The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 8, 1930, Page 4

Wage Four e sy, . Published by the Comprod shing Co. Inc dafly except Sunday at 26-28 Union SURSCRIPTION RATES: ee a we ad alae yee PSuyveniut, UES Cable: CMA WORK. Dai or eX By mail everywhere: One year $6; six months §3; two months $1; excepting Horoughs of “Nady ti Mail at ebecks to the Daily Worker 26-28 Union Square New York NY yi} Mav hatter? and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One yr, $8; six mons. $1.50 fos ‘the-CdRmunist Porty U.S.A. Te Political R eport of ie Central Committee to ihe XVLP arty Congress the present small peasant system of livestock | can it be regarded as a serious hindrance to ‘ ‘ Il. The Increasing Progress of tl.: Building-Up of Socialis and the Inner Situation of the Soviet Union. (Continued) 5. The problem of increasing the produc- tivity of labor. Without a systematic intensifi- cation of the productivity of labor, in industry and agriculture, we cannot fulfj] the tasks of reconstruction, and not only are we unable to overtake and outstrip the most advanced capitalist countries, but we cannot even main- | tain our own independent existence. Hence the | problem of the increase of labor productivity is of paramount importance to us. The measures taken by the Party for the solution of this problem extend in three direc- tions: the systematic improvement of the ma- | terial situation in the industrial and agricul- tural undertakings, and finally, the organiza- tion of socialist competition and of the shock brigades. And all this on the basis of perfected technics and ratjonal organization of labor. It is our task to develop further the mass campaign for the carrying out of these meas- ures. 6. The problem of supplies. In this problem we must include the question of providing ade- quate supplies of the necessary products to the workers in town and country, the adaption of the cooperative apparatus to the needs of the workers and peasants, the systematic raising of the real wages of the workers, the lowering of the prices of jndustrial goods and agricul- tural products. I have already referred to the faulis of the consumers’ cooperative societies. These faults must be rectified and a policy of reducing prices pursued. With respect to the shortage of goods (goods famine), we are now in a position to extend the raw material basis of our light industry, and to increase the out- put of goods for the mass consumption of the towns. The situation is more difficult with regard to the supplies of meat, milk, and vege- tables. This difficulty can, unfortunately, not be liquidated within a few months. At least a year is required. After the lapse of a year, the Soviet farms and collective agricultural undertakings organized for this purpose will afford us the possibility of guaranteed ample supplies of meat, milk products, and vege- tables. What does the securing of supplies of these products mean, since we have already in our hands reserves of grain, manufactured articles, the building of workmen’s dwellings, and the cheap communal institutions? It means that we control the whole of the decisive fac- tors determining the household and the real wages of the workers. It means the guarantee that the wages of the workers will rise rapidly and finally. It is our task to develop the work of all our | organizations in this direction. 7.. The problem of credits and the circula- tion of money. The rational organization of our credit service and the purposeful disposal of our money reserves are of serious impor- tance for the development of our national economy. The measures taken by the Party for the solution of this problem extend in two djrections: The concentration of all short-term credits in the State Bank and the organization of non-cash transactions in the socialized sec- | tor. By these means the State Bank becomes a national apparatus for the control of pro- duction and the distribution of products, and | velopment of the smelting industry. in the second place a large amount of money is withdrawn from circulation. There can be no doubt that these measures will lead (and | are already leadjng) to the regulation of our whole credit service and to the stabilization of our chervonetz. 8. The problem of the reserves. It has fre- quently been stated, and a repetition is need- less, that any state, and our state in particular, cannot manage without reserves. We possess some reserves of grain, goods, securities. Our comrades have already had the opportunity of convincing themselves of the favorable influ- ence of these reserves. But “some” reserves do not suffice. We need solid reserves in every line. Hence it is our task to accumulate reserves. B, Industrial Tasks. 