The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 4, 1930, Page 4

reese * " Page Fout square, New York City, N. Publistéd by the Comprodatly Publishing Co., Inc., daily, except Sunday, at 26 Y. Telephone Stuyvesant '1696-7-8, Address and mail ali checks to the Daily Worker. 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. ¥. Cable: 28 Tnios “DAIWOR Daily, Central Ong Yorker Porty U.S.A. SUBSCRIPTION RATHS: of the Communist Party o Il. The Increasing Progress of the Building-Up of Socialisr and the Inner Situation of the Soviet Union. (Continued) 7. Difficulties of Growth, Struggle of the Classes, and Offensive of Socialism on the | Whole Front. | I have spoken of our achievements in the development of our national economy. I have | | | | | | | | | | | | spoken of our achievements in the phere of industry, of agriculture, of the reconstruction of the whole of our national economy on the basis of socialism. And last I spoke of our achievements in the task of improving the | material situation of the workers and peasa It would however be an error to suppose that these achievements have been won “quietly and easi o to speak in the natural course of events, without any special efforts or exer tion of will, or without struggles and convul- sions. In reality we have gained these achieve- ments in the course of a determined struggle against difficulties, and have undergone many & serious and lengthy struggle in the over- coming of these difficulties. These difficulties are discussed among us by everybody. But not everybody seriously considers the nature of the difficulties. And yet the problem of the character of the diffi- culties is of the utmost importance. Hence the question arises: What are the character- istic features of our difficulties, what hostile forces are concealed behind them, and how are we to overcome these? (a) A characterization of our difficulties must take into consideration at least the fol- lowing circumstances. First we must take into account that our present difficulties are those of the reconstruc- struction period. What does this mean? It meane that they differ fundamentally from the difficulties of the restoration period of our economy. During the resoration period the work in hand consisted of utilizing the old works and factories to the utmost, and in aiding agriculture on its old basis. But now it is a matter of reconstructing both industry and agriculture from top to bottom by means of changing their technical basis, and furnish- ing them with modern technical equipment. This means that we are confronted with the task. of rebuilding the whole technical basis of our national economy. And this demands fresh reliable investments in national economy, | and fresh and experienced cadres of workers capable of utilizing the achievements of up- to-date technics, and of carrying them further. | Secondly, it must be taken into account that | the reconstruction of national economy in our | country is not confined to a rebuilding of its | technical basis, but on the contrary involves at the same time a reorganization of social economic relations. I refer to agriculture in ts. | The particular. In industry, already assembled anc socialized, the technical reconstruction finds it social economic t ready in all essential! Here the chief task of reconstruction is to aic as far as possible the process of supplantin the capitalist elements in industry by socialist In agriculture matters are not so nple. Th reconstruction of the technical basis of agri culture pursues, it need not be said, the sami aims. But the peculiarity of our agriculture iies in the preponderance of the small peasant farm, unable to make use of the new technics. this means that a reconstruction of the techni- cal basis of our agriculture is impossible with- out the sim’ truction of the old social economic structure, without the combin ation of the small farms in large collectives, without the very roots of capital- ism in agricul It is easily comprehensible that these circumstances are bound to compli- ng up cate our difficulties, and our work in over- coming these difficulties. Thirdly, it must be taken into account that our activities towards the socialist reconstruc- tion of our national econor tearing apart all the old ties of capitalism, and turning topsy- turvey all the forces of the old world, are bound to arouse the desperate resistance of these forces. Facts'show this to be the case. malicious damage committed by the bourgeois intelligentsia in every branch of our industry, the brutal struggle of the kulaks against the collective forms of economics in the village, the sabotage of the measures of the Soviet power by the bureaucratic elements of the apparatus, who represent an agency of the class enemy—these are at the present time the main forms of the resistance of a class be- coming extinct in our country. It is clear that these circumstances cannot facilitate our work towards the reconstruction of ‘our national economy. Fourthly, we must take into account that the resistance of the class thus dying out in our country is not carried on isolated from the outer world, but receives the support of the