The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 23, 1930, Page 4

Published by the Comp Square, New York Cit Page Four Address and mai) all < Il. The Increasing Progress of the Building-Up of Socialism) and the Inner Situation of the Soviet Union, I pass on to the inner situation in the Soviet | Union. As opposed to the capitalist countries, in which economic crisis and growing unemploy ment prevail, the inner situation of our country shows an increasing progress of national eco nomy and a progressive diminution of unem ployment. The tempo of big industrial develop ment has been accelerated. Heavy industry been strengthened. The socialist sector of in dustry has considerably increased. In agricul- ture a fresh force has grown up-—-the Soviet and collective farms. Two years ago we had a crisis in grain production, and were chiefly de pendent on the small producers for grain plies, but now the centre of gravity has be moved to the Soviet and collective fa whilst the grain crisis may be regarded as es sentially solved. The main masses of the p antry have now finally turned toward collective farms. The resistance of the kx has diminished. The inner situation in the So viet Union is more firmly established. This is the general outline of the inner ation of the Soviet Union at the present mo: ment. Let us examine the actual figures: 1 The Growth of National Economy As a Whole. a) In 1926-27, that is, at the time of the Fifteenth Party Congress, we had a gross pro. duction in the whole of our agriculture—includ- ing forestry, fishing, etc—of 12,370 1 pre-war roubles or 106.6% of the pre-war level in the following year, 1927-28, we had 107.2%, | in 1928-29 109.1%, and in the present year 1929-30 we shall reach, to judge by the develop ment of agriculture, at least 113 to 114% of the pre-war level. We observe an uninterrupted, although com- | paratively slow, growth of agricultural produc- tion as a whole. In 1926-27, at the time of the Fifteenth | Party Congress, the gross production of all | industry—both small and large industry, and at 28-28 DAIW( New York. Union RK a ¢ Daily ; e Central Organ of ihe Louw SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of Maphattan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One yr. §8; six mons, iy ding the mills—amounted to 8641 pre-war S. of the pre-war level, in the 28 this had risen to 122 per to 142.5 per cent, and in the esent year—to judge by the course taken by the develonment of industry-—we shall reach at at least 180 per cent of the pre-war level. | We growth or, record prod have of to the an tion of enormous ind 192 , at the time of the Fifteenth the goods traffic on the whole totalled 81.7 milliard ton kilo- cent of the pre-war level, year—-1927-28—this rose to 29 to 162.4 per cent, and will increase in the current year—according to present data—to at least 193 per cent of the pre-war level. With respect to the new railway ines, these have been extended in the period report—since 1927-28—from 176,900 to undee 0 telomere lent to 136.7 per cent of the pre-war le c) If the status of the trade turnover in the country in 1926-27 is taken at 100 (31 milliard roubles), we find the increased turnover to amount to 124.6 per cent in 1927-28, to 160.4 per cent in 1928-29, and may estimate—to judge by all da that this will rise in the current year, 1929-30, to 202 per cent, or double | | the turnover of 1921 | d) If the balances of all our credit institu- ions on October 1, 1927 is taken at 100 (9173 million roubles), we find the increase up to October 1, 1928 to amount to 141 per cent, and up to October 1, 1929 to 201.1 per cent, or dou- ble the amount of 1927. |e) If the state budget of 1926-27 is taken at 100 (6371 million roubles), the increase by 1927-28 is 125.5 per cent, by 1928-29 146.7 per cent, and by 1929-30 204.4 per cent; this means that the budget of 1926-27 has been doubled (12,605 million roubles). To sum up, we may place on record the fol- lowing Survey of the increase of the national | income in the period of this report (the un- Lessons of the F lint Auto Strike By JACK STACHEL. (Continued) The most serious mistake made by the Auto Workers’ Union in this strike was the failure to correctly apply the decfsions of the R. I. L. U. in the struggle for independent leader- ship of the strike. This mistake was made mainly through a formal approach to the struggle against social reformism. The or- ganizers of the Auto Workers’ Union from the beginning did carry on a struggle against the American Federation of Labor and the so- cialist labor party, but they did not fight | against social reformism which in this strike manifested itself through the leaders of the strike committee, Cecil Comstock & Co. They did not realize that the struggle for indepen- dent leadership of the strike involved the open struggle against the bosses’ ideology and pro- gram within the leadership of the strike com- mittee. They did not realize that opportunism which is deeply rooted among the American workers and which finds its expression in the crassest forms among the skilled workers was here embodied in Comstock and his supporters. Instead the leaders of the Auto Workers’ Union helped to build up the leadership of Comstock. The issues raised by Comstock— issues first raised by the bosses and the po- lice—such as reds and outsiders, called for the assertion of the energetic leadership by the Auto Workers’ Union and the exposure of these elements before the workers. Instead the leaders of the Auto Workers’ Union mere- ly limited