The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 7, 1930, Page 4

1 Page Four New York mail ali City, N » and Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co Sau y Addres checks to the Di inc. daily, except Sunday, at 26-28 Unton Telephone Stuyvesant 169€-7-8 Cable: “DAIWORK." ly Worker 8 Union Square. New York. N ¥ By mati everywhere: Une year $6; six months $3; Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: SUBSCRIPTION RATES: two months $1; excepting Boroughs of One yr. $8; six mons. $4.50 he Political Report of the Central Committee t of the Communist P arty ll. The Increasing Progress of the Building-Up of Socialism and the Inner Situation of the Soviet Union. at does the Soviet em of economy The Soviet system means that: 1e power of the capitalist class is over- ne means of production, the land, the works, etc., are taken away from the sts and handed over to the working and the masses of the working peasantry; The development of production is not ated to the principle of competition he securing of capitalist profits, but to .d economic organization and syste- dvancement of the material and cultur- the workers; e distribution of the national income ade in the interests of the enrichment the exploiting class and its numerous para- ¢ adherents ,but in the interests of a syste- matic betterment of the material position of ers and peasants and the increase of socialist production in town and country; 5.) The systematic improvement of the ma- terial situation of the workers and peasants, and the steady growth of their requirements (buying powers), forming a constantly increas- ing source for increased production, secure the working class from crises, from greater un- employment, etc.; 6.) The working class, which is the ruler of the country, works not for the capitalists, but for itself, for its own class. Of what does the capitalist system of eco- nomy consist? The capitalist economic system signifies that: 1.) The power in the country is in the hands of the capitalists; 2.) The means of production are concentrat- ed in the hands of the exploiters; .) Production is not subordinated to the prin- ciple of improving the material situation of tle working masses, but to the principle of securing high capitalist profits; 4.) The distribution of the national income does not take place in the interests of the improvement of the material situation of the working masses, but in the interests of secur- ing a maximum profit to the exploiiters; 5.) Capitalist rationalization and the rapid growth of production, having as their object the securing of high profits for the capitalists, find themselves running against the barrier of the impoverishment and lowered material security of the millions of the masses of the of the masses who have not always sibility of*satisfying even their minimum s, a state of affairs inevitably preparing the ground f- -~-production erises, for in- ere’ ed unerployment, ete.; 6.) The working class is a class of the ex- ploited, working not for itself tut for another class, the class of the exploiters. These are the advantages of the Soviet sys- tem as compared with the capitalist system of economy. This is the reason why we in the Soviet Union enjoy a steady upward trend in our economy, whilst thé capitalist countries suffer under a growing economic crisis. This is the reason why in the Soviet Union the in- crease of consumption (the buying powers) of of production, drives it forward, whilst among the capitalists, on the ccntrary, the increased needs (the buying powers) of the masses can- not keep pace with the growth of production, but lag continually behind, condemning pro- duction to constant cvi: +. This is the reason why among the capitalists it is counted as a perfectly “normal” procedure to destroy the “surp:.s” of goods, and to urn the “surplus” ~* “sultural products, in order to keep up prices and secure high profits, whilst with us the committers of such crimes would be consigned to a lunatic asylum. (Ap- plar e.) This is the reason why among the capitalists the workers strike and demonstrate, and or- ganize the revolutionary struggle against the existing capitalist power, whilst in the Soviet Union we see millions of workers and peasants competing with one another, and ready to pro- tect the Soviet Union with their bodies. This is the reason of the stability, of the consolidation of the inner situation of the So- viet Union, and of the instability and uncer- tainty of the inner situation of the capitalist world. Truly it must be said that an economic sys- tem which finds itself choked by its “surplus” production and obliged to burn it at a moment when unemployment, starvation, and want rule among the masses—-truly such an economic sys- tem as this pronounces its own death sentence. The last few years have been a period of practical test, a period of trial of two opposing systems of economy, the Soviet and the cap- italist system. During these years there has been no lack of prophecies on the “decline” and “collapse” of the Soviet system. And more than this, many paens have been sung on the “prosperity” of capitalism. And what is the true state of affairs? These last few years have shown once more that the capitalist eco- nomic system is bankrupt, and that the So- viet system possesses advantages of which no bourgeois state, even though it be a “democrat- ic,” a “people’s” state, and so forth, can even dream of. Lenin, in his address at