The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 29, 1930, Page 4

Published by the Comprodaity Publishing Co., Inc., daily. except Sunday, at 26-28 nfo Page Four BicavertNew. York cle ae 606-1-8 Cable ; *s and mail all checks to the L Un Square New Yo DALWOR KO NY Central Ongonset Daily, Worker’ Rnunist Porty U.S.A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One yr. §8; six mons. $1.50 The Political Report of the Central Committee to the X VI. Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union {I. The Increasing Progress of the Building-Up of Socialism and the Inner Situation of the Soviet Union. (Continued) 6. The Improvement of the Material and Cultural Situation of the Workers and Peasants. We see therefore, that the gradual growth of the socialized sector, both in the sphere of industry and in the sphere of agriculture, is a fact admitting of no doubt. What can this mean from the standpoint of the materiai-position of the workers? It means that therewith the foundations are already laid for the fundamental improvement | of the material and cultural position of the workers and peasants. Why, and in what manner? Firstly, because the growth of the socialized sector implies above all, the diminution of the exploitive elements in town and country, a lessening of their specific weight in national economy. And this means that the share of the workers and peasants in the national in- come is bound to increase steadily at the ex- pense of the share of the exploiting classes. Secondly, because a growth of the socialized scetor means that that part of the national in- come hitherto falling to the exploiting classes remains in the productive process from now onwards, and is employed to increase produc- | tion, to build new works and factories, to im- | prove the lives of the workers. And it means | that the number and power of the working | class must increase, whilst unemployment de- | creases and is absorbed. Finally, because the growth of the socialized sector, inasmuch as it leads to an improvement of the material situation of the working class, means a gradual increase of the receptive powers of the home market, a growth of the demand for industrial products on the part of the workers and peasafits. And this means that the growth of the inner markets will out- distance the growth of industry itself, and will urge this forward to uninterrupted expansion. All these and similar circumstances lead to the uninterrupted improvement of the material and cultural situation of the workers and peas- ants, a) We begin with the question of the numer- ical growth of the working class and the less- ening of unemployment. Whilst in 1926-27 the number of wage earn- ers (without unemployed) was 10,990,000, t 1927-28 it had risen to 11,456,000, by 1928-29 to 11,997,000 and in 19: , according to all data, it will reach at least 13,129,000. Of these the number engaged in manual work (includ- ing agricultural and seasonal workers) counted 7,069,000 in 1926-27, 7,404,000 in 192 000 in 1928-29, and 8,533,999 in 19: these the workers employed in large- dustry (not including employes) counted 2 000 in 1926-27, 2,632,000 in 19: 3 in 1928-29, and 3,029,000 in 19 This means that we have before us a steady growth of the numbers of the working class, in which the proportion of the number of per- sons working for wages amount to 19.5 per cent in the three years, and the proportion of the The Soviet Union and Aug. First By BEN GERJOY UGUST FIRST, 1930, will cover another milestone for the world proletariat in their steady march on the road to emancipation. On August First the international working class will once again give warning to the imperialists that they shall never again be cannon fodder in their wars for bigger profits. On August First the workingclass will demonstrate their readiness to struggle against and resist the attempts of the capitalists to extricate them- selves from the deadly grip of the crisis, by unloading the burden upon the backs of the workers. On August First, the world’s pro- letariat for the thousandth and one time will show the imperialists that they are always on the watch ready to defend the Soviet Union, their fatherland. Can there be any doubt that the imperialists are working overtime preparing to plunge the world into a new bloody war—a war many times more deadly, more destructive than the last war? Only one who is either an im- perialist agent or whose mind has been com- pletely blotted by the propaganda of the cap- italists and the social fascist agents—the Nor- man Thomases, the Ramsay McDonalds, ete. —can fail to see what’s going on behind the curtains on the imperialist stage. Why the struggle over the navy-building programs be- tween the leading imperialist countries if not a desire of each of them to get an advantage over the enemy ? Why is three fourths of the national budget of the United States, England, Japan, France, and even the puppet Poland, be- ing spent on war equipment? Bourgeois jour- nalists of the type of Ludwell Denny openly write about the