capitalists all round. The capitalist surround- ings mean that the Soviet power is encircled by hostile class forces, ready to give both moral and material support to the enemies of the Soviet Union within the country itself, ready to organize either a financial blockadé or a military intervention as occasion may offer. It has been proved that the acts of damage committed by our specialists, the anti- Soviet actions of the Kulaks, the attacks made by arson and infernal machines on our under- takings and buildings, have been subsidized and instigated from outside. The imperialist world has no wish to see the Soviet Union “Canada First-Within the Empire” By HARRY GANNES gut of the Canadian elections grows the | spectre of greater conflicts between the two leading imperialist powers, Great Britain and the United States. The conservative party, | headed by R. B. Bennett, won a majority in | the House of Commons in the fight for greater | independence of the Canadian exploiters. “My | concern,” said Bennett the day following the | conservative victory, “is for Canada first— | within the British empire.” Here is a double- edged ‘sword. By his “Canada first” slogan Bennett means the Canadian bosses want to fill their pockets first, as against the United States impevialists And’ “within the British empire” foreshadows closer alignment with the British imperialists in their struggles against Wall Street en- | croachments—providing the British aid the Canadian bourgeois to gain greater profits at the expense of the U. S. The main issue brought out in the elections by the capitalist parties, the liberal, conserva- tive and “labor,” was the retaliatory tariff bill, passed by the Mackenzie King liberal gov- ernment on May Ist, known as the Dunning May Day Tariff. This tariff was passed by the King liberals, who had previously shown some preferece for | Wall Street. That the tariff was directed mainly against the United States and in the interest of Great Britain was admitted by Premier King. “We have diverted something like $200,- 000,000 purchasing power from the United States to Great Britain,” said King in a speech at Newmarket, Ont., on July 19. He proposed a closer union with the British empire, and higher retaliatory tariffs against the United States. Bennett and the conservatives went even further. They demanded a sharper tariff against the U. S., collaboration with the Brit- ish Empire, but a more independent position of the Canadian bourgeoisie. Canada is the largest foreign market of the United States. American exports to Canada amount to about $800,000,000 yearly. In 1922, exports to Canada were $515,000,000; in 1927, they jumped to $687,000,000 and in 1929, $868,- 000,000. Then due to the crisis, exports to Canada began to drop. In the first five months of 1930 they were $311,000,000, compared with $482,000,000 in the same period of 1929. In lay, the tariff act was passed and imports received a knock-out blow. The importance of the Canadian markets for | the American imperialists is shown by a United Press dispatch from Washington, published in the New York Telegram, July 30. It reads: “The United States now has great markets | in Canada for steel, farm implements, ma- | chinery, automobiles, chemicals, wood, coai | petroleum, raw cotton and cotton manufac: | | tures, and many other commodities. In one year, 1929, exports to Canada were valued at $868,057,000, a 21 per cent increase. This year’s igures so far indicate a decrease which will at least wipe out the gain.” Lynn W. Meekins, U. S. commercial attache | at Ottowa, in a wire to the Department of | Commerce pointed out the havoc the new tariff would work on American trade. “American producers are greatly interested in the clauses which give preference to’ British Empire | goods,” he wired, “and raise the duties against American products... Competition between im- - asc ports from the British Empire and the United States is substantially increased, 216 items be- ing added to the free list under the British preferential tariff. British Empire trade fa- vorably. affected amounts to about $200,000,- 000.” This was done under the Mackenzie King regime. Worse is promised by the Bennet: government. William Philip Simms, Scripps- Howard foreign editor, pointed this out in an editorial with a Washington, July 23 dateline. “Led by R. B. Bennett, former cabinet of- ficer, the conservatives are raking over the coals the present liberal government of Pre- mier W. L. Mackenzie King for being too gentle with the Americans at a time when ‘the coun- | try’s whole machinery of trade is being smash- ed by an alien hand.’ ” American and British imperialism are in- terested in Canada not only as one of the most important foreign markets in the world, but as a source of raw material and invest- ments. The United States has about $3,500, 000,000 invested in Canada, three-fourths as much as in all the countries of Latin America. Great Britain has $2,500,000,000 in Canadian investments. There is a constant battle on between these two robber powers for suprem- acy in iavestments and for control of the Canadian markets. King and the liberal party represented that section of the bourgeoisie which vacilated from the United States to Great Britain. The con- servatives and Bennett fight for more open leadership of the Canadian capitalists and a more direct connection with the die-hard con- servatives of British imperialism. Hence the heightening of the war danger between the ‘wo leading imperialist robber powers. That the effect of either a liberal or con- servative victory would adversely hit American trade was admitted by the capitalist press in this country. ‘They feared more, however, a conservative victory. Says a dispatch from Toronto to the New York World (July 25): “What the effect on United Stztes trade will be in the event of a victory by either party is something both decline to discuss. The opin- ion of political observers is that a Bennett vic- tory and a conservative government will be more detrimental to American industry than a liberal victory and a continuance of .he Dunning tariff and countervailing duties.” On July 30h, several days after his election, Bennett announced the major policies of the conservati.e government. These policies will east oil on the flames of the impending war danger. They are: 1. A revision of the general tariff designed to promote the interest of the Canadian bourg- eoisie against the United States and to ad- vance the industries of the Canadian bosses at | the expense of the American imperialists. 2. Promotion of trade with the British Em- pire by means of reciprocal tariff preferences. It is clearly evident from this policy that the Canadian bosses are stepping out for greater expansion of their industries, and participation in a greater share of the profits wrung from the Canadian working class. Bennett’s speech forecasting his program made this doubly sure. He said: “That we in Canada have to consider the effect of the Ameircan fiscal policy on Cana- dian interests does not imply resentment, We By mail everywhere: One yéar $6; six months $3; two months $1; exceptin Marhattan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One yr. The Political Report of the Central Committee to the XVI. Party Congress Boroughs 8; six mons, $ td lourishing, and attaining a position enabling t to overtake and out-distance the advanced apitalist countries. Therefore it aids the orces of the old world in the Soviet Union. It s again comprehensible that this circumstance 90 cannot serve to facilitate our reconstruc- ive work, The characterization of our difficulties ould however not be complete without due onsideration’ of still another circumstance. his relates to the special nature of these diffi- ulties. It relates to the fact that our diffi- ulties are not those of decay or stagnation, but of growth, of progress, of forward move- ment. This means that our difficulties are fundamentally different from those of the f the Soviet Union capitalist countries. When difficulties are spoken of in the United States, difficulties of decay are referred to, for America isp: ing through a crisis at the present time, a crisis of economic decline. When difficulties are spoken of in England, they are difficulties of stagnation, since for several years England’s economy has stagnated, that is, its forward movement stagnates. But when we speak of our difficulties, we are not refering to either a decline or a stagnation of our development, but to the growth of our powers, their upsurge, the forward movement of our ecenomy. How many points shall we advance by a certain term, to what extent shall we increase produc- tion, how many more hectares of land shall Assisted by Dock Whalen and Mrs, Loomis, the mid-wife, the Fish Committee, Djamgaroff <ad Secretary Stimson are anxiously gathered round Mother Woll, who is expected at any moment to give birth to a new litter of forgeries and fairy-tales, The Old Cat Has Kittens! —By BURCK Reconstruction of the Party and Building of New Cadres By H. PURO. iby its letter May 10 to the Central Commit- tee of our Party, Politsecretariat of the Com- munist International says: “At the forth- coming Party Convention, considerable atten- tion must be paid to the question of strength- ening the Party organizationally. The left ward switg of the broad proletarian masses, and, in connection with this, the rapidly grow- ing influence of the Party among the masses, raises the question very sharply of the or- ganizational strengthening of the Party as the most important prerequisite for the fur- ther development of the Party.” This letter of the C. I. Politsecretariat was discussed at length at the Seventh Convention of our Party. Keynote at the Party Convention was: Into the shops, into the masses. The convention set as one of the main tasks of the Party the building of our Party on the basis of shop nuclei and the building of th. revolutionary unions. The above mentioned letter states further that, “the chief cause of the delay, and the unsatisfactory work on the reconstruction of the Party on the basis of factory nuclei at the present moment when the Party has a cor- rest political line, is the numerical weakness ————— are interested in protecting the interests of Cana n the same way in trade relations with- in the British Empire, our