their struggle against Comstock within the narrow circles of the strike com- mittee, allowing Comstock again and again to appear as the spokesman of the strikers and with the approval of the Auto Workers’ Union. Later when Comstock was ready for the be- trayal, when the bosses thought it opportune to come out in the open with their company union, the workers were taken unaware. Another serious mistake also showing the failure to fight for the independent leadership of the strike was the reliance on the old lead- ers of the strike committee elected in the early stage of the strike when only three de- partments were on strike. These depart- ments consisted of the skilled and semi- skilled workers, While it is true that follow- ing the strike of the entire plant a broad strike committee of over 60 was elected, this broadening of the leadership was only formal. In reality the Comstock group remained in actual leadership. The leadership of the Auto Workers’ Union made the mistake of acting like outsiders. They too accepted the propaganda of the bosses. They did not come before the workers and fight. They showed a certain lack of faith in the masses and too much reliance ‘on the leaders of the Comstock type. They made this mistake not only because of the formal conception of reformism but also because they really believed that the workers would be against them because they are “outsiders.” In this industry less than in any other in- dustry should this have happened. The lead- ers of the Auto Workers’ Union sent into Flint are all workers who have for years been working in the industry and active in the or- ganization of the Auto Workers’ Union, in- cluding Flint. Another serious mistake made was the fail ure to organize the Auto Workers’ Union early enough. Only on Thursday, July 3, were ef- fective steps taken to organize the union. ‘Though hundreds of workers had been enrolled into the union before, they were not formed into locals. Similarly on the basis of these mistakes there was a failure to build a re- liable group in the strike committee— a lack of differentiation within the strike committee. ‘Tt must be noted here that all mistakes made ‘were right opportunist mistakes clearly show- ‘Ang that the right danger is the main dancer. The workers, the majority of whom have ‘on strike for the first time, have learned § valuable lessons in this strike. They have gone back to work but they do not feel de- | feated. There is not’ the feeling, of “demoral- | ization” that characterized strikes led by the A. F. of L. in the past. The workers feel bitter. They are retreating but not giving up “the struggle. Just as the events moved rapid- ly so the workers learned very fast. They went back to work after they realized that they had been betrayed by the company union leadership and that the militant leaders of the Auto Workers’ Union have been jailed. They had no faith in the Comstocks. The Auto | Workers’ Union is now recognized by the work- | ers as the only union of the auto workers, | despite the mistakes and shortcomings in the conduct of the strike. The union is not dis- credited among the workers. The workers | have faith in the union. They say openly that | so long as the strike was lead by the Auto Workers’ Union, the police with all their ter- ror could not stop mass picketing. They real- ize the surrender on the part of the Com- stocks. The workers refused to join the A. F. of L. and even Comstock at least publicly had to abandon the move. The women workers and young workers who constitute a considerable section of the work- ers in the Fisher Body were in the forefront of the struggle. Young girls embittered by working 10 hours a day for $1.80 a day were among the most militant in leading the mass demonstrations. Though there are no Negro workers involved in the strike, the workers reatily put forward the demand for the equal- ity of the Negro workers both with regards to employment and wages. Party Mobilizes. The District Committee of the Party has realized the tasks ahead of it as revealed in the Flint strike. We realized that unless we get into action events will sweep over us. A |resolution on the lessons of the strike is to be taken up at al] the Party units. The basic lessons in the resolution are the building of shop nuclei and shop committees, Already the District Committee had a thorough discussion on the lessons of the strike. A membership meeting of the Party was held and the lessons of the strike discussed. The Auto Workers’ Union already held a membership meeting, followed by a mass meeting the largest in the history of the union where the lessons and tasks of the union were taken up. The Party is working out a program of action to meet the situation. This will call for the concen- tration of the forces of the Party and the Auto Workers’ Union on the places where there is the greater likelihood for the develop- ment of the struggles. The district will assist the Auto Workers’ Union and the T.U.U.L. to raise immediately $5,000 to carry on the work in preparation and organization of the coming strike. We are going to pay greater atten- tion to the building up of the Daily Worker and Labor Unity as weapons not only in pre- paring the struggles but for the effective leadership of these struggles. In the Flint strike it was most obvious how important it is for us to penetrate the workers with the Daily Worker, Apply Convention Decisions. The Flint strike must not be viewed as a defeat. It is a phase of the developing strikes. The lessons learned in this