approaching war between En- gland and America. If the imperialists do not want war, then why were the Soviet Union’s peace proposals turned down? We ask all those who doubt to call upon “peace loving” reverend Norman Thomas to explain the above questions to you. And while doing so he may as well also explain the real meaning of Briand’s plan of a “Pan Europa.” Is it not clear that Briand’s plan means, on the one hand, an attempt to line up one group of imperialists, under French leadership, for struggle against other groups of imperialists— England, American, Japanese, German etc,? On the other hand, this plan means the last link in the encirclement chain, in the prepara- tion of an attack upon the Soviet Union. But you will get no answer. The Thomases and McDonalds will never disclose the imperialist designs for the workers to see, for their role is direct participation in the imperialist ma- @hine and the exploitation of the working- @lass. While this is being written British troops, under the direction of the “workers’ friend” McDonald, are engaged in the pleasant pastime of killing workers and peasants in Egypt, India, etc. This hulla-ballo about the McDonald government in danger of being over- thrown is a lot of apple sauce. The masters know their servants just like the servants know their masters. The job which the McDonald government put across in Palestine, and is now putting across in Egypt and India, and its strike-breaking role at home, is such that no conversative or liberal government would dare attempt. -These lackeys serve as a mask which covers the murderous face of the cap- italist class, They serve as a screen to hide the secret treaties and open provacations which pave the way for an armed attack against the Soviet Union. The enemies of the Soviet Union, beginning with the Ku Klux Klan and American Le- gion, and ending with the socialist party, Mus- teites and renegades from Communism, all shout in one voice, “there is no danger of war against Russia.” What a grim structure this gang makes up. At the very top stand the fascists, with their anti-workingclass press and institutions, erying at the top of their voices, “no one contemplates war against Rus- sia, the war scare is only an invention of the wild-minded Bolsheviks,” and more such rot. But the poison of these is not dangerous. The masses of exploited workers know these snakes well enough and will not come near them. Beneath these, smaller in statue, but very close to chem, stand the Social Fascists, the A. F. of L., the socialist party, ete. Picking up the tune from their masters above them they continue the war song, “no war dan- ger against Soviet Russia”; “It is only a Bol- shevik scheme to tighten their dictatorship ,over the Russian workers and peasants.” reptiles are more dangerous, for, opera- as they do around the border-edge of the working masses, infect many of the workers. While at the foot of the structure, wading in the excrements from the Fascists and Social Fascists, there is a conglomeration of dwarfish looking animals, Musteites, Trotskyites, Loves- toneites singing in high tones, “no war dan- ger against Soviet Russia”; “It is another example of Stalin’s trickery in order to de- tract the Party’s attention from his high- handed, dictatorial methods.” The poison of these is the most dangerous for they vomit it out within the very ranks of the working masses. Although using slightly different words the melody is the same, intended to dis- arm the world proletariat—the defense guard of the Soviet Union, and thus clearing the way for the imperialists to destroy the first country ruled by the proletariat and poor peasantry. But a few facts will suffice to - le us to see through the capitalist lies. ae encir- clement policy and open provocations are be- coming ever more numerous. The working class must not forget the brutal murder of comrade Vorovsky in Switzerland by a white guardist, under the inspiration of the Swiss government, and the murderer escap- ing punishment; the raid on the Arcos—the Soviet trade organization in England; the seizure of the Chinese Eastern Railway, with the advice of England, America and Japan and the attempt of Stimson to prevent a peace- ful settlement of the dispute; and the more recent attempt to blow up the Soviet embassy in Poland, and the religious campaign against the Soviets. To this we may add the Locarno Pact in which any one, except a Soviet enemy, can clearly see a combination of capitalist states close to Russian borders to start the attack whenever the bigger imperialists give the word; the numerous provocations on the part of the League of Nations; the exclusion of the Soviet Union from Briand’s plan of a “Pan Europa.” Many other facts could be easily produced showing the systematic ‘pre- paration of the attack. We will mention but one more characteristic—the anti-Communist investigation of the Fish Committee, now in session. The methods applied by this committee, even in the present early days of its activity, are typical of American political stupidity. ‘tunis