The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 25, 1930, Page 4

/ _ shows a decline of nearly half a F Published by the Comprodafty Publishing Co. tnc., Gaily, except Sunday, at 9 Fee PO sousts, New York City, N.Y. ‘Telephone Stuyvesant. 16 8 Cable: Address and mail all checks to the Paily Worke 28 Union Square. New Central Organ ‘of the Comust. Daily 2: Worker of the U. S.A. ousSCrurTION RATES: Sy mail everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One yr, $8; six mons, $4.50 The Political Report of the Ceniral Committee to the X VI. Party Congres|' of the Communist Party of the Soviet Il. The Increasing Progress of the Building-Up of So and the Inner Situation of the Soviet Union. (Continued) 4. Agriculture and the Grain Problem. I have referred above to the situation of agriculture as a whole, including forestry, fishery, etc., without dividing agriculture into its main divisions. If we now consider the most important branches of agriculture, for instance grain growing, livestock rearing, tech- nical plant cultivation, we find conditions as follows, according to the data furnished by the State Planning Commission and the People’s Commissariat for Agriculture, of the Soviet Union. a) If we take the area sown with various grain sorts in 1913 at 100, the comparative figures for the areas under. grain cultivation during the period of this report are as follows: 1926-27 96.9 per cent; 1927-28 94.7 per cent; 1928-29 98.2 per cent; and in the current year, 1929-30—according to the data—105.1 per cent of the pre-war level. The fact of the falling off in the grain area in 1927-28 must receive our attention. This falling off was not due to a retrogression in agriculture, as assumed by the dolts of the Right opportunist camp, but by the ruination of the winter crops, to the extent of 7,700,000 hectares (20 per cent of the total winter sown crons of the Soviet Union). If we take further the gross production of grain in 1913 at 100, we obtain the following: 1927: 91.9 per cent; 1928 90.8 per cent; 1 94.4 per cent; and in 1930—according to data— 110 per cent of the pre-war standard. The falling off of the gross output of grain in 1928 must also be given our attention. The explanation lies in the failure of the winter sown crops in Ukraine and North Caucasia. With respect to the part of the gross pro- duction of grain which reaches the markets (sales outside of the village), the results are even more instructive. If we take the amount of grain reaching the markets in 1913 at 100, we find our market production to be 37 per cent in 1927, 36.8 per cent in 1928, 58 per cent } in 1929, and in the current year, as the data 1 lead us to anticipate, we shall 73 per cent of the pre-war level. It will be seen that in regard to sown area and gross production of gr we are reaching the pre-war standard, and shall go somewhat beyond it this year. It will be further noted that with respect to the production of market grain we have by no means regained the pr ¢ standard, and fall behind this standard by 25 per cent in this year. These are causes of our gr: felt with special acuteness in 19: And here is the essence of the grain problem. b) With respect to livestock, the records are similar, but the figures give more cause for siness. If we take the amount of livestock, including all kinds of animals, existing in 1916, at 100, the following are the comparative figures for the next 1927 we had 88.9 per cent horses, 114.3 per cent draught animals, 119.3 per cent sheep and goats, 111.3 per cent pigs; 1928 94.6 per cent horses, 118.5 per cent draught animals, 126 per cent sheep and goats, 126.1 per cent pigs; 1929 96.9 per-cent horses, 115.6 per cent draught animals, 127.8 per cent sheep and goats, 103 per cent pigs; 1980 88.6 per cent ho 89.1 per cent draught animals, n difficulties, es, 87.1 per cent sheep and goats, 60.1 per cent pigs, calculated on the standard of 1916. You will observe—taking into account the f figures the |; year—clear signs of a retrogression in livestock breeding. In the matter of the commodities produce | from livestock, the figures are even less satis- factory, especially with respect to meat and fat. If we take the gross production of meat and fat in each year at 100, we find the amount reaching the market to be 33.4 per cent per cent in 1927, 31.4 per cent per cent in 19: e here the distinct symptoms of the instability and economic weakness of livestock The Party Must Make a Turn Editor's Note—The Central Committee will publish excerpts of reports and speeches from the Seventh Convention of our Party, arranged according to subjects. By this method it will be possible better to discuss the convention reports and to establish a clear understanding of the line established by the convention. The ma‘or subdivisions will be: 1: Economic and political sitvation and gererel perspectives and line of the Party. 2 Building of the revolutionary trade un‘on-. Work among the Negro masses. Party Campaigns and Party building. * # From the Political Report of the Central Committee to the Seventh Convention of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. e By MAX BEDACHT. 