strike will furnish valuable experience in the coming struggles. The leadership of the Auto Workers’ Union, most of whom have never participated in such a large struggle, will now be better equipped to lead the mass struggles. These leaders thoueh all their mistakes were opportunist mistakes can not be said to be lacking in mili- taney. They made their mistakes because they did not yet master the strategy laid down by the R.I.L.U. because of inexperience. They have seen their mistakes and readily accepted criticiem. The Perty membershin has heen “1 to it iNlity toa large extent, | This was evident at the membership meeting altered prices of 1926-27 being taken as stan- dard). The data issued by the State Planning Commission show the national income in 1926- The Political Report of the Central Committee to the XVI. Party Congresq of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Comrade J. Stalin's Address on 27th June 193 ~ Vol per cent; in 1928-29 28,596 million roubles, an increase of 12.6 per cent; in 1929-30 the na- tional income, to judge by the data, will rise 27 to have been 23,127 million roubles; in 1927- | to no less than 34,000 million roubles, the in- 28 25,396 million roubles, an increase of 9.8 crease during the past year being 20 per cent. What the Fish Investigation Revealed This is the first of a series of articles on the Fish “Investigation” Committee which will be published in the Daily Worker. These articles will expose the real meaning of this “investigation.”—Editor. By L. P. Preparing for War NopeDy can today conceal the fact that the American imperialists are preparing for war. No matter what phrases are being used, or names given to the war plans of the bosses, no one can fail to see the feverish war prepa- rations. The war department has already worked out a detailed plan of how 20,000 fac- tories will be drawn into the war machinery; how the railroads will efficiently cooperate in transportation of troops and munitions, and how every available force will be militarized and put on a war level. The fiery debates in the U.S. senate on the naval “disarmament” treaty of MacDonald and Hoover clearly point to the inevitability of war. Defend the Soviet Union! Particularly is evident the war attack upon the Soviet Union. The bourgeoisie makes no secret of the fact that the success of socialist construction in the U. S. S. R. is a challenge to the world capitalist system. The New York Evening World in an editorial of July 19 clearly states: “Unquestionably the Russian experi- ment, now in its thirteenth year, constitutes a challenge to our own system.” As the Soviet Union grows stronger and the capitalist con- tradictions develop more sharply, the war dan- ger between the imperialist powers and espe- cially the war against the Soviet Union be- comes a concrete reality.” All Around Preparations The imperialist war preparations do not only include direct military preparations; ideological and political preparation is part of their war program. Since the working class is the one who will have to bear the burden of the war, therefore it has to be prepared to perform its role very efficiently and . noothly. This pro- gram therefore calls for a feverish patriotic war propaganda. The bosses will try to make the workers believe that the war is not only their patriotic duty, but is also a solution of all their ills. The aim of capitalism is to make the workers think that the war is in their interest, that it is their war. In the war preparations against the Soviet Union, the ideological and political mobili-ation of the masses is even more important. The peace policy of the proletarian state’is too well known to the toilers of the world to make one believe that the Soviet Union is preparing to attack others. At the same time the achieve- ment of the Russian workers under the leader- ship of the Communist Party, the growth of held. The Party and the Auto Workers’ Union will make clear to the workers the lessons of this strike and utilize it as an accelerator both in the mobilization of the forces of the Party and the union, and the actual develop- ment of the struggles of the workers, The Flint strike bears out in every manner, the line and perspectives of the 7th Convention of our Party. To the extent that we understand and apply this line will we build our mass or- ganizations and the Party. socialism, is winning the admiration of the workers of the entire world. How They Do It How is this ideological preparation being car- ried out? The aim of the Fish investigation > The average annual increase in the three years under report is therefore 15 per cent. When it is taken into account that the aver- age annual increase of national income in such countries as the United States, England, Ger- many, etc., is not more than 3 to 8 per cent, it must be admitted that the national income of the Soviet Union is increasing at a record speed, 2. The Successes of Industrialization In our country the growth of national eco- nomics ¢ t p rehist Lines, but runs in a ¢ tion of indu ing the s ce in favor of industry when we regard the matter from the standpoint of the specific weight of industry in the goods production of our national economy. In 1924-1927 the share taken by industry in the goods production of our national economy amounted to 68.8 per cent, the share of agriculture to 31.2 per cent; for 1927-1928 the corresponding figures are 71.2 per cent for industry and 288 per cent for agriculture; for 1928-1929, 72.4 per cent for industry and 27.6 per cent for