committee is supposed to be an “investigating” committee. But before it even began to investi- gate, Mr. Fish, the chairman of the committee, already gave statements to the press giving the results of the investigations, mainly that a special police will be created to hound down Communists. We Communists, know what this means. It means the beginning of a campaign of terror against every class-conscious workers’ organization for their suppression. These im- perialist henchmen, however, forget but one thing—they can’t bring back the 1919 Palmer days. The revolutionary movement: of this country has much grown since—in bulk and in scope. It is no more a question of suppressing a few thousand Communists. Today the revolu- tionary movement of this country embraces wide masses of the unorganized, most exploit- ed workers and farmers. But this anti-Communist drive means even more than this. It is the finishing touch in the war preparations against the Soviet Union. Nor is the United States an isolated case in instituting an anti-Communist terror at this moment, We see this taking place in Mexico, where on May 1, peaceful workers’ demonstra- tions were brutally shot down in the streets. In Europe—Finland, a pawn in the imperialist game, is now running a race to overtake the other fascist countries; Italy, Poland, Bulgaria, etc., in their terror against revolutionists and workers’ organizations. The imperialists know well enough that there are millions of workers throughout the world who will not stand idle when their Socialist Fatherland is attacked. Hence the attempt to annihilate their leaders and smash their organized strength. We may raise the following question: why do the imperialists: want to war against the Soviet Union? Surely, it is not because the Soviet foreign policy is of a war-like na- ture provoking the capitalist countries to take counter steps. The Soviet Union’s policy of peace is well known to all except the enemies who do not wish to know. The Soviet Union gave ample proof of its policy of peace when in spite of the many provocations enumerated above it remained firm and refused to be pro- voked into armed conflict. “The main reason lies in the very existence of the Soviet Union. The very existence of a country ruled by the proletariat and peasantry, growth of the number of persons performing manual labor forms, however, 20.7 per cent of the 24.2 per cent increase in the number of industrial workers. Let us pass to the question of unemployment. It must be said that in this sphere much eon- fusion exists both in the People’s Commissariat of Labor and in the Central Council of the Trade Unions of the Soviet Union. On the one hand the data issued by these institutions show that we have about a million unemployed, 14.33 per cent of which are the least skilled workers, whilst about 73 per cent are persons performing the so-called intellectual work and not qualified workers, the greater part of these last being women and youths who have nothing These “Reds” Will Come Out in Masses to Fight the Boss War Moves Ou August Ist Hoover’s Negro Tools in Haiti by Gropper By HARRY GANNES. A published in the Negro press in the United States, written by P. L. Prattis, who holds the title of “staff correspondent of the Associated Negro Press.” The main purport of these screeds is to misinform the Negro readers of the true situation in Haiti. Prattis takes espe- cial pains to glorify the imperialist chief, Hoover, who complacently approves of the lynchings of Negro workers in the United States, and who backs the murders of Haitian workers and peasants. “In my last dispatch to America,” writes Prattis, “I indicated that President Hoover is in great popular favor here. . . . The people feel that President Hoover is going to rid them of the occupation and that he is going to set about in a munificent and beneficent way to help them.” Prattis merely gives his view, and the view of the petty-bourgeois misleaders with whom he hobnobs, as the opinion of the Haitian “peo- ple.” For Hoover and his puppets, high com- missioners and marines, the great mass of Haitian workers and peasants have the pro- foundest hatred. ‘ Good Service. Prattis also praises M. Eugene Roy as “neither a politician or an American tool,” say- ing at the same time that ex-President Borno “was an American tool.” In this Prattis does good service to the National City Bank of New York, the virtual owner of Haiti and the force behind Mr. Roy. Roy is a banker, All banking in Haiti comes within the grasp of the fat palms of the National City Bank officials, It swas for this reason that Roy was chosen. While Borno was more brutal and open in carrying out the orders of his Wall Street bosses, Roy hides behind the halo which Prattis aids in holding up for him. Hoover will not withdraw the marines from The very existence of a country organized on socialist foundations, instead of capitalist ex- ploitation. This very existence of the Soviet Union, with its steadily progressing Socialist economy, is the basic contradiction between it