the conference of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, in May, 1921, said: “At the present time we exercise our influ- ence over the international revolution chiefly through our economic policy. All the workers in all the countries in the worli, without exception and without exaggeration, are to- day looking towards the Soviet Union. This has been attained. The capitalists can no longer cloak our existence in silence, can no longer conceal anything. Therefore they seek above all to discover our economic faults and our weaknesses. In this field the struggle is already being carried on on a world scale. If we solve this task, then we have won quite certainly and finelly on an interna- tional scale.” (Vol. VIII. 1st part, p. 222, Russian.) It must be admitted that the Party is suc- cessfully fulfilling the task set it by Lenin. A. The General Tasks. 1. Above all the problem of tue location of the masses steadily out-distance the growth | the centres of the industry in the Soviet ~-‘on. Negro Workers By V. CHATTOPADHYAYA. HE idea of an international conference of Negro workers was first mooted at the Second World Congress of the League Against Imperialism, held in July, 1929, at Frankfurt- am-Main, where among the 400 odd delegates that came from all parts of the world there were a number of Negro delegates from Africa and America, besides various non-Negro dele- gates directly jnterested in the organization of the Negro masses for the struggle against im- perialism. Reports Submitted. The reports submitted to that Congress on the conditions of life of the Negro masses un- der British, French, Belgian, Portuguese and American imperialist exploitation showed clearly: (1) That there was a consjderable similar- ity in those conditions in the various African coionies, (2) That the Negro workers in the various colonies were isolated from one another and from the workers of other countries, (3) That the vast Negro masses were com- pletely unorganized. (4) That they were being politically misled and deceived for the benefjt of the capita and imperialists by Garveyism, pan-African- ism, national reformism and traie union re formism. It was felt that it was essential to under take the organization, particularly the trade union organization, of the Negro workers, the co-ordination on an international scale, and the organization of the anti-imperialist struggle of the Negroes on a class basis as against the racjal nationalism that was being preached by black capitalists and agents of imperialism. In order to achieve these ends, a Provisional International Committee of Negro Workers was constituted under the chairmanship of James W. Ford, national organizer of the Trade Union Unity League, U. S. A., and it was resolved to convene an internatjonal con- ference on July 1, 1980, to take place in Lon- don, the metropolis of the largest slave em- pire of the world. “Labor” Government Closes Door. But at this critical moment the profits and privileges of the British slave-drivers are ng carefully protected by the “labor” government and the organizers of the conference were in- formed on May 21 that his majesiy’s govern- ment would not allow the conference to be held in London. The organizers then deejded to hold the con- ference in Hamburg, where, after unavoi lable delays, occasioned by the change in its venue, it was opened on July 7. There were dele- gates, including a woman, from seven impor- tant unions in the United States of America (miners, railway workers, needle trades, ete.) and delegates from Jamaica, Ni- geria, Gambja, Sierra Leone, the Gold Coast and from the former German colony of Cam- eroon, as well as a white delegate from the South African Negro workers’ organizations. Owing to the absence of representation from the French colonies, frem East Africa, from the Belgian and Portuguese tertitories, and from the Latin-American countries, it Was « vious that this first meeting of Negro work was more a p atory conference, the poli ical importance of which is none the less very considerable. The very fact that such a con- fere! was hell and the clear line of policy and action laid down in the resolutions are bound to have a strong influence upon the de- velopment of the struggle. Conference Agenda, The agenda of the conference included all the important aspects of the problem. After me: sages of solidarjty had been personally deliv- ered by the fraternal delegates of the League Against Imperialism and the International Red Aid, and letters and telegrams had been read from the Red International of Labor Unions, from the Red Sport International, from the Proletarian Congress of Labor, Manila, etc., a comprehensive report on the work of the In- | ternational Committee during the * eleven months of its existence was made by James W. Ford, showing the great difficulties met with in getting into touch with the Negro workers in most parts of Africa, as well as the suc- cesses achieved by the organizers in the short time at their disposal. The various delegates dealt with the condi- tions of the Negro workers in their respective countries, special interest attaching to tho report made by Small on behalf of the Bath- urst Trade Union, which had conducted a valiant fight at the end of the last year against the Margarine Combine. A very clear and instructive statement was made by George Padmore of the Negro Trade Union Committee of the R. I, L. U., on the “Economic siruggles and tasks