The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 28, 1930, Page 4

Published by the Comprodaily Sc New York C N. quate, Addrers and mail all cl cks t Publishing Co., Inc Y. Telephone Stuyve © the Daily Worker daily except Sunda The Political Report of the Central , at 96-28 Union DAIWORK.” New York. N. Dai Central Ong orker’ Porty U.S.A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: Sy mail everywrere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One yr. $8; six mons. $4.50 —— Committee to the X VI. Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Comrade J. Stalin’s Address on June 27, 1930 II. The Increasing Progress of the Building-Up of Socialisr and the Inner Situation of the Soviet Union. (Continued) y (b) With regard to the development of the | rollective farms, the status is even more fa- | vorable, In July, 1928, the Plenum of the C.C. passed e following decision on collective farming development: “The task of uniting and reorganizing the small individual peasant farms in large col- lectives, set by the Fifteenth Party Congre: is to be carried on steadily, in the form of luntary associations, established on the ba- of up-to-date technics, and representing a higher form of the grain farm, both in the sense of the socialist reorganization of agriculture and in the sense of a radical in- crease of its productivi and production of commodities.” (See resolution of the July Plenum of the C. C.: “The grain supply policy and its connection with the general economic position,” 1928.) Later on this resolution was confirmed by the decisions of the Sixteenth Party Confer ence and in a special olution of the Novem ber Plenum of the C.C. in 1929, on the col lective farming movement. In the second halt of 1929, when the fundamental turn of the peasantry in the direction of the collective farm became observable, and when the middl- peasantry joined the collective farms in mass es, the Polbureau of the C.C. passed a specia resolution on January 5th, 1930: “The tempc of collectivization and the measure of aid taken by the state for the development of the col lectives.” In this decision of the C.C.: 1. The existence of a turn on the part of the masses of the peasantry towards the col lective. farms’ was placed on record, as also the possibility of out-distancing the Five-Year | Plan of collective farming development by the spring of 1930. 2. The existence of the material and other prerequisites necessary for the rep! nent of the kulak farms by collective production was placed on record; in this connection the neces- sity of the transition from the policy of the restriction of the kulak em to the policy of the abolition of the kulak class was de- clared. 3. The perspective was laid down according to which the grain area to be jointly cultivated, was to increase to considerably over 30 mil- lion hectares by the spring of 1930. 4. The Soviet Union was divided into three regional groups and for each group the gen- eral orientation given for the term within which the collectivization was to be completed. 5. The methods of soil cultivation were sed to the advantage of the collective farms, as also the forms in which agriculture is to be financed, and a credit of at least 500 mil- lion roubles allotted to the collective farms for the year 1929-30. 6. The artel was established as the main form of the collecti tion movement, as the nain link in the collective farming system of ‘he present time. 7. The opportunist elements in the Party, vho sought to hamper the collective farming 1ovement by assertions of a lack of machines ind tractors, were replied to. 8. Finally, the Party warned the workers against possible mistakes in the collectiviza- tion movement, and against the danger incurred by the collectivization movement being devel- oped by a decree from above, this threatening to replace the real mass collective movement by a collectivization game. It must be observed that this resolution of The War Danger in Two Americas By HARRY GAN ac is on the two American continents that the sharpest form of the war danger between | American and British imperialism presents it- | self. This is no way lessens the bitter com- petition between these two robber powers in the Far East, in Europe and elsewhere. But a glance to the North, to Canada, and to the South, throughout the Caribbeans, Mexico and every Latin American country will show the gigantic and immediate strides of American and British imperialism to war. Whichever way the Canadian elections come out (either a conservative or liberal victory) the struggle between British and American ex- ploiters in these vast markets will sharpen. While in England, France, Italy and Spair much talk and some action on retaliatory tariff has taken place, in Canada action has beer swift and decisive. With a stroke of the nen Premier Mackenzie King lopped off $300,000,000 of American trade, or one-third of Wall Stree usual share. Nor is he content with this. } and his bourgeois backers look forward to th: imperial economics conference in London, to discuss Empire preferential trade, with a re- alization of nearing roar of cannons. The conservative opposition, which expresses more of the independence of the Canadian ex- ploiters, who in the coming war alliances seek greater advantages for