3. de * r IS the duty of this convention to analyze the conditions under which the concrete struggle against the war danger, against American imperialism and for the interests of the working class takes place. This conven- tion must establish the conditions under which our Party has to mobilize at this moment the workers of the United States for revolution- ary struggles. American capitalism is faced today with a Most severe economic crisis. This crisis influ- ences decisively and changes the conditions of activity of the Party. It changes the relation- ship of forces in the class struggle; it sharp- zens the class relation and intensifies the class struggle; it opens tremendous possibilities for our Party to win and organize the working masses for struggle. The present economic crisis takes place in the third perio, that is, in a period of a gen- eral crisis of capitalism. This fact intensifies the present crisis and, in turn, the present crisis intensifies the general crisis of capital- ism. The perspective for the Party must therefore be one of widespread and severe class battles. The capitalists are already pre- paring very definitely for these struggles: anti-labor legislation is being prepared; the Fish Committee for the investigation of Com- munist activities has the express purpose of preparing and justifying new anti-labor laws, especially directed against the revolutionary workers, against the Communists, so that the forces of organization and leadership of the working class in the coming struggles may be impaired. Sharp Class Struggles. Sharpest class struggles are the inevitable result of the present crisis. Capitalism is at- tempting to liquidate the crisis at the expense of the masses of the working class. Even the very process of liquidation of the crisis will intensify the class struggle. The wage cuts and speed-up are increasing the poverty and the misery of the masses. It is transforming a part of the army of the unemployed which has been thrown on the streets by this crisis into a permanent army of unemployed, At present the crisis is deepening and widen- ing. Commodity prices are sinking rapidly and have now reached the level of 1916, The steel mills are working only 69 per cent of eapacity. Despite all promises of a revival to the contrary, the index of pig-iron produc- tion shows. a decline of 21 points compared with the same period of 1929. Steel ingot production declined 84 per cent in the same Period. Freight loadings showed a decline of 15 per cent, electric power production of 10 per cent. Electric power production is the best index of the downward: trend of the crisis. Bituminous coal production reduced 13 per cent; cotton products 36 per cent. The gen- eral decline in the combined index of produc- tion activities was 20 points. Foreign trade billion dollars the first four months of the year, 1930. is especially significant since the it conferences at the beginnin- of the evi is | creasing exports. The American capitalists declared that they are going to “make the world our own market.” The value of build- ing contracts of 37 eastern states during the first five months of 1930 amounted only to one-half of the contracts in the preceding year. Mr. Hoover has promised to meet the crisis by measures of organizing American capital- m. The first conference called by Mr. Hoover promised extensive construction of railroads and other enterprises. In return for this the leadership of the American Federation of Labor promised to prevent strike move- ments of the workers. The treacherous lead- ership of the American Federation of Labor is the only party that sticks to this contract. As far as the promises of the capitalists are concerned, the Wall Street Journal correctly and cynically characterized them as an at- tempt to “cure the illness with the poison that has caused it.” The cr was caused by too rapid extension of industry, railroads, etc. To meet the crisis Mr. Hoover proposed to do a little more extending of industries and rail- roads. The latest remedy which American capital- ism applies—or at least claims to apply, is the new tariff bill. This tariff bill frankly aims at the preservation of the internal mar- kets for American capital. But the trouble is the incapability of the market, even the in- ternal market, to absorb the output. The trouble is the extension of the productive forces without a parallel extension and growih of the market. The measures applied by the capitalists to meet the crisis intensify it. Wage cuts further diminish the buying power of the masses. So does the increasing unem- ployment. It is evident that a strengthening of the market monopoly of American capital within the United States cannot meet or solve the problem of the crisis. In spite of all this, Mr. Hoover continues his prophesies about the rapid termination of the The Magazine of Wall Street calls Mr. prophesies “feeding the public with soothing syrup until it nauseates.” The Wall Street Journal says that Mr. Hoover’s pro- phesies are “so much