and the capitalist world, which ultimately means the destruction of the capitalist system. It means the triumph of the new economy, based not on the exploitation of the many by a handful of trusts, but an economy based on the well-being of those who toil. When we take a glance at the world econo- mic and political situation today, what do we see? The capitalist world finds itself in the death grip of a deep economic crisis. Produc- tion is constantly going down, unemployment and misery among the working class is exact- ing its full measure; while prime ministers and cabinets come and go. In the United States, the land of “permanent prosperity,” there are more than six million unemployed—thus shat- tering the myth of American prosperity—a myth which influenced a big section of the working class of this country, and found its reflection in the Lovestone leadership of the Communist Party. Only after the exposure and expulsion of Lovestone, Pepper and Co. from the Communist ranks has the Party rid itself SERIES of articles from Haiti are being | Haiti, as Prattis, Dr. Moton (another of Hoo- ver’s Negro tools sent to Haiti to mislead the Haitian masses and to throw dust in the eyes of the Negroes in this country) and others try to tell the 13,000,000 American Negroes to keep their faith in Hoover and the republican party. Sharp battles are sure in the future which must get the support of the American workers, black and white. Prattis, Moton and company are paid by Hoover and the American Negro petty-bourgeoisie to support Wall Street’s policy in Haiti. But the Negro masses in this country are rapidly learning what Hoover’s good will and slimy,smooth, lying phrases mean—lynching, Jim Crowing of Negro gold star mothers, in- creased terror in the South and North, mass unemployment and misery for the workers. In Haiti, Hoover carries out the policy of mass lynching with the aid of marines and his banker-tool, Roy. The Agrarian Crisis. The agrarian crisis has hit Haiti especially hard. The price of coffee, which comprises 80 per cent of the agricultural output of Haiti, is constantly dropping. Millions of pounds have been dumped in Brazil to keep up the price, but without avail. With the bankruptcy and ruin of thousands of small Haitian farmers, their land falls more and more into the hands of the bankers—including Mr. Roy and his banking outfit. These problems cannot be solved by Dr. Moton’s “educational commis- sion” nor Prattis’ lying expedition. American imperialism does not propose to stop bleeding Haiti. Only the conscious mass uprising of the Haitian workers and peasants, with the support of the American workers, Negro and white, will force out the American occupation and lay the basis for the solution of the diffi- cult problems in Haiti, from which both the Haitian bourgeoisie and the American bankers profit, from this capitalist propaganda and is now on the right road, Yet, while the world cap- italists are struggling to extricate themselves from this crisis, by trying io shift the burden upon the workers and poor farmers, and grap- pling amongst themselves for a redivision of the world’s markets, the Soviet Union is travel- ing speedily ahead with its Five-Year Plan of Socialist construction. Production is rising up- ward and upward, the workers’ standard of living is constantly improving, and not only is there no unemployment but the Soviet Union is actually importing skilled workers from America and other countries. At the same time the political situation is the healthiest since the revolution. The proletariat, as the leader of the revolution, is tightly welded together under the leadership of the Communist Party. Thus we find that the world crisis is only a crisis for the capitalist world not crossing the border of the Soviet Union. Indeed, the Soviet Union borders are very well protected. There are other contradictions which prompt the imperialists to seek a cause for an armed attack, " During the twelve years since the war ended when the world was last redivided, he pro- ductive forces of some countries (United States, to do with production. On the other hand, we are suffering from a frightful shortage of skilled labor, the labor exchanges fail to satisfy to 80 per cent the demand made by our under- takings for workers, and we are therefore forced to re-school entirely unqualified workers, with the utmost rapidity, literally in passing, and to transform these into qualified workers, in order to meet even the most urgent de- mands of our workers and factories. It is dif- ficult to find a way through this confusion. One thing is however clear, and that is that our unemployed do not form a reserve army— and still less a permanent reserve army—of unemployed, for our tndustry. What then? Even the data of the People’s Commissariat of Labor show that in comparison with last year, the number of unemployed has sunk at the present time by more than 700,000. This means a diminution of unemployment by more than | 42 per cent by May First of this year. This is a further result of the growth of