themselves, is an oppo- sition in degree and not in principle. They want even more drastic action against their ‘Wall Street competitors and more concessions from British imperialism in the pending war. Dwight W. Morrow has let no grass grow under his feet in Mexico. He has tightened the | war lines against British imperialism. Yet de- spite the utter servility of President Ortiz | Rubio and a big section of the Mexican ruling | class, despite the superiority of American in- | vestments in Mexico, the British have a strong base in the remnants of the feudal landowners, the church. The growing of Wall Street's hegemony has tender to sharpen British and American antagonisms to a higher pitch. Since the last world war, American imperial- ism has rapidly increased its investments in Latin America at the expense of Great Britain. Both have a little over five billion invested in various countries, while before the war the United States had $2,200,000,000 and Great Britain had $5,000,000. U. S. investments ex- ceed $5,500,000. British investments have gained little. In Latin America, with the growing crisis, and shrinxage of foreign markets, the battle between U. S. and British imperialism takes a headlong plunge. This was shown very sharply in the latter yart ¢f June by the revolution in Bolivia in which a grous of army officers backed by British imperialism, who supported Bautista Saavedra jor ;resident against Hernando Siles, agent vf Wall Street. won power through the sacrifices of the workers. The seizure of power by the British-backed generals from the hands of Siles, America’s agent, ‘was the answer of Great Britain to America’s maneuvers to seize the rich el Chace region from Paraguay for the Standard Oil. The real battle is between the British Shell! Oi] Company and the Standard Oil of the U. S. The oil concession in the region was “sold’ to the Standard Oil, but a previous gov- ernment, more inclined towards British im- perialism, had granted “The Bolivian Rail- way Co., “directed by the British imperialist, Jacob Backur, a concession which included ex- tensive oi] lands in the same region. At the inception of his rule, Hoover made a tour of Latin America to gain the “good will” of the various Latin American governments, * and to sow the seeds for future war prepara- tions. This was answered by the British D'Abernon commission which cut into the American advances in Agentine, Brazil, Chile anid Paraguay. American military missions, military advisers have visited Peru, Chile and Brazil. to instruct their various armies and navies for the coming imperialist war. The “solution” of the Tacna-Arica question, engineered by the U. S., which provided for a treaty between Peru and Chile, declaring that the port of Arica( Antifogasta) should be | NES | “neutral” in reality puts this important Pac- ifie port into the hands of American impevial- ism for its war preparations in Latin Aimer- ica. The control of Antifogasta by American imperialism is a threat agai ests in Chile, Peru and Bolivi In Argentine, Brazil, Chile, Peru and other Latin American countries, where heretofore the British controlled the leading railroads and public utilities, such as the telephone systems, electric power plants, Wall Street is making hig inroads. The National City Bank of New York and the Farmers Loan and Trust Co. of New York have created a large public util- | ities holding company for further penetration of the Argentinian field against the British who heretofore were supreme there. U. S. trade is rapidly increasing at the expense of the | British. In his book, “American Conquers Great Britain,” Ludwell Denny gives the story of the Anglo-U. S. struggle for oil in every Latin Ameri He shows in full detail the imperialist intrigues, briberies, war prep»ra: tions from Mexico to the tip of Southern Ar- gentine. Even further: The British imperialists have been surveying important sectors in Latin America for naval and air bases. The Panama | Corporation, a British syndicate promoted by | the Earl of Cavan and Lord Melchett, in 1925 obtained from the Panaman government a 10- year gold concession. The peculiar thing about this gold concession is that it contained no golu but was uncomfortably near the Panama canal and provided a remarkable air base for the | coming Angle-U. S. war. A whole flock of presidents and officials of Latin America have visited their Wall Street bosses. Among them were Ortiz Rubio of | Mexico; Dr. Enrique Olaya Herrara, president of Columbia; Julio Prestes, president of Brazil —all pledging close cooperation with the American imperialists. In all these countries, Great Britain and the United States are rapidly establishing import- ant war bases. Great Britain counts on Can- ada and Argentina for its food supply in the event of a war. The United States Steel Co. has grabbed the huge iron deposits in Minas Gerass—the largest single unexploited iron de- posit in the world. It plans to invest $350,- 000,00C in this territory. The American army engineers are quickly completing their survey of the Nicaraguan canal project, and American imperialism is strengthening its hold on Nicaragua to push through this project as a war move. The war danger in Latin America, in Can- ada, where the lines have sharpened immensely especially since the onset