hooey.” Propaganda. All of Hoover’s predictions are mere propa- ganda for the workers. They aim to maintain in the minds of the workers the illusion that the crisis is a very temporary phenomenon and that its liquidation is “just aroun] the cor- ner.” These predictions aim to keep the work- ers patient and prevent them from organizing | and struggling against the attempts of the capitalists to liquidate the crisis at their ex- pense, The capitalists are orientating definitely for unloading the burden of the crisis on the shoul- ders of the working class. Following the first command of capitalism: “Thou Shalt Make Profit under any conditions,” they are pro- ceeding with systematic wage cuts and speed- up. The leading capitalist journals: are pro- pagating this policy all along the line. The Journal of Commerce of May 9 declare bat 64 no way can be found to bolster the prices of most commodities, then either labor will have to accept a lower rate of pay or else remain in substantial part without employment.” On May 12th the same Journal declares: “Labor must be reorganized, and such reorganization must take the form of either larger output or of lower wages—which one organized labor may take its choice.” If we take out the word “or” and replace it with “and” we have the policy of the Amer- ican capitalists. This is the way in which the American bosses tell the workers that they have to work more and eat less. Sharpening class struggles are therefore the clear and unmistakable perspective for our Party. The first effects of the crisis were the sud- den and tremendous increase of the army of unemployed, The next effect alization. n new wave of ration- Speed-up and “efficiency schemes” -jalism| working masses. production, which is sm modit Instedd of outs dard of 1916, and yields few com- z the livestock stan- hows a distinct are already llowed we supply n a form requ urgent solution. c) A different prospect is opened out by a survey of the development of the cultivation of the technical plants required as raw materi- | als from our industry. If we take the area un- | der cultivation for technical plants in 1913 at 100, in 1927 cotton stands at 107.1 per cent, | in 1928 131.4 per cent, in 1929 1 per cent, flax 7 per cent, in per cent of 1927 106.6 217 per cent of the pre 86.6 per cent, in 1 1929 112.9 per cent, in 1930 1 the pre-war level; sugar beets in pre. new aneamans per cent, in 1928°124.4 per cent, in 1929 125.8 | fluctuations and symptoms of instab ’ Union Comrade J. Stalin’s Address on 27th per cent, in 1930 169 per cent of the pre-war oil plants in 1927 179.4 per cent, in 1928 per cent, in 1929 219.7 per cent, in 1980 at least 260 per cent of the pre-war level. The figures referring to the gross produe- tion of technical plants are equally satisfactory. If we take the gross production of 1913 at 100, the figures for cotton are in 19 110.5, per cent, in 1929 119 per cent, in 1930, aceord- ing to all data, 220 per cent of the pre-war level will be attained. With respect to technical plants the situ- ation is therefore more favorable, apart from the destruction of the sugar beet crops in 1929 by a sort of butterfly. In the sphere of technical plant cultivation ious fluctuations and symptoms of instability are possibie and probable in the future, as in other branches of agriculture. This is due to the preponderance of the small farm, HOOVER’S “DISARMAMENT” U Billions for War; But Not a Cent for the Unemployed! SAM DARCY. (Conteiued) In California the socialist part its utmost to undermine Mooney’s case. They joined the frame up by preparing his expulsion from the socialist party. They warned their membership against participating in Mooney’s defense because they declare Mooney and Bil- lings were “dangerous anarc isd The growing betrayal was carried through by a member of Mooney’s own local of: the Molders Union who was part of the reactionary A. F. of L. clique. This worthy was also a member of the grand jury which sat on the case. When McDonald, escorted by Jack John- stone, arrived in San Francisco, a committee of five was sent by the grand jury to discuss the new turn the case had taken. This committee at first insisted upon talking with McDonald alone. Knowing the weak char- By was doing were multiplied and intensified to an unheard of degree. Accompanying all this, wage cuts were initiated and are now rapidly becoming the general poliey all along the line. Worsen- ing of the working conditions takes place at a rapid pace. Radicalizing the Masses. These effects of the crisis radicalize the The masses see how the of- e of the b is undermining their working conditions and is pushing them irther and further on to the elge of starva- tion. But the economic crisis tically bring the workers to building barri- codes. The bourgeois ideology still dominates them. Reliance by our Party on the spon- taneous reaction of the workers is therefore dangerous. First: It hinders the development of an or- ganized and conscious movement against eapi- talism among the workers. Second: It leads inevitably into the swamp of opportunism