1. The main problem here is the forced de- It must be remembered that we did not regain and pass the pre-war standard of crude iron pro- duction until the current year 1929-30. This is a serious threat to our whole national economy. In order to do away with this threat we must resort to a forced development of our smelt- ing industry. By the end of the Five-Year Plan we need, not the ten million tons of crude iron of our original estimate, but 17 million tons. This is a task which we must ac- complish at any price, if we are determined to ensure effectual progress for the industrial- ization of our country. The Bolsheviks must show that they are able to accomplish this task. This of course does not mean that we must neglect light industry. Not by any means. Hitherto we have saved in every direction, in- cluding that of light industry, in order to build up heavy jndustry. But now we have restored our heavy industry. All that we now require is its further development. Now we can turn to light industry, and develop this at an accelerated pace. What is new in the develop- ment of our industry consists in part of our now possessing the possibility of developing both heavy industry and light industry at a greater speed. The outstripping of our planned program for this year in the growing of cotton, flax, and sugar beets, the successful solution of the hemp and artificial silk problem—all this bears witness to the fact that it now ac- tually lies in our power to promote our light industry. 2. The problem of rationalization, the low- ering of the costs of production, and the im- provement of the quality of the products. The gaps in our rationalization, the “non-fulfil- ment” of the plan for the reduction of the costs of production, and the inferior quality of the goods produced by-many of our undertakings, can no longer be tolerated. These gaps and de- fects exercise a pre upon the whole of our national economy. and hinder jts advance- ment. We ought to have wiped out this stain long ago. The Bolshevists must show that they are able to master this task. 8. The problem of the sole power of com- mand. The violations of the sole power of command in the practice of our uniertakings is intolerable. Again and again the workers com- Build International Labor Detense By BEATRICE SISKIND. At this time when the militant working class organizations are growing in influence and pashing full force the slogan of “on to the masses,” “ to the shops, factories, mills and mines,” the attack of the bosses is sharpening In Atlanta, Georgia, the existence of the T.U.U.L. and the C.P. is challenged by the use of “inciting to insurrection” to burn in the electric chair the six organizers of the N.T W.U. and the C.P. In California, by the use of the infamous “criminal syndicalism laws” which sends organizers to the worst prisons in the country (Folsom, Calif.) for terms of 8 to 42 years. The arrest and detention of Foster, Amter, Minor, Raymond, the leaders and symbols of the rising movement of strug- gle among the unemployed workers, again struck at the heart of the working class move- ment. A Central Task. To defend the militant organizations there- fore, is now a central task that the Interna- tional Labor Defense must fulfill in this period The I.L.D. is called upon to throw in its en- ergy to provide al] possible legal assistance to wrest from the clutches of the enemy our best fighters, as well as to mobilize the work ers for a fight for their release. To conduct a struggle and mobilize the working class against the increasing wave of brutal lynching of Negro workers, and to protect the foreign born workers, now facing infamous “anti-alien” bills in Congress to deport and outlaw foreign- born militants. The case of Serio and many others now being defended by the LL.D. These are important and serious tasks. What has been done so far to accomplish this is insuf ficient in proportion to the growing needs. We must at this time examine and analyze the role of the International Labor Defense. The mistaken conception that the I.L.D. is only an auxiliary is fundamentally narrow and must be done away with. The notion that the LL.D. is an agency that bails workers out, sends lawyers for defense and pays fines is a hinderance towards the development of a fight- {ng mass defense apparatus. The Internation- al Labor Defense is a mass organization. It has a definite and distinct role to play in the Struggle of the American and international working class movement. The I.L.D. can only accomplish this role by broadening the organizational base of opera- tion, to include the broadest strata of the working class, and to mobilize mass support and pressure around arrests, persecutions of mili- tant workers, lynching of Negro workers here and in the -olonies. While at the same time gathering funds to give all legal assistance possible to fight for the release of militant | workers. The LL.D. must also overcome completely the tradition of legalism, which was the re- sult of opportunist leadership. Many strides | have already been made in this direction. Le- gal costs have been reduced to a minimum, the paying of fines, a practice that ate the resources of the organization has been abol- ished, and the tendency tended to reduce the LL.D. to u collection agency rather