of the Negro workers.” He summed up the effects of imperjalist ex- ploitation on the condition of the Negro masses; pointed out that the mass struggles of the millions of super-exploited Negroes in Africa ond America against the imperialist offensive (South Africa, Nigerja, Gambia, Equatorial Africa, Haiti, the West Indies and the U. 8. A.) coincided with the revolt of other colonial peo- ples (India, Indo-China, etc.) and with the revolutionary movement of the proletariat in the capitalist countries; warned the workers agajnst the national repression of the Negro middle class and intelligen sia; drew attention to the increasingly favorable objective condi- of the \ |. the main center of the hosiery industry and | leadership, and sketched the outlines of a pro- However we may develop our national economy, the question of ¢he right choice cf location of our industry as the leading branch of national economy cannot be avoided. At the present time our industry and our national economy are sub- stantially dependent on the coal and mining | | base provided by the Ukraine. It will be un- Soviet Union derstood at once that without such.a basis the industrialization of the country is impossible. The Ukrainian fuel and metallurgic centre furn- ishes us with the required base. But when the cou’try has developed further, can this one base suffice for both the South and the central regions of the Soviet Union, fur the North Dare Not Attack Ambushed Thugs That Slug Many Workers With Blackjacks After The August 1st Demonstrafion. Workers in Groups Musteites Sell Out Hosiery Workers (Continued) By MARTIN RUSSAK. The crisis of capitalism has hit the hosiery section of the textile industry just as hard as it has hit the cotton, silk, rayon, woolen sec- tions. And the effects upon the hosiery work- ers are just as devastating. The majority of the full fashioned mills have shut down, throwing upon the streets tens of thousands of workers in Philadelphia, Read- ing, the Lehigh Valley, Paterson, New York City, Wisconsin, and Indiana—the centers of hosiery production. Part time work prevails among those who still have jobs; and as a result the skillel hosiery workers who used to earn over $80 a week cannot today earn more than an average of $25 a week, while the un- skilled girls and boys have been reduced to work for $12 a week and less, under the most intense speed-up and worsened conditions. Company Unionized. To meet the effects of the crisis on the hosiery industry, the officials have advanced the program of “reducing the level of the unionized mills to the level of the open mills.” This means complete surrender of everything that the hosiery workers have gained through years of struggle. It means that the officials of the Federation are openly refusing to or- ganize the unorganized workers and are pro- posing that the union members give up all the hard-won benefits of organization. This pro- gram means that the American Federation of Full Fashioned Hosiery Workers declares it- self bankrupt as a lebor organization and be-\ comes a company union. Scarcely was the convention closed when the officials set to work feveteshly to have the | new sell-out agreement pushe!-through the | locals of the Federation, so that it can go into effect on September 1, when the old agreement terminates. The officialdom is so much stricken with fear that. the rank and file. will take matters into its own hands that they are ever plotting to have the new agreement go into effect before the old one te es, One of the measures taken at the convention to prevent a strike was the enactment of a decision that after July 15 no more strike payments whatso- ever will be given by the Federation. The leaders have developed into open strikebreak- Very significant is part ‘played by the eites this convention of the union which is their main base in the labor movement. The Musteites, who assume the role of “progressive opposition” to the fascist A. F. of L., capitu- | lated. submi: ly to the A. F. of L. officials * | and helped Woll and MeMahon push the new agreement through the convention. Yet, in spite | of this black united front ofthe two brands of riisleaders, the pressure of the rank and file was felt so stron: in the convention that the agreement passed only by a per capita vote of 61 to 21. They Must Fight. There can no longer be any doubt that the hos’ workers, especially in the famous Ken- sington textile region of Philadelphia which is the largest texcile center in the country, mean to fight this Fall. Together with the textile tions for the development of working class gram for the revolutionary organization of the millions of toiling peasants. These tacts were incorporated in a resolution that was unani- mously adopied. Patterson, of the Am Congress, made an apy for a more “vigor- ous struggle against force! labor and poll tax.”