be- cause, instead of leading the worke instead of raising class struggle issues hefore them, instead of raising the workers’ understanding nearer and nearer to revolutionary conceptions, it accepts and follows the issues which the bourgeois ideology of “the workers is capable of developing and understanding. The Conscious Force. sses will not automa- Our Party supplies the conscious force which must develop the dissatisfaction and radicalization of the masses into a tem- atic countey offensive against the offensive of capitalism and» which must, in the course of this counter offensive, develop the rad nae tion of the masses into a revolutionary force. To do this successfully our Party must make a decisive turn in its work. The Party must turn very definitely from the dominating ten- dency of a propaganda sect to that of a revo- lutionary Party of action. If our Party does not sutceed in making this decisive turn, the present i uation cannot lead to a streng t of revo'ntienary movement of the workers will lead to a defeat of the Party. (To be continued) rhe site the but. i} | Hitherto Unpublished Facts in the Mooney-Pillings Case acter of McDonald, Johnstone refused to leave the room. After some dickering, the commit- tee yielded and made its proposal: It would grant MeDonald immunity from perjury charges for what McDonald may have said un- de cath in his previous hearings, but it would no immunity for his testimony in the hearing which was about to take place. The threat was too obvious. It was in substance a warning to McDonald that the grand jury intended to arrest him as havng perjured him- self, not the first time when he gave the frame-up testimony, but now when he was tel- ling the truth! McDonald under these cireum- stances would not testify. Representatives of the Mooney defense stormed and scolded but the grand jury would not hudge from its posi- tion, The most outspoken in defense of the position of the grand jury was the reactionary member of the San Francisco Molders Local. He held out to the end and succeeded in pre- venting a change of the grand jury’s attitude. McDonald then left and was not heard from until this very recent period. One now sees in the obliging boss and “so- cialist” press that they dug out Nockels, at this moment a bitter reactionary, in order to give him credit for the confession which w obtaine] by the member of the Communist Party, Jack Johnstone, and the member of the International Labor Defense, Leon Josephson. During the past few years the Mooney Mol- ders Defense Committee of San Francisco has been carrying on back door negotiations with crooked California capitalist politicians for the release of the prisoners. The International La- bor Defense bitterly opposed this method of work, It proposed the organization of demon- strations and other forms of mass pressure to obtain freedom for our martyred class com- rades. About a month ago, the San Francisco Committee was apparently convinced, despite the warnings of the LL.D. that their activities hal born fruit. The writer was informed by a leading bourgeois news agency that “Money and Billings would be released within a month.” The social reformists and fascists who always followed the policy of quieting the protest of the masses also spréad word everywhere that freedom was assured. The “socialist” party im- mediately sent Clarence Senior, its national secretary, to San Quentin to get permission from Mooney to organize demonstrations for his release. They set the time for their dem- onstrations after the decision by Governor Young, obviously intending not ‘0 demor* for release but to capitalize on a release which they thought would surely take place, This is the typical opportunist shrewdness of pawn- brokers. It cares only for cashing in. The decision of Governor Young was de- nounced by Mooney as a double cross. Mooney } is right. But the responsible parties in the treachery are not only the greasy boss politi- cians, but also those false friends of Mooney who deal with them, ae Before this, however, the Mooney Molders Defense Committee in Califo:nia thouvht to get in a “lick” of-its own. Assured by the crooked politicians they were dealing with that be similar to those shown in the above figures with reference to flax and oil plants, whose production is least influenced by the collective and Soviet farms. We are therefore faced by the following agri- €ultural problems: 1. The problem of the consolidation of the cultivation of technical plants by ensuring that the districts concerned are supplied with suf- ficient cheap grain products. 