than a militant fighting organization. With this new orientation we must go for- ward to build. What is the duty of the revo- lutionary organizations to help the Interna- tional Labor Defense overcome its difficulties to develop and bring into leadership those workers who show an understanding of the need of a militant defense organization? The duty is to give ideological leadership to the new turn in the I.L.D. Those workers who are actively engaged in putting into practice the vigorous move of | the Trade Union Unity League to organize | the unorganized and to build militant revolu tionary unions face police terror every day. The International Labor Defense is daily de- fending workers struggling for the right to organize and picket. Hence the organization of I.L.D. branches must be rooted in the shops | and factories and among the unemployed in the councils of the T.U.U.L. These must be the backbone of the mass de- | fense organization. The practice of independ- ent defense work in the different unions must be discouraged forever. The practice in this past to spend thousands of dollars on lawyers, of using the organizers as court messengers. and spending energy in collecting defense funds tended to isolate thc case as the prop erty of that particular union. No efforts were made to broaden support around the particular case and use it as a base for further struggle by drawing around it those workers hitherto untouched. This manifestation in the unions is a remnant of craft ideology and is legalism in the crassest form. The only way to utilize and gain the full value from the attack of the bosses and their government is to build defense groups in the shops and factories, which groups should be knit together into a central organ- ization. Truly International. The International Labor Defense as part of the world revolutionary movement has tremen- dous possibility to support the increasing strug- gle in the colonial countries. In recént years, and now to a greater extent, the workers and peasants of the colonies have been subjected to feudal tortures, to open murder and deporta- tion. The struggle of these workers, especially in Mexico and Cuba is as near to us as the rlain: “There are no leaders in the undértak- ng,” “there is no order in the work.” It can no longer be tolerated that our undertakings are converted from centers of production into parliaments. Our Party and"trade union organ- | izations must at last realize that without the security of the sole power of command, and withovt insistence on strict responsibility for the course of the work, we are not in a posj- tion to solve the problems of the reconstruc- tion of ir lustry. C. Agricultural Tasks. 1, The problem of livestock breeding and technical plants. Now that we have essen tially solved the grain problem, we can pro- ceed to the work of simultaneously solving the livestock breeding problem—at the moment a vital question—and. the problem of technical plants. In solving these problems we must pursue the same path as in the solution of the grain problem, that is, we must gradually re- organize the technical and economic basis of Arise, Farmers! In the Soviet Union, the farmers by revolution have won security. are fighting to overthrow the imperialist robbers. the revolution. Vote Communist! In China they In America the farmers must join Soviet Farm Workers’ Lite On Collectives Matthew Woll, Acting President of the National Civic Federation and his gang of monarchist advisors have been “releasing” lies to the capitalist papers about “convict labor” in the Soviet Union. They contrast the “slaves of the state,” as they call them, with the “free labor” of capitalist America. The Daily Worker has asked the Labor Re- search Association to present the facts about labor in various Soviet industries. The first article, dealing with Soviet miners, by Anna Rochester, author of Labor and Coal, appear- ed on Aug. 6. In the following story of the Russian collective farm workers, Anna Louise Strong tells of conditions among the peas- ants. The reader can judge for himself, which is “freer”—the mortgage burdened American farmer and the peons of the Southern states, or those who work on the soil in the land ruled by peasants and workers.—Editor. os See By Labor Research Association. “TENS of kilometers of rich black earth in a single piece, combining the lands of 22 hamlets—such was the commune ‘Fortress of Communism.’ In its fields at regular intervals, brigades were working, brigades of oxen, brig- ades of horses, and one brigade of seven an- cient tractors, from 4 to 7 years old. They were driven night and day, stopping only for refueling, and half an hour at night to cool a little, just so you can touch it with your hand.” Thus Anna Louise Strong, a journalist who has lived for about ten years in the Soviet Union, describes the 1930 spring sowing at a | collective farm in Hopiorsk in the Lower Volga region. In her vivid pamphlet, Modern Farm- ing: Soviet style, prepared for the Labor Re- search Association and published by Interna- ~ tional Pamphlets, she tells of the peasants’ life in collectives and of the new farm cities that are rising. Here are a few excerpts from her story: “At night the fields were dotted with lights of the encamped brigades. Music of the bal- alaikas arose; motion pictures and political | discussions were held in these encampmeats. All the kolkhozniki (members of the collective farms) said: ‘It is easier and merrier work- ing together. Some plow, some harrow, some seed, and some mend harness. Now even the horseless peasant finds constant work. We are planting twice what those same people planted last year.’ Collectives. “At present, in April, 1930, the proportion of peasants in the collectives is estimated as about 40 per cent of all peasants. In regions where tractor stations offer greatly improved seat of their oppression—Wall Street. More support to and demonstration of solidarity for | our comrades in the colonies must become part | of the daily task of the International Labor Defense. i And to carry out these tremendous respon- sibilities the International Labor Defense must have the unflinching support of the struggling working class. Support and build the I.L.D. as a true shield in your struggles! mechanized farming, nearly all join the col- lective farm. Even without the tractor, col- lectivization remains strong and stable wher- ever the example of an experienced artel or commune or the leadership of a good. organ- izer makes benefits clear to the members. In the fields of Hopiorsk were not only the peasants. Every gind of bridage poured into the villages: city workers, students, profes-, sors, judges, bookkeepers, young Communists, to help the collective farms. A brigade of opera singers from Leningrad was touring the | Budarino district, to sing for the festive pro- | cessions that opened the sowing. Shock Brigades. “Brigades of Young Communists, city bred youths and maidens were following a harrow for the first_time in their lives, under the laughing instruction of the peasant boys and girls. Their Party work was not merely to help the collective farm with labor, but to strengthen the local organization of Young Communists. ‘i “One of the most ambitious of all these pro- jects is the Socialist Farm City of Filonova, which is being built on local funds plus gov- ernment credits, under the general manage ment of the Timiryasev Agricultural Academy of Moscow. A board of 15 farm experts is in permanent charge of the task; Professor Bushinskova is already conducting the soil survey; the students of the Academy will make topographical surveys as practice work. The academy is also to send down a brigade of livestock speciglists to test all the cattle, elim- inate the unfit and organize the breeding. “During the first year, 1930, three Tractor Stations begin to work the collective fields. This spring they have already 100 tractors; by autumn there will be 300, 1930 a network of telephone lines goes out across the country, The collective peasants have cut the poles, and were only delayed-from erecting them by the early sowing; immediately after the sowing they return to this labor. Socialist Rivalry. “Architects are competing with many de- signs for this farm-city. type of housin ; calls for 3-story brick houses, each planned for 1,000 adults, and the propor- tionate number of children. All adults capable of labor, from 18 to 60 years of age, will live in these houses, each having a separate room. A man and wife have two rooms, adjoining. Each person has a room of eight square meters floor space, which is considered adequate, since the rooms are only for retirement. in the common rooms of the house, “This plan was originated by the minds of Hopiorsk peasants and their local Party or- ganizers; it was worked out by the Agricul- tural School. ‘In the days to come, they say, ‘the work of sowing and reaping will be done by organized groups going ou: from the cities, of which the thousands of workers’ brigades and the festive processions to the fields are this year a forerunner. The workers of the In the spring of * reeling and cultivation of technical plants by reans of the organization of Soviet and col- sctive farms, the fulerums of our pol ‘attle breeding,” “sheep breeding,” preeding,” “dairy trust,” plus collective live- stock breeding undertakings. The existing oviet and collective agricultural undertakings engaged in the cultivation of technical plants are the starting points of the solution of this problem, 2. The problem of the further development of the Soviet and collective farms. It need scarcely be emphasized that for our advance- ment in the village this problem is of para- mount importance. see that among the peasantry a mighty and decisive turn from the old to the new has taken place; from enslavement under the kulak to the free life of the collectives. There is no going back to the old. The kulak system is condemned to extinction, and will disappear. Only one way remains open, the way of the