. He warned the Negro workers against the legislative illusions delibetately created by the League of Nations and the International Labor Office and called upon them to resort to direct action to recover their lands, refuse to pay taxes o: rent, repudiate indentures, to fight against the “pass” and the “compound” system, to fight against their tribal chiefs who are avents of imperialism, ete. Very important at the present moment is the resolution on .he “War Danger and its sig- nificance to the Negro masses,” presented by Macaulay of the Natjonal Democratic Party of Nigeria, After pointing out how black troops have been used for deca‘les as cannon fodder by the imperialist powers and how they have even been employed to crush ‘he revolu- tionary movement of the workers in the im- n Negro Labor ‘ workers of New England, Paterson, and the South they are rapidly turning away from the traitorous A. F. of L. and waking up to the fact that only the National Textile Workers Union, the textile section of the Trade Union Unity League, is capable of leading them in the coming struggle against the manufacturers and their allies, the officials of the U. T. W. and the Musteites. The Kensington workers especially realize that the only program upon which they can hope to wage a successful strug- gle against rationalization, wage-cuts, ever-in- eréasing exploitation, and for genuine unem- ployment relief is the revolutionary class strug- gle program of the National Textile Workers Union and the Trade Union Unity League. The young workers especially, who are hardest hit by the economic crisis and by the sell-out of the Full Fashionned officialdom, find in the youth section of the National Textile Workers Union their only organizer and leader in the struggle against discrimination and for better conditions. What To Do Now. There is not much time left before September 1. What must the hosiery workers do? They must immediately begin preparations for strike action. The strikes that will undoubtedly break out this Fall will be defeated unless spread to all the mills and led by a very broad rank and file strike committee on a basis of militant mass action. A broad united front, based on the mills, of all militant organized and unorganized work- ers, members of the federation and the Na- tional Textile Workers Union, must at once be formed. The unemployed workers must be incluted in this united front, which must raise the unemployed program of the Trade Union Unity League as adopted at the Chicago Un- employment Convention. United front committees of action must be set up in the union and non-union mills. These committees must especialy include young workers and women. Powerful workers defense groups must be organized to combat the organ- ized gangsterism of the officialdom, Part of Class War. The struggle of the hosiery workers is part of the general struggle of the textile workers which is led by the National Textile Workers Union, This attack by the bosses and the sell out of the Federation officials is part of the general attack of the capitalists and its ac- companying sell-out maneuvers of the A. F. of L. in the entire textile inJustry. It is not me rely a wage-cut that confronts the hosiery workers, as well as all textile workers. It is a wholesale campaign of the capitalist class to reduce to starvation levels the standard of living of the working class. The hosiery workers must unite their im- pending struggle with the general struggle of the working class against capitalist exploita- tion. They must throw overboard the Rieves, Smiths, McKeowns, Holdermans, and the U. T. W. fakers. The fighting program of the Na- tional Textile Workers Union, the Communist Party program of class against class, provide the only road to victory for the hosiery work- ers, perialist countries, the resolution shows the growing danger of war and of an jmperialist aliack on the Soviet Union. It points out that “in case of such an attack it is the task of all Negro toilers to struggle on the side of the Soviet Union against the imperialists.” Special resolptions were passed against lynching, agajnst the white terror in Ala- bama (U. S. A.), protesting against the Mac- Donald government for refusing permission to hold the conference in London and against the South African and other governments for re- | fusal to grant passports: New Commitice, “A new International Committee was elected, consisting of James W. For! (U.S.A.), I. Haw- kins (U.S.A,), George Padmore (U. ), Ge Reid (West Indies), F. Macaulay (Nigeria), G. Small (Gambia), Albert Nula (South Af- rica), Kouyate (French West Africa). Rep- resentatives of Haiti, Liberia and East Africa are to be added. + During the proceedings, a delegation of the | Revolutionary Trade Union Movement (Trade | Union Opposition) arrived in the hall and were warmly greeted by the Negro delegates, while on the second day there was a crowded and the North East, for the Far East and Turkestan? All signs go to show that it will not suffice. One of the new fectors in the development of ow national economy is that this basis already fails to suffice. It is a new factor that the all-round development of this bassis must be accompanied by the simultane- ous opening 1p of a second coa! and metallur- gic base in the Ural and Kusnetz d t, en- abling coal and coke to be combined with the Ural iron. (Applause.) The building of a moter | car factory at } hninovgorod, of a tractor factory in Chelyabinsk, of a machine-building | works in Sverdlowsk, of factories for combines | in Saratov arc Novosibirsk, the existence of a growing non-iron industry (colored metals) in Siberia and Kasakstan, demanding the organi- zation of a network of repairing workshops >nd metal works in the East; and finally the deci- sion to erect textile factories in Novosibirsk and in Turkestan—all this imperatively de- mands immediate steps towards a second coal and metallurgic base in Ural. We know that the Central Committee of our Party has spoken in this sense in its resolu- tion on the metal trust “Uralmet”. 