2. The problem of increasing livestock breed- ing and solving the meat supply problem, by means of securing cheap grain products and fodder for the districts concerned. The problem of the final solution of the question of the grain supplies, this being the main question in agriculture at the present moment. It will be seen from this that the grain problem is the most important link in the system of agriculture, and is the key to all the other préblems. And it Suirner be seen that the solution of the grain problem is the first of the tasks set by the agricultural problems. But the solution of the grain problem, and therewith the accomplishment of an effectual step towards the advance of agriculture, means that the backwardness of our agriculture must be liquidated from top to bottom; it must be supplied with tractors and agricultural ma- chinery, given fresh cadres of scientific work- ers, the labor productivity of agriculture must be increased, its production of commodities en- larged. Unless these prerequisites are provided the solution of the grain problem cannot even be dreamed of. Is it possible for us to provide these pre- requisites on the basis of the small individual peasant farm’ No, it is impossble. It is im- possible, for the small peasant farm is not able to utilize the latest technical aids, nor to make its own of them; it is not able to increase the prodi'‘vity of its labor to a sufficient degree, Only one path lies before us, the path towards the consolidation of agriculture. to- wards the growth of the great undertakings with up-to-date technical equipment. But the land of the Soviets cannot undertake the or- ganization of great capitalist undertakings. It can and must undertake only the organization June 193 of great agricultural undertakings of a social ist type, fitted with modern equipment. 0: Soviet and collective farms are such undertak ings. Hence the task of founding Soviet farm: and the gathering together of the small peag ant farms in great collectives is the only wal to solve the problem of agriculture in generg and the grain problem in particular. This path has been pursued by the Part: in its daily practical work since the Fifteent! Party Congress, and especially since the firs] appearance of serious grain difficulties at thl beginning of 1928. It must be observed that this fundamenta problem was placed on the agenda as a prac] tical task, by the Party, after the Fifteent! Party Congress, before any serious grain dif ficulties had arisen. In the well known resolu tion of the Fifteenth Party Congress on “Wor! in the Village” it is stated in so many words| “In the present period the task of uniting and reorganizing the small individual peas- ant farms in large collectives must be set the Party as its main task in the village.” It is perhaps not superfluous to adduce thd corresponding passage from the report of thd C. C. at the Fifteenth Party Congress, ii which the problem of the liquidation of thd backwardness of agriculture on the basis of collectivization is again stated definitely and decisively: “Where is the solution? The solution is to be found in the transition of the small and seattered peasant farms to large and united undertakings on the basis of the common cultivation of the soil, in the transition to the collective cultivation of the soil on the basis of the new and more developed tech- nies. The solution lies in inducing the small and smallest peasant farms, gradually but insistently, not by compulsion, but by example. and conviction, to combine on the basis of the joint cooperative collective cultivation of the soil, utilizing agricultural machinery and tractors, and employing scientific aids for the intensive methods of agriculture, in great agricultural undertakings. There is no other solution.” (To be continued) On to the Border! Demonstrate on August First! By OSCAR RYAN, N August Ist, International Red Day, Joint Border Demonstrations of Canadian and American workers, under the leadership of the Communist Party, will be held simul- taneously at Niagara Falls, Canada, and Niagara Falls, N. Y., as well as at Detroit, Mich., and Windsor, Canada. Canadian and American workers will demonstrate their in- ternational solidarity, their unity in struggle, against the imperialist war preparations of American and Canadian capitalism. Sixteen years ago the World War broke out, plunging millions of workers into the capi- talist armies and death, bringing untold mis- ery to the working class of the world. The struggle for markets, for “spheres of influence,” which brought about the last war, is today taking place on a greater scale be- tweefi the rival imperialist powers, and is lead- ing to a greater, more bloody world war than is now being prepared, through the militar- ists, League of Nations “peace” conferences, pacifists, social fascists and the churches. But an additional, greater force is operating today in the preparation for war, and that is the hatred of the capitalist world for the So- viet Union, the only Workers’ Fatherland, the land of socialist construction in industry and agriculture, the land of the successful Five Year Plan, the land of continually improving wages, hours, and workers’ living standards. In all the capitalist world, factories are shut- ting down, millions are unemployed or work- ing part time. New ‘attacks are being made upon the workers’ wages and working condi- tions; speed-up, rationalizations are draining the vitality of the workers; thousands of poor the prisoners would be freed they thought the opportunity ripe for a wild attack on the Inter- national