are such views calculated to arouse the millions of the working masses to work, to socialist competition, to the mass movement of the shock troops, to the in- intensified offergive against the capitalist ele- ments? It is clear that they are not. It would be foolish to assume that our working. class, which has passed through three revolutions, would permit itself to be won over for the mass movement of the shock troops, or be filled with enthusiasm for work, if all this is due to manure the soil for capitalism. Our working class is not putting its shoulder to the wheel for the sake of capitalism, but to the end that capitalism may be finally exterminated and So- cialism established in the Soviet Union. If you deprive the working class of its conviction of the possibility of building up Socialism, you cut from under its feet the very basis of so- cialist competition, c*” working energy, of the shock “roops. Hence the conclusion: In order to win over the workers for intensified work, and for the shock troops ,and in order to organize the developed offensive, it is of first importance that the bourgeois theory of Trotskyism--the theory of the impossibility of building up Socialism in our country—be finally buried. Secondly, it is’part of the essent‘al character of Trotskyism that it denies the possibility of inducing the decisive masses of the peasantry to participate in the work of building up So- cialism in the village. What does this mean? It means that the working class is unable to draw the peasantry along with it in bringing over the individual peasant farms to the col- lective system, so that unless the world revo- lution.comes ‘to the aid of the working class, the peasantry will restore to the old bourgeois order. Here we have a bourgeois denial of the power and possibility of the proletarian dicta- torshir to win over the peasants to Socialism, a denial concealed behind the mask of “revolu- tionary” phrases on the victory of the world revolution. Can such views as these bring the peasantry into the ‘collective farming move- ment, or orgatize the liquidation of the kulak as a class?’ It is clear that they cannot. Hence the conclusion: In order to organize the collective farming movement and to liqui- date the kulak, it is.of first importance to bury the bourgeois theory advanced by Trotskyism, that it is impossible to include the masses of the working peasants in Socialism. Finally, it is part of the essential character of Trotskyism that it denies the necessity of an iron discipline in the Party, and maintains the necessity of forming the Trotskyist party. According to Trotskyist conceptions, the C.P. S.U. should not be a united and firmly-welded fighting Party, but a loose assemblage of groups and fractions, each with its own centers, its own press, etc. And what does this mean? It means the proclamation of the freedom of political fractions in the Party. It means that the freedorn to form political groupings within the Party must be followed by the freedom of political parties in the country, that is, by The Communist in the Dakotas HE present crisis in the entire farming dis- trict has aroused the farmers more than they have ever been roused before. Evictions will be the “order of the day” all next fall. To our call for action, the forming of Farm- ers Leagues, of tenants and poor farmers to strike against these evictions, the farmers an- swer, “We are ready for action, something must be done” and to find out just what ‘our” program is;.what the Communists say should be done—brings large crowds to our meetings. When evening “open” meetings of the Farmers. Clubs are held here, even in-harvest time; men, women, and children turn out to the meetings. Of course, they don’t: open the meetings until 9.30 as all the chores must be done first. They give little heed to the old political “dopesters” but when tae-Communist speaker takes the floor, eager attention and great applause is given. The farmers’ wives are especially good listeners, At the open air meeings in towns and vil- lages, the crowd will stand for hours, and after the speaker is all through, they stand for another hour or so asking intelligent ques- tions. The open air demonstration at, Willis- ton, August 2nd, and the great Ratification Convention Pienic August Srd, were really re- markable illustrations of the awakening of the fatmers, tired farmers and their families, hun- dreds of unemployed men looking for jobs as farm workers, all flocked to these meetings. One marked feature of the present crisis is the growing understanding of the Problems of bee ara namtccrrmpecmrerapcerame ne ee ea croe tnntn iin te SORENTO LE SR AAP eT oP eA Se ment department of justice and department of labor and, Fish committee, particularly with Bachman of the Fish committee and Commis- sioner Wood with the assaults on’ American workers, with Yassowa; the Whalen document forger, with the monarchist espionage organ- ization and its military organization and its organs of propaganda already published and still to be launched, United with them all, doing stool-pigeon and propaganda work for them, is the Jewish Daily Forward, organ of the socialist party (see ar- ticle by Novick in the Daily Worker of Aug. 9). At the very ceriter of the conspiracy is Mat- thew Woll, vice-president ef the A. F. of L. and heated defender of the embargo on Soviet Union products, Woll, and his collaborator in Committee to the XVI. Party Congres Comrade J. Stalin’s Address on June 27, 193¢ bourgeois democracy. Here we have an ; sertion of the right to form fractional grou in, the Party, involving the permission to fo political