first concern is na- turally for Canada, but we are not, for that reason, any less anxious to advance empire interests.” Thus speaks the Canadian bour- geoisie. Bennett made some fake promises about “studying the unemployment problem.” Canada is suffering from the general world crisis, and is undergoing a particularly severe agrarian crisis. Thousands of Canadian poor farmers are being ruined by the sharp drop in wheat prices and the huge amount of overproduction. Automobile production in Canada has dropped sharply. Building construction is down. Hun- dreds of thousands are unemployed. Both the. Bennett and King parties favor increased sup- pression of the rising militancy of the working class, Bennett will further the fascist policies against the Communist Party started by the liberal regime. On every side the antagonisms of capitalism are increasing. The war danger is being sharp- ened. The unity of the American and Canadian workers against the imperialist war danger, now more than ever, ig an imperative necessity. | tricts must understand thet the Central Com- and the unsatisfactory composition of the lead- ing cadres. . . . Therefore, the forthcoming Party Convention must most emphatically raise the question of the necessity of rapidly and boldly filling the leading cadres, by bring ing in new forces which have grown up during the course of the recent big proletarian strug- Slew et This letter of the Comintern places the or- ganizational tasks of our Party very clearly. We must place main emphasis in our Party | building task on the factory. The thesis adopt- | ed at the Seventh Convention sets our task | to organize a minimum of 40 per cent of Party | into shop nuclei, and along with this we must build our revolutionary unions, Problem of Building New Cadres. In the light of the C. I. letter and decision of the Seventh National Convention, and in’ facing the task of building our Party upon a mass basis, the question of developing new cadres is of vital importance. According to the letter “chief cause of the delay has been the numerical weakness and the unsatisfactory composition of the leading cadres.” Without developing new forces it is impossible to build the Party on the basis of shop nuclei and to create a strong, well functioning apparatus, and without a functicning apparatus the Party campaigns cannot be carried out and the Party cannot be connected with the masses therefore it is necessary that this question be taken up in every district committee of the Party. Often comrades have the tendency to solve the question of new cadres merely by request- ing the Central Committee to send them “ad- ditional forces,” “so many colonizers,” ete. The Central Committee is faced with these kinds of requests continually. The Central Committee is doing what is humanly possible to help every district by sending all available forces to them and is trying to distribute Party forces evenly, but comrades in the dis- mittee is not in a position to fulfill all of these demands for new forces and even if it could, this would not solve the problem. Comrades, there are no new forces until we create them, unless we, in connection with Party mass work, bring forth and develop new proletarian comrades into responsible functionaries of the Party. This is the best we cultivate, how many months earlier shall we complete industrial undertakings and rail- ways, than we had planned—these are the juestions we are thinking of when we speak f difficulties. Consequently our diff iiffer from those of, let us say, America or tngland, in being dififeulties of growth, of advancement. And what does this mean? It means that our difficulties contain in themselves the pos- sibility of their solution. It means that the characteristic feature of our difficulties con- sists of the fact that they themselves furnish the basis for their solution. What is the final result of all this? Above all, the result is that our difficulties are not trifling and accidental “disagree- ments,” but difficulties of the class struggle. Secondly, the result is that our class foes lie in ambush behind our difficulties, that these difficulties are complicated by the desperate resistance of the classes condemned to extinc- tion in our country, by the support given to these classes from outside, by the existence of bureaucratic elements in our own institutions, by the lack of faith and ossification in some strata of our Party. Thirdly, the result is that the overcoming of the difficulties requires above all that the at- tacks of the capitalist elements be repulsed, their resistance broken, and the path therewith cleared for a rapid advance. And finally, the result is that the very char- acter of our difficulties, since these are diffi- culties of growth, gives us the possibilities of repulsing our class enemies, But if these possibilities are to be utilized and realized, and employed to break the re- sistance of our class enemies and to overcome the difficulties, only one means can be used; the organization of the offensive against the capitalist elements on the whole front, and the isolation of the opportunist elements in our own ranks, who disturb our attack, rush