of the present world crisis, can be seen in the every day conflicts of the two leading imperialist powers. Together with the war alliances of the vari- our puppet rulers and dictators in Latin Amer- ica comes the more vicious suppression of the revolutionary working class movements, as in Mexico, Cuba, Brazil, Chile and Bolivia. Despite this, plans are going ahead for huge August Ist demonstrations in every Latin ‘mer:can country Party has an organization as well Canada. as in Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Cemmunist Party U. S. A. 42 Kast 125th Street, New York City 1. the undersigned. want to join the Commu nist Party. Send me more information. NBME .ocececcccececsseccesseccecsesecmeses AddreS® ....eeeseeeereeererss Vity OCCUPATION o. cee ceceeecererere +, ARO sseee Mail this to the Central Office Communist Varty, 43 East 125th St.. New York, N. ¥. t British inter- | in which the Communist | the C.C. was received with more than unfriend- ness by the opportunist elements of our Party. There was much whispering and talk to the effect that the C.C. had visionaries, and that it was “wasting” the people’s money on “non-existent” collective farms. The right elements rubbed their hands and were delighted in advance at the “cer- tain” collapse, But the C.C. resolutely pur- sued its line, and followed it to its end, in spite of the continued Philistine giggling of the right, and in spite of the deviations and fits of dizziness of the “left.” In 1927-28 76 million roubles were expended for financing the collective farms, in 1928-29 170 million roubles and finally in the curent year 473 million roubles. Besides, 65 million become a body of | roubles were given to the collectivization funds, privileges were granted to the collective farms, increasing the financial resources of the_col- lectives by a further 200 million roubles.) The confiscated property of the kulaks was trans- ferred to the collective farms to the value-of over 400 million roubles.“No fewer than 30,000 tractors for the use of the collective farms, apart from the 7,000 tractors of the Tractor Central in the service of the collective farms, and apart from the help given by the tractors belonging to the Soviet farms. In this year the collective farms have received aid in the form of 10 million ewt. (61 million poods) of seed corn. Finally, immediate organizational aid has been given the collectives by the crea- tion of a basis of machine gangs, numbering This is the third of a series of articles on the Fish “inwestigation” which is being published in the Daily Worker.—Editor. By L. P. I1I—Why Do Workers Strike. NE of the aims of the Fish Committee is to make the workers believe that strikes and | struggles in this country do not arise as a result of the very economic conditions under | which the workers live and toil, but as a re- sult of the efforts of certain “individuals” who are connected with Moscow. Miners do not strike because their wages are being cut, their standard of living lowered; workers de- fend themselves not because the police and | the bosses thugs are attacking them; workers | demand work or wages and social insurance not because they are unemployed and starving but all this is a result of a conspiracy of some foreign country. Of course, the workers know better than that. Even in the testimony of the strike brcekaer represefttative of concilia- tions of the U. S. department of labor it is clearly stated that the strike in Gastonia and in Passaic took place because wage cuts took place and the workers refused to stand it any longer. Mr. Nelson: What was the cause of the dis- pute in that case (Gastonia?) Mr. Wood: A ten per cent reduction made by the manufacturers engaged in the industry in that city. Mr. Nelson: What was the cause of the strike (Gastonia); why did they go out? Mr. Wood: They went out for the reason that the conditions of employment were such that they could not earn a fair wage.” We therefore see that the very existing economic system and the exploitation of the workers is the cause for strikes and struggles of the workers against the bosses. Weren’t there strikes before the Soviet Union came into existence and the Communist International was organized? We Communists lead the strikes of the workers, we expose the betrayers of the workers and present the workers with a program. But Communism is not the cause for strikes; ‘t is capitalism that forces workers to strike and struggle. The bosses want pur- posely to confuse it in order to make the work- ers believe that if they do away with Commu- nists there will be no labor struggles, that on the basis of the very existing conditions of the workers in this country and other captialist countries there is really no ground for class struggle. The Communist Party of the U. S. and the Communist International. Since capitalist exploitation is the very cause for the class struggle, therefore the class strug- gle is not typical to one country but to all capitalist countries. There is no such a thing as an American class struggle and French class struggle. In all capitalist countries there is a continuous class war between the workers and the capitalists. Our struggle is therefore an international struggle. When in one country a sharp clas struggle takes place, the workers