the socialist sector of our national economy. b) We arrive at an even more impressive result if we regard the matter from the stand- point of the distribution of national income among the classes. The question of the distri- bution of the national income among the classes is a fundamental one from the standpoint of the material and cultural situation of the work- ers and peasants. It is not for nothing that the bourgeois economists of Germany, Great Bri- tain, and the United States are striving to confuse this question to the advantage of the bourgeoisie, by means of the publication of their “completely objective” researches in this direction, According to the data issued by the German State Statistics Office, the share falling to ‘Comrade J; Stalin’s Address on June 27, 1930 wages out of Germany's national incom amounted to 70 per cent in 1929, the share o the bourgeoisie being 30 per cent. According to the data of the Federal Trad Commission, and of the state office for econo mic research, the share falling to the worker: of the United States of the national incom: amounted to something over 54 per cent ir 1923, the share of the capitalists being some thing over 45 per cent. And finally, according to the statements of the economists Boley anc Stamp, the workers’ share of Great Britain’: income in 1924 was something under 50 per cent, and the share of the capitalists something over 50 per cent. The result of these researches must, however not be accorded full credence, for not only sins of purely economic nature are committed ir the course of these researches, but sins of an. other kind, aiming at concealing or giving s smaller appearance to the incomes of the cap- italists, and in part at puffing up the incomes of the workers, and making these appear great- er, by means of counting to the workers many officials receiving enormous salaries. And this apart from the fact that these investigations frequently ignore the incomes of the farmers and of the whole of the rural capitalists. Comrade Varga has subjected these data tc a critical analysis. It appears that the share of national income falling to the workers in town and country who do not exploit foreign labor power, is 55 per cent in Germany, 54 per cent in the United States, 45 per cent in Great Britain; but the share of the capitalists is in Germany 465 per cent, in the United States 46 per cent, in Great Britain 55 per cent. This is the state of affairs in the greatest capitalist countri (To Be Continued.) The New Stage of the Renegades By EARL BROWDER. NDIGNANT denials by the Lovestone and Cannon groups of renegades greeted our analysis that the two groups were headed toward unification and have already a common action program. That was several months ago. They are “progressing” rapidly, however, and already they speak openly in their press about the approachment. “Revolutionary Age” for August 1 reports the formal adoption by the Lovestoneites of the policy of “blocs on the concrete issues of the class struggles with the Trotskyites.” On its part, the “Militant” reports correspondence between Winitsky, manager of “Revolutionary Age,” and Trotsky, in which these two gentle- men address one another as “dear comrade” and sign themselves “fraternally.” This lov- ing spirit of “unity” is, of course, no surprise. Polities has its logic which works out relent- lessly in life. It is known that the two groups for some time have been working out common tactics in their struggle against the Party and Comin- tern; they have now reached the stage where this will no longer be kept secret, but will be proclaimed publicly, Hitherto, the liaison offi- cer, the “verbindungsmann” who was the chan- nel of “unity,” was Weisbord—the same Weis- bord who started his attack against the Party under the slogan that it was still poisoned by the influence of Lovestone and Cannon and that only Weisbord could cleanse the Party from these impurities. That, of course, was a passing phase; even the renegades cannot allow this clow to play a political role in their affairs. Common tactics are displayed in the current issues of the two papers on all important ques- tions. They have agreed, remembering how their open scabbing proclamations against the August First demonstrations last year roused the workers in hot anger against them, not to mention the subject this year at all. Instead of the bold scabbing, they adopt a cowardly, silent scab position. Not only on the August First demonstrations, but also on the whole question of war danger, both are silent. In- stead of the struggle against war, they have adopted completely the slogans of the struggle against the Communist International—that is, they are entirely on the other side of the barri- cades, acting as a sector of the capitalist war- preparation campaign, Both groups express great hopes of new re- eruiting for their counter-revolutionary activi- ties from the Party ranks. Lovestone quotes with glee some pessimistic paragraphs from Comrade Darcy’s article in the pre-convention discussion, All signs of pessimism