in a panic from one extreme to another, and sow doubt of our victory in the Party. (Applause.) There is no other means. Only people who have lost their heads can seek a solution in the childish formula of Comrade Bukharin, of the peaceful merging of capitalist elements in socialism. Our course of development does not run, and never has run, according to Comrade Bukharin’s formula. Our development has been, and continues to be, in accordance with Lenin’s formula of: “Who—whom?” Shall we defeat and crush the exploiters, or will they defeat and crush us, the workers and peasants of the Soviet Union—this is the question, Comrades. Therefore—the organization of the socialist attack along the whole front—this is the task that sprang into being for us when we took up the work for the reconstruction of our whole national economy. And it was thus that the Party interpreted its mission when it organized the offensive Garvey Leadership and the C. P. By CYRIL BRIGGS deka the rank and file membership of the Universal Negro Improvement Association are some of the most militant Negro workers. These workers, groaning under the savage exploitation and racial degradation of the im- perialist system, joined the Garvey movement under the illusion that the Icadership of the U.N.LA. intended an aggressive struggle against imperialism and its oppression of the Negro peoples of the world. They are discovering instead that under ‘cover of struggle-phrases the Garvey leader- ship is increasirgly collaborating with the capi- talist enemies of the Negro masses. This was becoming clear to many of these militant work- ers even before the 1929 convention of the U.N.IA. and was further confirmed by the op- position of this treacherous leadership to hav- ing the convention go on record against im- perialism. Many hundreds of these workers were turning to the Communnist Party and its revolutionary program for the national lib- eration struggle even before Marcus Garvey so completely unmasked himself, in his “Black- man” of June 28, as a servile defender of the very imperialist system which murders and enslaves the Negro people. And as it is in- evitable that the Garvey leadership will more and more expose its treachery and its futility as the Negro masses, in the colonial and in the imperialist countries, move forward into strug- gle against their exploiters, so it is inevitable that the militants in the Garvey movement will increasingly turn to the Communist Party as the only organization of revolutionary struggle against the imperialist enemy. It is in an effort to forestatl and delay this development tnat the Negro World, Garvey’s organ in America, attacks the Communist Party and its leadership of Negro and white » workers and peddles the cheap slanders of the Fish Committee that the Negro workers in forces. to do this, the district committee must under- take to pay very close attention to the work of every comrade in the shop nuclei, and all those comrades who in their work in the shop nuclei have distinguished themselves as active and responsibi: comrades, must be promoted for higher and more responsible Party work. Responsible work in each unit of the Party must be divided. By division of work there is possibility of developing new forces, For in- stance, a comrade, in the shop nucleus in charge of distributing leaflets and shop papers, who has successfully discharged this important duty during a certain period of time, has certainly shown capabilities for organization work and should be promoted. Comrades, who have shown success in editing good shop papers, are capable of agitprop work, and other comrades who have distinguished themselves in organ- izing shop nuclei, shop committees, new unions, unemployed councils, etc, are the ones who should be pushed and promoted for higher and more responsible Party work. Special at- way to solve this problem, ‘Therefore, the Central Committee , instructs every district committee to immediately set themselves to this task of developing new cadres. How is this to be done? Shop nuclei must become our reservoir from where we continually draw new tention must be paid to teaching comrades how to extend Party influeace amongst the masses, how to mobilize masses of workers to support and take part in the mass campaigns of the Party. (To Be Continued But in order that we may be able Comrade if Stalin’s Address on June 27, 1930 | against the capitalist elements of our country. (b) Is an offensive thinkable while the Nep! exists, especially an offensive along the whole’ front? There are some who believe that the offen- sive is incompatible with the Nep, the offensive is in itself a retreat, the Nep must be abolished in so far as the retreat has been brought to a halt. It need not be said that this is a piece of foolishness, a foolishness originating either with the Trotskyists, who have not grasped Leninism and believe that they could abolish the Nep “in a twinkling,” or with the Right opportunists who have grasped as little of Leninism and believe that they can bargain for the renunciation of the offensive by means of talk about the “threat- ened abolition of the Nep.” Had the Nep been exhausted