collective farm; and this way is no longer un- known and untrodden. It has been tried and tested by the peasants themselves in a thou- sand ways. Triel and judged as something new, something bringing the peasants libera- tion from enslavement under the kulaks, from want and ignorance. This is the fundamental point of our achievements. How will the movement in the village de- velop further? The Soviet farms, our most powerful aid in the reorganization of the structure of the village, will march at the head. They will be followed by the numerous collective farms furthering the new movement in the villages. The collaboration of the two systems creates the conditions for the com- plete collectivization of every part of the Sov- iet Union. One of the most remarkable achievements of the collective farming movement is the fact that it has already produced thousands of peasant organizers and tens of thousands of agitators. We, the qualified Bolshevists, are no longer alone; the peasants on the collective farms, the tens of thousands of peasant or- ganizers and agitators for the cause of the collective farming movement, now bear for- ward the banner of collectivization. They are splendid agitators for the collective farms, for they find arguments in favor of collectiviza- tion which are comprehensive and acceptable to other peasants, arguments which would never occur to us, the qualified Bolshevists, even in a dream. @ Here and there we hear of the necessity of abandoning the policy of entire collectivization. There are signs that adherents of this “idea” are to be found even in our Party. But only those who have, consciously or unconsciously, joined with the enemies of Communism can speak thus. The method of entire collectiviza- tion is that necessary method without which the carrying out of the Five-Year Plan of col- lectivization in every district, of the Soviet Union is impossible. How can we renounce this method without betraying Communism, without committing treason against the in- terests of the workers and peasants? This does not of course mean that in the work of the collective farms everything is bound to run “normally” as if “oiled.” There will always be ups and downs in the collective undertak- ings. There will be high and low tides, But this cannot and must not confuse the adherents of the collective farming movement. Still less Now even the blind must | the mighty development of the collective farm- ing movement. A movement as sound as the | collective farming movement undoubtedly will * “pig attain its goal in thé end, in spite of the vari- ' ous obstacles and difficulties. { It is our task to prepare our forces and to © make everything ready for the further advance- ment of the collective farming movement. 8. The problem of the close rapprochement of the apparatus to the districts and villages. There can be no doubt that we should not have mastered the stupendous task of reorganizing agriculture and in developing the collective farming movement had we not adopted the system of division into rayons. The enlarge- ment of the departments and their conversion into districts, the abolition of the guberniag and their conversion into smaller units, and finally the divisioning of districts as direct bases of the Central Committee—this is the general picture of the rayon system. The aim of the rayon system is to bring the Party, Soviet and economic-co-operative apparatus into closer touch with the district and. the village in order to create the possibility of solving in good time the acute questions of agriculture, its improvement and reconstruc- tion. I repeat that the rayon system has been abre to bring great benefit to our reconstruction work, But has everything been done to ensure real and actual contact between the apparatus and the village? No, everything has not yet been done. At the present moment the center of gravity of the collective farming movement has been transferred to the district organizations. Here all the threads of this movement and of all other economic activities in the village, whether from the co-operatives, the Soviets, the credit and supplies services, run together. Have the district organizations enough helpers to enable them to carry out all this multifari- ous work? What is to be done? What steps can be taken to make good this lack and to supply the district organization, in every sphere of our activities, with the necessary number of collaborators? For this purpose at least two things are necessary: Firstly the abolition of the subdivisions (applause), which form a usless dividing barrier between depart- ment and district, enabling the workers thus released at the cost of the sub-divisions to re- inforce the collaborators in the district organ- izations. Secondly, the immediate contact of district organization and the department (de- partment committee, central committee of the federal republic). This means the completion of the rayon organization, the rapprochement of the apparatus to the districts and villages. The