agriculture; and for 1929-1930 — according to all data — 76 per cent for industry and 24 per cent fot agriculture. This unfavorable situation in agriculture is caused in part by the small peasant type off agriculture, producing few goods. It ig ob. vious that this situation will change to a cer. tain extent, in proportion as agriculture adapts itself to the Soviet and collective farm system,] and in proportion as it increases its production| of gonads, c) But the development of industry in gen- eral gives no complete idea of the tempo of alization. I. r to gain this com- of the relative pro- ‘ht industry must be Here the clearest sign of the i ion is the steady in- are taken by the production production (heavy industry) tion of industry. In 1927- ling to the production of x cent, and the share fall- ticles of consumption 29 the share of the luction had risen ained, row a of ¢ whole of industry, but controlled by the| 1 Economie Coun- g branches of in-| proportions of the ns of production and o: ption even more favorable. lustries the share falling to on of the means of production in] 28 amounted to 42.7 per cent as com: d with 57.3 per cent; in 1928-1929 to 44.6 per cent as compared with 55.4 per cent, andj in 1929-1930, as may be estimated from tha data, the proportion will be at least 48 pei cent as compared with 52 per cent, The development of our national econom: is going forward towards industrialization, to. wards the consolidation and development o: our own heavy industry. This means that we have already laid the| foundation of our economie independence, our heavy industry, and shall now continue to build.! (To Be Continued.) committee is to prove that the Soviet Govern- ment is directly involved in plots against the U. S. government; that the Soviet Union is “maintaining” its secret service agents who are continuously undermining the U. S. govern- ment; that the Soviet Government is “financ- ing” strikes and labor struggles against capi- tulism. Every struggle of the American work- ers, every sign of resistance to the attack of the bosses, every sign of discontent of the work- ers with the exploitation of the capitalist class, is being purposely interpreted as being “en- couraged, financed and guided” by Moscow. This is running like a red thread through the entire proceedings of the Fish investigation Every testimony of the picked and coached wit- nesses who are giving “expert” opinion to the Fish committee, aims to prove that. The chair- man, Mr..Fish, will ask the witness: “Don’t you think this is directed by Moscow?” and the witness will answer: “Certainly, by Mos- cow.” On the basis of this demagogy and lies, the capitalist class and all its agencies will appeal to the patriotic feelings of the masses, will claim that a foreign country is interfering with the U. S.’ internal affairs, that the Soviet Union is trying to conquer the United States for itself, ete. ... By these means the bosses aim to antagonize the Ameri- can workers against the Soviet Union, and pre- pare the workers for war. Fascist A. F. of L. The fascist representatives of the American Federation of Labor go even to the extent to claim that the Soviet Government is cooper- ating with the capitalist class of America in crushing the A. F, of L. This will be presented to the American workers in such form as to make them think that the decline of the A. F. of L. is not due to the very policies of the organization, but to the “subversive” activities of Moscow. ‘To this is also being added, the ery of “cheap Russian coal” and “convict lum- ber.” The fascist A. F. of L. uses these means to make the miners and*the lumber workers believe that all the evils come not from the strike-breaking policy of the A. F. of L., but from Moscow. With the same purpose they raise the ques- tion of “Freedom of religious worship,’ which, according to the testimony of the Jesuit spy Father Walsh, it is the supreme duty of the American workers to defend. The same applies to their cries of saving Russia for “democracy” and “defeat the Communist war on humanity.” Since all “proof” points out that Moscow is the source of all strikes, struggles of the workers against the bosses, demands of chil- dren for free lunches, etc., therefore the Fish investigation committee comes to the conclu- sion beforehand, that: “If we find that paid agents of a govern- ment which we do not recognize, are consis- tently carrying on efforts to demoralize the American workers in our industries and to undermine the rising generation through in- sidious propaganda in our educational insti- tutions, then appropriate action will be taken Lingle Case and Unemployment ‘ JHE lid is being clamped down on the cele- brated “Jake” Lingle case, The series of revelations on the interconnections between newspapers, boodle politics and racketeering which for a time followed thick and fast after the assassination of the Tribune reporter-rack- eteer, has come to an end. With a half-million jobless walking the streets, a senatorial elec- tion approaching and the very acute danger tHat in the mud-slinging fest too much would be told, there is now a clumsy scramble to cover up. The zeal to do injury to a competitor which actuated what newspaper dirt was dragged into the light of day is outweighed by discrete forethought as to the damaging effect of letting the “public” know too much. Lingle. The investigation of the murder of Lingle, a reporter for the “World’s Greatest News- paper” with an income of $65,000 a year, has become a game of hide and seek. The assistant