2. There follows the problem of the proper distribution of the decisively important bran- ches of agriculture in the Soviet Union, the problem of the specialization of our regions for various agricultural branches and cultures. It need not be said that any real specialization is impossible on 4 small peasant farming system. Impossible for the reason that the small farm is unstable, has not the necessary reserves be- | hind it, and is obliged to cultivate various plants, in order to be compensated by the suc- cess of one crop for the failure of another. It is equally clear that unless cretain reserves of grain are kept in the hands of the state, the organization of specialization is impossible. Now that we have gone forward to large-scale farming and the state secures its grain re- serves, we can and must take up the task of an effectual organization of the specialization of the cultivation of different plants and of the various branches of agriculture. The point of departure of this specialization must be the final solution of the grain problem. I say “the point of departure,” for without a solution of the grain problem, without the organization of a comprehensive network of elevators for the distribution of the grain reserves in the dis- triets engaged in livestock rearing, or in cotton, beet, flax, and tobacco growing, it is impos- sible to secure the breeding of livestock, the cultivation of technical plants, or the special- jzation of our territory into districts devoted to certain cultures or branches of agriculture. It is our task to utilize the possibilities al- ready opened out, and to further the work of specialization. 3. Another problem is that of the cadres required for both industry and agriculture. The imperfect technical training of our agricul- tural cadres, our specialists, technicians, and economists, is well known. A further complica- tion is the fact that a part of our specialists, having connections with the former owners, and receiving encouragemept trom abroad, have taken the lead in the commission of »°)ot- age. And matters have been further compli- cated by the circumstance that a large num- ber of our communist economists have here failed in revolutionary vigilance, and frequent- o the XVI P arty Congress Comrade J. Stalin’s Address on June 27, 1936 ly fall under the mental thrall ot the sabotag- ing elements. We are thus f.ced with the enormous tasks of the reconstruction of our whole national economy, requiring a great num- ber of fresh caires capable of grasping the new technics. In this connection the problem of the cadres has become an actually vital problem. We are solving this problem on the follow- ing lines: 1. Determined combat against the aboteurs; 2. The accordance of c.re and con- sideration to the overwhelming aajority of the technicians and specialists who have kept aloof from the saboteurs (here I do not refer to chat- terens and jumping jacks of the type of an Ustryalow, but to real scientife workers, work- ing side by side with the working class without any ulterior intentions). 8. The organization of technical advice from abroad. 4. The send- ing of our scientists abroad to study and to gain technical experience. 5. The superinten- dence of the nstitutions for technical instruc- tion by the corresponding economic organiza- tions, in order that sufficient number of technicians and specialists from the ranks oi the working class receive training. Ow. task consists of organizing to its fullest extent the work for the realization of these measures, 4, The problem of the struggle against bureaucracy. The greatest danger of bureau- cracy lies in its liability to allow to run waste the enormous reserves contained in our econ omic structure, to prevent the utilization of these, to crush, the creative initiative of he mas- ses, to paralize by adhering too closely to the | letter, to reduce every fresh effort of the Party to a petty fiddling attaining no good for any- body. The further danger of bureaucracy lies in its refusal to tolerate a control of its meth. ods, and in its attempt to reduce the funda. menal instructions of the leading organizations to a scrap of lifeless paper. It is not so muct the old bureaucrats who have remained in our institutions who represent the chief source of this danger, but at the same time—and espe. cially—the new bureaucrats, the Soviet bureau crats, among whom the “communist” bureau crats by no means play the smallest role. | refer to those “communists” whose official com mands and “decrees”—to them perfect fetishes —replace the creative initiative and the per sonal activities of the masses of the workers and peasants. It is our task to destroy the bureaucracy ir our institutions and organizations, to liquidate thé® bureaucratic “manners and customs,” anc to clear the path for the utilization of the reserves contained in our economic structure to the end that the creative initiative and per- sonal activities of the masses be given the op- portunity of development. 