of the other countries are not passive onlokers, but are their active support- ers. If our struggle is international we there- fore must have an international leadership and guidance. If we are concerned that the work- ers of all countries shall win we therefore must coordinate all the revolutionary forces of the workers into one central international body. If we are not ¢oing this we are no longer Fight Imperialist War Preparations! What the Fish Investigation Reveals of the struggles of the workers ‘today is the Communist International. It consists of the best leaders of the inter- national working class, it is an embodiment of the experience of the worlds revolutionary movement. That is why we accent the deci- sions of the Communist International, that is why we go to the Communist International for advice and guidance. Because it is our leader. We accept this guidance on the basis of our conviction and confidence in that lead- ership whom the revolutionary movement of the world elected to lead. The Communist Party does not conceal this fact; on the contrary it is in the spirit of international revolutionary class struggle of the workers of the world against all capitalists and their agents that we educate our membership and the entire working class. International consciousness and action is only characteristic to the Communist movement. The socialist betrayers who only serve their national bourgeoisie are not and could not be internationalists. That is why the socialist parties belonging to the socialist international have national autonomy, and do what the in- terests of thcim country, which means the in- terests of their capitalists demand. We have seen how during the last war the socialists of one country supported their capitalists in the war upon another capitalist country supported by their respective socialists. In the coming war, however, the Communist Parties of all countries will have one aim not only not to support their capitalist government against another capitalist government, but through strikes, organization of the workers and frater- nalization work for the defeat of their govern ment and turn the bosses wars into a civil war against capitalism. The capitalists know that, that is why they want to crush us. The Fish Committee raises another cry: Why we have our headquarters in Moscow. The government of the Soviet Union is a worker government. It is the only government that will permit the Communist International to function and lead. The capaitalists of other countries are controlled by our enemies and they will not permit us to exist. It is un- fortunate that Washington and Berlin are still controlled by capitalism! Even the British labor government did not permit the interna- tiowal Negro conference to take place in Lon- don. We must also answer the cry of the’ Fish Committee why the Russians are controlling the Communist International. Why not? Even if the majority of Russians are elected into the leadership of the Communist International, it is done not because they are Russian, but be- cause they are the best and the most exper- ienced Communists. Because this is in the interests of the revolutionary niovement to utilize the exnerience of the tried Bolsheviks of the Russian Communist Party to help lead the international revolutionary movement. Moreover, while the Fish Committee goes wild because the Communists built up an international revolutionary movement, they had the same time don’t say a word about the international co-operation of the capital- ists. Haven’t the capitalists got their inter- national congresses, where they map their plans of how best to exploit the workers in their respective countries? Didn’t the capital- ist have international police conferences in order to work out schemes for more efficient suppression of the revolutionary workers? It is true, there is a difference. The workers of revolutionaries.” This international leadership | all countries having the same interests there- t © over 7,000, and utilizing no fewer than 1,300,- 000 horses. What have been the results of these meas- ures? In 1927 the area cultivated by the collectives was 0.8 million hectares, in 1928 1.4 million hectares, in 1929 4.3 million hectares, in 1930 at least 36 million hectares, including summer and winter crops. This means, firstly, that in the first three years the grain area of the collective farms has increased by more than forty times. It means, secondly, that our collective farms now possess a cultivated area as large as that of France and Italy together. (Applause.) With respect to the gross grain production and the market grain production, the following. | are the figures: in 1927 the collective farms yielded 4.9 million cwt. of grain, of which two million ewt. were market grain; in 1928 | 8.4 million ewt. of which 3.6 million ewt. were market grain; in 1929 29.1 million cwt. of | which 12.7 million ewt. were market grain; in 1930, according to all data, we shall have 256 | million ewt. (1,550 million poods), of which at j least 82 million cwt. (more than 500 million poods) will be market grain. It must be admitted that in no other branch of our industry, which is developing at a suf- ficiently rapid rate in general, is there such an unheard of rapidity of advance to be recorded as in the