Labor Defense. However, they did net dare attack the I. L. D. on questions of prin- ciple and so they resorted to spreading lying petty rumors about alleged mishandling of funds sent to the I. L. D. for Mooney defense but used for other purposes. Some letters which this committee sent out were turned over to the writer. One of them dated June, 1930, charges that the I. L. D. has been collect- ing funds for Mooney and Billings defense but turned over “only $5.00 since October, 1928.” It appears that the members of this committee have learned to handle facts from the methods of Mooney’s persecutors. The I. L. D. has not received one cent in donations for the Mooney case since January, 1929. The only funds it has collected in this connection were from two or three branches of the I. L. D. who are asked ; for $5.00 monthly donations to send to Mooney and Billings for prison comfort. On the other hand $50 monthly has been sent by the I.L.D. to Mooney. Billings and dependents for several years. Only a few months were missed, when these prisoners’ comfort and dependents’ al- lowance were not sent to anyone due to the extreme.lack of funds. In any case, the amount sent out on this account is several times the amount received, The International Labor Defense can con- fidently declare that were it not for the tac- ties of the soeialists and A. F. of L. fascists a mass movement for the release of Mooney and Billings would have developed on a much greater scale and would have freed these in- nocent workers Mooney and Billings can yet be freed. Only a mighty working class protest, however, such as is now developing, which must sweep aside the traitors and the confidence men now dab- bling in the case can do the job. McDonald is going to California to repeat the repudiation of his perjured testimony. His repudiation will mean nothing unless the working class forces Governor Young and his coterie of courts and pardon boards to pay heed. All militants must raise the question in their organizations and add strength to the cry for freedom. | farmers are being impoverished, and thousand of farm laborers are being displaced by labo saving machinery. The Capitalist “Solution,” The only “outlet” for capitalism from th present world crisis is through the increase exploitation of the workers, through the sup pression of the revolutionary struggle in th colonies, in India, China, Egypt, ete.; throug! a gigantic war for redivision of the world, fo} markets, for supremacy; through an attemp| to crush the Soviet Union, the inspiration t the colonial revolution and to the workin; masses in the capitalist countries. In this offensive of capitalism the worker} are faced likewise with the treachery of th “pacifist” social fascists of the socialist party “labor” party, etc., who daily become more part of the capitalist state machinery, whd help to carry out the policy of the capitalis! class, in binding the workers to company unions, disrupting their organizations, blinding them with illusions of “peace,” and developing the attack against the colonial revolution an against the building of socialism in the Soviet Union, In the United States the plans for war ar going ahead at a tremendous rate. Million are being spent on airplanes, tanks, war. machines, poison gases. Factories are being reorganized in preparation for war productio The “Naval Treaty” simply means increased armaments. The cancellations of the order fo: airplanes for the Soviet Government is onl: one of many indications of the preparationg that are being made by U. S. imperialism ta attack the Soviet Union. The Canadian imperialist bourgeoisie, in it fear of the Soviet Union, and its imperialis struggle for markets, enters the arena of wai preparations, military coastal maneuvers, de velopment of the air forces, and intensive mili tary training of the working class. In hoth countries the capitalist’ government: are intensifying their attack upon the Com munist Party, the Party that leads the strug- gles of the workers and poor farmers, the Party that fights against unemployment, speed-up and wage cuts, against capitalisti war, the Party that fights for a Workers’! and Farmers’ Government. In the U. S. A, tne Fish Commission, in Canada, Chief of Po- lice Draper of Toronto, demand the crushing of the Communist Party. Fight Back! Mbhke Red Day a Day of Mighty Struggle! On August 1st, International Red Day, the workers throughout the world demonstrate against the coming imperialist war, for the defense of the Indian and Chinese Revolutions, and for defense of the Soviet Union. Workers, shoulder to shoulder, one solid front against the bosses—in Canada, in the United States, on August Ist. Raise your ban- ners over the border! Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 48 East 125th Street, New York City. 1, the undersigned. want to join the Commu- nist Party Send me more information. Name . tee ee eem eee Address Occupation . . Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St.. New York, N. Y. L io. | RRR, WSs Bc FRESE | ic pr br: th : bf dr ew.8 ROT agi Al TORE I i 1 i t E