4 This is no easy task. It cannot be accom plished “in a twinkling.” But it must be ac- complished at all costs if it is our earnest will to transform our country on the basis of so cialism. In the struggle against bureaucracy the work of the Party extends in four directions. The development of self-criticism, the organization of the control over working methods, the purg- ing of the apparatus, and finally, the inclusion in the apparatus of co-workers devoted to the cause, out of the ranks of the working class. It is our task to exert our utmost efforts for the accomplishment of these measures. Soviet ‘Miners Get Benefits Un: known to Workers Here By ANNA ROCHESTER, Labor Research Association. | MINE workers in the Soviet Union benefit as do all others in the workers’ republic. | Their freedom is’ a startling contrast to the mine worker’s fife in the capitalist United States. Every worker who has been in the Soviet Union knows that recent charges in the American capitalist press claiming that Rus- sian coal is mined by “convict or forced labor” are nothing but capitalist propaganda against Soviet Russia. Only six hours a day underground, security from haunting fears of unemployment, acci- dent, jliness or old age, membership in the Mine Workers’ Union, to which all mine work- ers belong—these conditions make the Soviet miner a free and self-respecting worker in the first socialist state.” Miners’ representatives through the union are part of the management in the industry. The Mine Workers’ Unjon is a free social association, an organ of the same class that controls the state. Miners’ repre- sentatives sit on central boards and depart- ments of the workers’ government, A miner works six hours a day underground and the time is reckoned from bank to bank. That is, from the time he leaves the mine mouth until he returns. In contrast to these hours, underground workers in American coal mines have an eight, nine or ten-hour day of time spent at the working face, in addition to traveling time underground. In Soviet mines the working day is still further reduced in wet or otherwise bad places to five or even four hours from bank to bank. Month’s Vacation With Pay. Underground workers in the Soviet Union receive a month’s vacation with full pay every year. Surface workers enjoy a two weeks’ vacation, also with full pay. In cases of sick- ness or accident, when a worker is unable to work, he is given his full pay and all his med- ical attention free during the time he is off. If he js so ill that he has to stay in the hos- pital, he is cared for free of charge, and in meeting of Hamburg workers who exiended | an enthusiastic welcome to the Negro dele- gates a few of whom spoke at the meeting. The conference which was marked through- out by enthusiasm lasted three days and ended fittingly with the singing of the Internationale. An official invitation was extended to thé dele- gates to proceed to Moscow to attend the Fifth World Congress of the R. I. L, U. as guests. Eleven delegates have already accepted the invitation Those who were unable*to do so have sent the fraternal greetings of their or- ganizations to the congress, American Negroes Most Clear. There is one observation that deserves to be recorded regarding the Negro Conference, There addition he receives 75 per cent of his regular wage if he is married and 50 per cent if he is single, Every producing organization or mine pay annually a sum equal to about 15 per cent of the total payrcll for these forms of social in surance, jncluding the free medical service, sick benefit funds, unemployment and old age insurance. Such social insurance for min¢ workers is unknown in capitalist Uniied States. Housing is free for workers in the Soviet coal fields, or the charge for rent is so small as to be merely a nominal payment. Electric light, fue) and other municipal services are en- tirely free. Working clothes, boots, tools, caps etc., are supplied free of charge or at a very low raie, Restaurants subsidized by the ad- ministration supply food at low prices. Clubs, nurseries and schools are also supported by the administration. The Workers’ Club, for in- stance, at Stalin Coal Mines in the Donetz Basin, is a fine modern building, with many large windows giving light and air in the halls and recreation rooms, Even conservatively estimated, these addi tional benefits received by Soviet miner! amount to no less than 50 per cent of their money wages. This brings the average daily wages for face miners to six rubles ($3) a day, or about 50 cents an hour. Contrasted with the terrible uncertainty of unemployment, part time work and illness in American mines, this regular wage makes the Soviet miner a free man, Every miner in the Soviet Union belongs to the Mine Workers’ Unjon. He cannot be di: charged from the mine without due cause. Often workers who have been discharged are reinstaied by the union in cases that a board member here would have no chance of winning. The miner gets his job through the free gov- ernment employment agency. Upon giving due notice a mine worker in the Soviet Union is free to leave his job at any time. Final au- thority in the workers’ republic rests with the rank and file workers. was a marked difference between the Negroes| from the United States who are industrial workers with completely proletarian pshchol- ogy and outlook, an! the delegates from Africa who have more of the mentality of the small farmer. The conditions of the problem in Af- rica necessitate different methods and tactics) from those in the U. S. A., and there may be a tendency for the Negro workers from the U. S. A. to look at the African Negro question too much from the American point of view. Nevertheless it is a gain to the African work- er to come into contact with the representa- tives of the far more advanced Negro prole- tariat of Amerjca. This contact has be achieved by the conference, j '