parties in the land of the proletari dictatorship; this is concealed behind t phraseology of the “inner Party democrac and of the “improvement of the regime.” Tr: skyism is not capable of comprehending th the freedom of fractional squabbles is not inn Party democracy, but that the open self-crit ism promoted by the Party, and the tremendo activity of the Party masses, form a very re and genuine inner Party democracy. Can su views of the Party secure that iron discipli in the Party, that iron unity in the Part which is necessary for the successful strugg against the class enemy? It is clear that th | cannot. Hence the conclusion: In order to ensu the iron unity and proletarian discipline of t Party, it is first of all necessary to bury t organizational theory of Trotskyism. The essential character of Trotskyism } actual capitulatory attitude as content, “Lef phraseology and adventurous “revolutionar: gestures as form, concealing and camouflagir the capitulatory content. The inconsistency of Trotskyism mirrors t inconsistent position of the impoverished pet: bourgeoisie, which cannot bear the “regim: of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and e deavors either to spring over “immediatel: into Socialism and to avoid ruin (hence a! venturism and hysteria in polities), or, whe this is impossible, to make every concession capitalism (hence the capitulatory policy). This inconsistency in Trotskyism explair the fact that as a rule Trotskyism crowns ii “raging” sham attacks upon the Right devi: tions by forming a bloc with these as cap tulators without masks. What are these “Left” derailings observab in the Party in the field of the collecti\| farming movement? These represent a certai attempt, though an unconscious one, to reviy among:us in actual practice towards the midd! = peasant. They are the result of that erre of policy which Lenin named “over-administra tion.” This means that some of our comrade: carried away by the successes of the collectiy farming movement, have tacked the work o building up the collectives not so much a builders, but as administrators, and thereb permitted a number of serious errors to cree)| in. There are some people in our Party who be lieve that the “Left” sectarians should nc have been called to order. These are of th opinion that our Party workers should no have been offended and their enthusias damped, even where this enthusiasm led + errors. This is nonsense, comrades. Peopl: who can speak like this are only people anxiou! to swim with the stream. These same peopl will never be able to follow the Leninist line they will never be able to swim against th: current when the situation demands wher the interésts of the Party require it. Thesc are follow-in-the-wake politicians, not Lenin ists. That the Party has been successful i? leading so many comrades back to the rich‘ path, that it has been successful in correctine the errors and attaining successes, is due t precisely the fact that it has gone determinedly ‘against the current in the interests of the realization of the general line, And ‘this i: Leninism in actual practice, Leninism in lead ership. And therefore I believe that unless we had overcome the “Left” deraflings we should not have been able to attain our present succe: in the collective farming movement. This is the actual practice of the struggle against the last remnant of Trotskyism and against relapses into Trotskyism. | (To be c ntinued.) Party Campaigr the industrial workers. The close relationship between the poor farmers and industrial work ers is now being realized. The old antagonisms are breaking down. , Jobless Express, In all the small towns, every passing freight train, deposits literally hundreds of unemployed workers. We talk to them as they sit arn- lessly on the curbs of the sidewalks, or gathar in groups of hundreds around the railway sc? tions. Many of my old friends from the mines of Illinois, Ohio and Pennsylvania; the loggers of Seattle and often textile workers greet we from the crowd, cheerful, but militant, deter- mined, ready to organize for “Work or Wag 8” and social insurance. This is our great respun- sibility. Here they are displaced by the mack inery of industry, facing the new farm machinery. The poor farmers can’t buy this machinery so they pay $2.00 per acre for the use of the combines. In one town we heard a “kulak” say, “I can get all the men I want for 50 cents per day.” We see men from the far south faint with hunger, begging for bread. We have many coming to our headquarters. They ride with us in our campaign Ford car, we intro- duce them to the poor fatmers and after they have told each other their troubles, they agree unanimously: “There is only one way out, and that is to organize our forces to get the own- ership of the land and machinery and to fol- low. the footsteps of our Russian comrades and organize a workers and farmers govern- ment in America.” the National Civic Federation, Ralph Easley, beth helped to spring the Whalen forgeries, both knew of them before they were made public, Djamgaroff, the monarchist and fellow- plotter with Bernadsky, boasts of his friend- ship with Easley and with Whalen. For that matter, Bernadsky also, according to Lennon's statement to the Telegram reporter, “was a great help to Commissioner Whalen,” Every direction you turn you run across fresh connections between the capitalist gov- ernment, the A. F. of L. bureaucracy, the social fascists, the capitalist class itself, the under- world hirelings and the monarchist espionage and propaganda services. They are all inter- eran and they are for war with the Soviet