collective farms. ‘ What do all these figures signify? They signify, above all that the gross pro- duction of grain in the collective farms has in- creased more than fiftyfold within three years, and the production of market grain by more than fortyfold. These figures signify, secondly, that we have the possibility of obtaining from the collectives more than one-half of the total market grain of the country. Thirdly, these figures signify that the fate of agriculture -and its leading problems will be decided from now onwards, not by the indivi- dual undertakings, but by the collective and Soviet farms. Fourthly, these figures show that the pro- cess of the liquidation of the kulak as a class is going ahead among us with full steam. Finally, these figures signify that economic shiftings have already taken place in the coun- try, fully justifying us in claiming that we have succeeded in leading the village into the new path, the path of collectivization, and have thereby secured the successful building up of socialism, not only in the city, but also in the village. The Politbureau of the C. C.in its resolution of January 5, 1930, laid down the program of cultivated acreage for the collective farms for the spring of 1930. The area to be thus culti- vated on socialized lines was fixed at 30 mil- lion hectares. In actuality we have cultivated 36 million hectares, exceeding the program laid down by the C. C. Again those who ridiculed the decision of the C. C. made only themselves ridiculous. Neither petty bourgeois anarchy nor the mistakes of the collectivization have aided the opportunist chatterers of our Party. According to the Five-Year Plan, the col- lective farms are to be cultivating 20.6 million hectares of land by the end of the five years, But in reality we have already reached 36 mil- lion hectares. This means that we have exceeded the Pive- Year Plan program of collective farming pro- gress, within two years, by more than one and a half times. (Applause.) According to the Five-Year Plan, by the end of the five years the gross grain production of the collectives is to be 190.5 million ewt. In reality we shall obtain in this year a gross production of grain by the collective farms of 256 million cwt. This means that within two years we have exceeded the Five-Year program of collective grain production by more than 30 per cent. The Five-Year Plan in two years. (Applause) And now the opportunist’ gossips may assert if they say that it is impossible to carry out and outstrip the Five-Year Plan of collective farming development within two years, Political Outlook of the Elections By LEON PLATT. | a considering the coming elections, one must remember that they will take place in a year of a serious economic crisis and unemploy- ment. The economic crisis seriously affected the political prestige of the Hoover administra- tion and the republican party as a whole. To the working class of this country, the repub- lican party became the party of unemployment, wage cuts and brutal police terror. In the face of this situation, none of the other capitalist parties have any program to offer for the solution of these problems. The political and economic features that disting- uished the democratic from the republican party have disappeared long ago. The demo- cratic party is no longer the anti-tariff party. Therefore the struggle in the senate on the tariff question was not a struggle between the republican party and the democrats. The tariff was passed only because the democrats sup- ported it, Wrong Ideas. Nor will it be correct to state that the struggle on the tariff question within the United States senate was a struggle between agrarian capitalism and industrial capitalism; or that the internal struggle within the cap- italist parties, particularly the republican party, is a struggle between the petty bour- geoisie and trustified capitalism, or between protectionists and free traders. In the United States agrarian capitalism is also finance capitalism. The economnie in- terests of the basic moving forces within the capitalists parties are so diffused and inter- linked that no special iron cast mold can be given to characterize the special economic interests of the struggling groups. The present economic crisis only further sharpens the group antagonisms within the capitalist part- ies and undermines the influence of the vari- oWs political machines. The weakening of the republican party con- trol of the government is being accepted by the leading capitalist press as an axiom. The republican majority in the congress will be greatly reduced with a number of democrats sent to the congress. If one is to look back into the political history of the U. S. he will see that the cyclical economic crisis of cap- italism had great political repercussions upon the ruling political party. These political tendencies will no doubt be manifested in the elections this year. Major Issues, What will be the major issues on the basis of which the capitalist parties will appeal to the masses for support? While it is clear that the Hoover administration did not bring prosperity to the masses, that it could not solve the crisis nor remedy unemployment, yet it is already evident that the republican party is appealing for mass support on the ground that “Hoover averted a more serious panic”; that he and his business council “saved the country from chaos and demoralization.” Leading supporters of the administration are even trying to tell us that Hoover prevented wage cuts, The existing situation by itself, however, exposes these lies and hypocricy. The London naval treaty is another question becoming the main issue of the republican party in the coming elections, “Peace”, “disarmament”, “parity with Eng- land”, “peace with our neighbors” will be used in the most demagogic fashion to mislead the masses where they could not be induced by other means. This explains why the Hoover |* administration is so anxious to have this treaty passed by the special session of senate, so sit could be used in the coming elections. The falsity of these issues should be clear for fore also have the possibility to organize in- ternationally. The capitalists, however, are always divided. Their interests run contrary to each other, they live only on the basis of continuous struggle between themselves, by trying to rob from each other’s markets and grow at the expense of the other. While the interests of one capitalist country is directly opposed to the interests of the other capitalist counry, when it comes to fight the working every worker. The nature of the peace and disarmament achieved at the London confer- ence speaks for itself. The republican party is also playing with farm relief and the activities of the farm board. The appropriation of 500 million dol- lars revolving fund, the granting of federal loans to the farm “co-operatives,” will be brought to the masses as the “accomplish- ments” of the administration for the farmers. The true situation in regard to the farmers, however, is a known fact and nothing can cover it up. It is true that the government, through the farm board has made loans to the grain “co-operatives”. This, however, does not mean that they helped the poor farm- ers, The grain co-operatives are controlled by finance capital, the individual farmer cannot share in these loans unless he is a member of these co-operatives at a fixed price. For the coming elections, the democratic party has no program at all. We, however, must take note of the fact that the democratic party is utilizing in the most demagogic fashion the present economic crisis and unemployment for its own interests. Democratic senators are attacking the government on the unem- ployment question and are introducing bills to investigate unemployment, establish labor exchanges, etc., in order to pose as the defend- ers of the unemployed. They are juggling with phrases about power control, prohibition and curbing injunctions in labor disputes. Prohibition is not a national question of either of these two political par- ties. It is used in accordance with local sen- timent ‘and conditions. The democratic party will no doubt exploit the economie plight and misery cf the masses and to large degrees will succeed in making political capital. The Role of Social Fascism. We must definitely state that the socialist party will be an important factor and play a role in the coming elections. This does not mean that the role the socialist party will play will be based on its class struggle program. Not at all. The socialist party has no- pro- gram to offer to the working class, and the proposals it does make differ very little from the capitalist parties. For example, the so- cialist party accuses Governor Roosevelt of New York of stealing their program on water power. One can readily understand what kind of a program the socialists have when the millionaire strikebreaker, Roosevelt, was ready to steal it from them. “The development of Governor Roosevelt’s so-called power program ean be traced to the socialist platforms. , In taking our program peacemeal - . .” ‘ The socialist party as well is taking advan- tage of the-economie crisis and acute unem- ployment to make political capital. In tinction to the democratic party, the socialist party is being consciously pushed forward by our enemies in order to divert the radicaliza- tion of the masses into “proper channels” and prevent the Communists from assuming lead- ership, To perform this function, the socialist party is again using revolutionary phrases and ap- pearing as a working class party. We have eveu secu that within the socialist party there is developing 1 so-called “left” wing with a pseudo-class program, with a demand that they go back to Marxist phraseology. and party control of the socialist members in the trade unions. For the Communist Party, however, the present economic and political situation offers very favorable opportunities to carry through a successful election campaign. Just as the Party made a turn in its mass work generally, just so must we change our approach to revo- lutionary parliamentarism and utilize it as a weapon in the class struggle. class, however, on this they will agree and unite. The military intervention in the Soviet Union during the first years of the revolution, when Germany, England and America united with the aim to defeat the October revolution is a good example. While the bosses are to- day preparing feverishly for war amongst themselvs, they are at the same time continu- ously preparing for a joint attack upon the Soviet Union.