with the retreat, Lenin would not have declared at the Eleventh Party Congress, when the Nep had been carried out among us with perfect consistency: “The retreat is ended.” Did not Lenin declare simultaneously, when speaking of the end of the retreat, that we intend to maintain the Nep “seriously and for a long time?” The mere putting of this question suffices to reveal the complete hollow- ness of the chatter about the incompatibility of the Nep and the offensive. It is a fact that the Nep presupposes not only the retreat and the permitting of a revival of. private trade, the permitting of a revival of capital- ism under the security of the control of the state (initial stage of the Nep). It is a fact that the Nep simultaneously presupposes at a certain stage, the development of the offensive of socialism against the capitalist elements, the restriction of the sphere of activity of private trade, the relative and ab- solute limitation of capitalism, the growing preponderance of the socialized sector over the non-socialized, the victory of socialism oyer capitalism (present stage of the Ner) The Nep was introduced to aid the victory of social- ism over the capitalist elements. When passing forward to the offensive on the ca, alist elements, the circulation of commodities and the traffic in money still exist, but we definitely abolish the initial stage of the Nep, by means of developing its next stage, the present stage of the Nep, which is its last. In 1922, one year after the introduction of the Nep, Lenin sai “We are drawing back, but are doing this in order to gain a start for an even greater spring. Now, under this condition, we have retreated in the carrying out of our New Economic Policy. Where and how we shall have to rearrange our ranks, adapt our- selves, reorganize ourselves, in order to take up our determined advance after the retreat, we do not yet know. In order to carry out all these actions is a normal manner, we must, as the proverb says, make one hundred trials before deciding once.” (Vol. XVIII second part, p. 103. Russian.) (To be continued) the Communist Party joined the revolutionary movement not because of their hatred of a system which degrades and oppresses them, but because in the Communist Party where race prejudice invites expulsion “they can dance with white girls.” The Negro World insinuates that the Com- munists are insincree in their demands for full political and social equality for the Negro masses, and warns the Negro masses to “re- member what has happened to the Jews in Russia.” For the purpose of its lying argu- ment, the Negro World could not have chosen a worse illustration. For what has happened to the Jews in Russia is precisely this: that while under the czarist capitalist system they were hounded, slaughtered and oppressed, to- day, under Communism they are enjoying full equality with other Russian workers, particu- larly to the full in the government and in the gigantic achievements of the socialist construc- tion which is changing the face of the country and enriching the cultural and economic life of the masses. The right of self-determination is one of the cardinal principles of the program of the Com- munist Intnernational, and just as in Soviet Russia a Communiset regime extends this right to all minorities, so in the United States the American section of the Communist Intnerna- tional wages aggressive struggle for the right of the Negro masses to have their own gov- ernment in those sections of the country where they form the majority of the population as they do in many parts of the South. The Negro World resents the charge against the Garvey leadership of being tools of the capitalists, yet in this editorial it deliberately plays the game of the bosses by advising Ne- gro workers to isolate themselves from the rest of the working class. This is the ob- jective of the capitalists and the aim and pur- pose of the imperialist ideology of racial hatred and separation. The Negro World viciously peddles the cheap slanders of the Fish Com- mittee against the revolutionary Negro work- ers, And it conveniently forgets the collabora- tion of Garvey leaders with the capitalist po- lice in the murder of Alfred Levy, a Negro revolutionary worker of Harlem. Nor does it repudiate in any way the treach- erous and slavish advice given to the Negro masses of Jamaica by Marcus Garvey in his “Blackman” of June 28 that in their struggle against oppression they “would not dare to accept and foster something that was tabooed by the mother country.” This is the same as telling the Negro masses they cannot struggle against oppression. This is spreading with a vengeance the illusion that the oppressing im- perialist is the mother country of the op- pressed! With such examples before them the Negro masses are increasingly recognizing the futil- ity and treachery of the Negro petty bourgeois leaders and are turnnig to the Communnist Party as the Party of the Negro and white masses, the Party of revolutionary struggle against imperialist oppression, lynch terror, unemployment and war. And not all the lies of the Negro misleaders can stop the leftward move of the liegro masses