suggestion of the abolition of the sub- divisions has been met with applause here. Certainly the sub-divisions must be liquidated But it would be a mistake to assume that th necessity justifies us in abusing the. sub-div sions, as some comrades have done in the col- umns of the Pravda. It must not be forgotten that these divisions have performed much wo and played a great historical role in their time. (Applause.) I am of the opinion that it would be an error to abolish them too hastily. The Central Committee has adopted a decision upon the question, But this does not mean that this decision is to be put into force at once. This abolition will obviously have to be preceded by the necessary preparatory work. (To Be Continued.) Capitalist Canards - By HARRISON GEORGE. Wate the Fish committee is on a vacation, the capitalist press is filling the gap with odds and ends of fairy tales, hokum and plain “bull,” which, while ridiculous, are designed quite deliberately at continuing the war propa- ganda against the only effective leadership the working class has in its struggle—the Communist Party. Hence, on the front page of the New York Times we find on Tuesday the absurd lie that, as the headline runs: “Soviet Troops Kill 200 Strikers in Odessa After Workers Hold Barri- eades All Night.” Clearly this is meant to keep up the “forced labor” lie which the fascist Matthew Woll and Secretary Stimson are spreading. But what can workers expect from the Times, which hires a member of the “socialist” party especially to write up its lies about the Communist Party and its activities? Then the World on Wednesday takes respon- sibility in an editorial for a “story from Rus- sia,” which “story” appears in no news item in the World or any other paper we can find. | This editorial, with a touch of diseased erot- icism, pretends to be a sorrowful essay on human fraility, but weaves the ridiculous fairy tale about Stalin “in fury” sending his son “under guard” to the Caucasus because the boy “married a seamstress” who, of course, has melodramatically, “disappeared.” But what can workers expect from the world, whose voluble lies about the Commu- nists ¢an only be matched with its silence | about (if it likes such things as its editorial The present favored | All din- | ing, social life and care of children take place towns will thus secure variety of life and healthful labor. The drudgery of the isolated farm, snow-bound, uncultured, will vanish forever’ ? Workers? Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U 43 Kast 125th Street. New York City SA |, the undersigned, want to join the Commu nist Party. Send me more information. Name . AddreSB Jie cceeeereeeeeseeees UitY ceseees UCCupation ..cecesceccceeeeees... Age . Mail this to the Centrai Office, Communist Party, 43 Bast 125th St.. New York, N. ¥, inlicates) what was going on besides “ ing” on Mayor Walker’s yacht during his re- cent vacation; or the fact that city scows of the _Sanitary Commission are in the bootleg busi- ness regularly, both before and after the re- cent misunderstanding which caught only one; or what all this has to do with the appoint- ment of Walker’s private secretary, Charles Hand, of the itching palm, as head of the San- itary Commission. The World, as Coolidge says, “does not choose” to find these things under its own dirty nose, but must gossip about mythical love affairs of Stalin’s relatives, after the best style of the local Trotskyists. Then, on Wednesday, also, the Journal car- vied a big hea-lline about the “Reds” having caused the race riot on Welfare Island prison. A later edition had to cut out the headline, but quotes Commissioner of Correction (what an ironical name for such crooks!) Richard C. Patterson as “denying” that the “Reds” had anything to do with the riot. Who made the assertion in the first place only the lying capitalist press knows. Did Patterson delib- erately start the canard by “denying” it? But what can workers expect of the Journal, which says not a word about the Jim Crow system imposed upon the prisoners by the “honorable” commissioner, a system which in- cites race prejudice. Alas, it had to be ad- mitted that Foster, Amter and Raymond were on a different island miles away, and that only Bob Minor was on Welfare Island and he was in the hospital. i Such stories as all these, from America’s “best” capitalist press, should show the work- ers how roiten, putrid and stinking it is. Such proof should arouse them to positive an] per- sistent action in supporting, in every possible way, the Communist press, and, first of all, and by the y Worker! fight for Woe! C Insurance! Demand freedom for the Unemployed Delegation! Or- ganize Shop Committees!’ Demonstrate for un- employment insurance September First! Vote Communist in the elect There are ways all workers can show their contempt for the bdeses’ iying press! Support the The Daly Worker 1s the Party’s hest instrument to mate contacts umeony ibe masses of workers, to build a mass Communis: Party. %