in the Party are great “successes” for Lovesto-> and com- pany. They base all hopes for recruits upon pessimistic elements, Cannon has “real recruits” to report and to boast of as signs of the “decisive trend of the movement in our direction.” Let us examine this “movement.” It is composed of Hugo Oehler and George Saul. Hugo Oehler deserted his post in the South at a difficult moment, without notice, and simply disappeared. When discovered later in Chicago, he was found in a pathological condition, suffering from hallu- cinations, which was the only factor saving him then from expulsion from the Party. He is suffering from a serious case of paranoia. His “conversion” to Trotskyism is a by-product of his mental breakdown. The case of George Saul differs somewhat; he ran away from a six months’ sentence on the chain-gang.in Caro- lina, covering up his desertion by leaving the Party and announcing himself as a Trotskyite. Serve As Waste Basket. Thus the renegade groups serve the function | of waste-basket to gather in the decaying and corrupted, the careerist and the pessimist, all the unhealthy elements which cannot stand the tests put to them by the sharpening class struggle. The renegades have “won their spurs” with capitalism now, and have a reserved place for their statements in all the capitalist press. They are shock troops“in the fight against the Com- munist International. They assist in the pre- paration of the workers for the war against the Soviet Union, sanctifying the war by their vicious slanders against the Bolshevik leaders and Party. They act as stool-pigeons and pro- vocateurs in the class struggle in the United States. Now, coming to unity among them- selves, they jointly move towards unity with the Muste group and the bourgeois liberals, who need some harmless “communist” paint to decorate themselves with in order to streng- then themselves with the masses, The present stage of the renegades “pro- gress” opens with their public formal bloc against the Party. It will close with the public and formal merger with the social-fascists. Demonstrate against war and unemployment on August Ist! Demand that expenditures planned for armaments be turned over for the relief of the unem- ployed! Workers! Join the Party of Your Class} Communist Party U. S. A, 43 East 125th Street, New York City. ‘ I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu: Send me more information, nist Party. Name AddreSS ...sseeccceeevcomecee Uit¥eee Occupation ..cecccsccccccccrccees AZGs esses Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St.. New York, N. Y, Germany, etc.), have developed more rapidly than others. This necessitated a new redivision especially of the colonies. Hence the grapple amongst the various imperialist nations and the race in war preparations. But the existence of the Soviet Union, with its policy of real self-determination for small and oppressed na- tions, constantly exposes the imperialists’ colo- nial schemes, and encourages these colonies to resist their designs. The Soviet Union is thus a bone hard for the imperialists to swallow. Besides these oppressed nations they still hope to divide amongst themselves the rich market of Russia itself, and by the exploitation of the millions of Russian workers and peasants save their own necks, In addition the very existence of the Soviet Union continually exposes the contradictions within the capitalist countries, Here unemploy- ment—there gradual improvement of the work- ers’ standard of living. Here anarchy in produc- tion—there the Five-Year Plan, the greatest accomplishment of all time. Here the ruina- tion of the farmers—there the collectivization of agriculture and the improvement of the Peasant’s standard of life over the pre-war days of practically 100 per cent. These contradictions between the rising So- cialist economy and the dying capitalist eco- nomy are insoluble. It is a question of “who— whom?” The impelialists know this and they know that they are fighting a losing battle. But it would be wrong to assume that they are already beaten. The final blow will have to be delivered by the proletariat of each country against their own capitalists. Neither the fas- cists, the social-fascists, nor their puppets— the Musteites, Trotskyites, Lovestonites and all other renegades, can save their beloved system of profit and exploitation. We hope that from what has been written above there cannot be any doubt in the mind of every honest worker that war against the Soviet Union is a real danger. Once we have this in mind we can easily grasp the importance of August 1, the day of fighting demonstrations against the imperialists’ war plans, and soli- darity for the workers’ fatherland. We say to the Soviet enemies: “You may have-your fas- cist.organizations; you may have your Thom- ases and your MacDonalds; you may have your traitors to the revolutionary movement. The mi s of the exploited workers are on guard; the millions of oppressed will defend the Soviet Union. In this battle between the new and the old the new will ‘i