prosecutor, Rathbun, who is in charge of the case was “loaned” to the prosecuting attornqy’s office by the dead racketeer’s employer, the Tribune. In the ordinary day’s work, Rathbun is head of the Tribune legal staff. He is on the job to hide what he can. He is succeeding. But the other papers, envious of the Tri- bune’s million circulation, are making it hard for Mr. Rathbun. They know all the inside dope and are publishing just enough to make the Tribune mad. They are, however, care- ful not to print too much. They have skeletons in their own closets. The Tribune has warned them that these skeletons will be hauled out. And to show them it meant business dusted off a few. The Tribune got a St. Louis reporter to come to town and interview Col, Robert Mc- Cormick, its publisher. This reporter said he could submit evidence to show that a number of reporters on certain other papers in Chi- cago were engaged in racketeering. One of them’ had a race horse racket. Another col- lected five cents on every sack of cement sold in Chicago, Another went South with gambling profits. He also reminded the Daily News to stamp out such propaganda and drive out or deport all Soviet representatives.” This, therefore, is not an investigation, but a perfection of war: plans. However, the bourgeoisie knows very well that their war plans will not be met without resistance from the working class. The work- ing class has still fresh in its’ memory the re- sults of the last world war. Therefore, in order to mobilize the American workers, they must inject such issues to cover up their real im- perialist war plans. The second factor that stands in the way of imperialist war prepara- tions is the existence of the Communist Inter- national, fighting imperialist war on the basis ox: a revolutionary program. This is precisely what distinguishes the present pre-war period from the past pre-war period. It must be rec- ognized that the working class is not a passive onlooker of the imperialist war: on the con- trary, its revolutionary action will determine the outcome of the war. The political preparations of the working class and the fighting capacity of the Communist Party is a decisive factor in giving the proletarian answer to imperialist war. In order that the bourgeoisie shall be able to go through with its war preparations, and, more so, in order to assure its victory, it must maintain an unaffected rear of the battlefront. The bourgeoisie must have the assurance that the working class will not only remain neutral but will actively cooperate with it in executing its war plans. Because of this the working class must be defeated and kept in check. however, to defeat the working class, it is first of all necessary to decapitate its revolutionary leadership — the Communist Party. This is precisely the aim of the Fish investigation committee, planning and executing a very in- tegral part of the imperialist war preparations, that one of its so-called crime reporters also} was murdered and had a very shady past. The other papers thereupon did a lot of bluffing! to the tune of “bring on your evidence,” but they have been more careful what they say! about the Tribune since, Harmless Talk. The headlines and news about the case are! now very earnestly concentrating on the theme: “find the murderer of Lingle.” All of which is very harmless.. The writer was told by an) old newspaper man that certainly the mur- derer is known and that in all likelihood has been done in himself, Lingle was a big shot as a politician and racketeer. He was the Tribune’s city hall “fixer.” It was he who manipulated the in- stallation of the late police administration’ headed by Commissioner Russell, ousted when his intimate friendship with Lingle could not be hushed. Chief of Detectives Stege, avid red hunter who has personally beat up count- less members of the Communist Party and sympathizers of the movements it leads, was’ retired for the same reason. Just a mere corner of the canvas that covers the stinking mess known as Chicago politics} was lifted when Lingle was killed. They dare not tell the story. The news. papers now realize that they bit off more than they could chew when they flew at each other's throats for a few days following the Killing. There was the gravest danger that not only they, but the interests whose mouthpieces the: are would be dragged in. There was the fea: that the connection between the bankers andi city hall might be uncovered. There was also the danger that the connection between the bankers and the racketeers, whose millions the former keep lucratively on deposit, would leak through, , i But changing like a shadow over everything is Chicago's unemployed army. The bosses and therefore their underlings, the newspapers and politicians, are getting panicky, The red-| baiting campaign that has its counterpart in every other city in the country where there is an attempt to organize the jobless, is in full ery. The politicians do their bit by order- ing the coppers to smash heads. The news- paners’ job is to play up the prosperity hokum | and ridicule or ignore altogether the organized activities of the unemployed. i This is no time for muck-raking. You can’t afford to tell what you know when what you know will make still more angry an already desperate and enraged working class. The Lingle case will finally be hushed. But a half-million unemployed workers and hundreds of thousands of employed workers subject to frequent lay-offs and wage cuts cannot be hushed, Demonstrate against war and unemployment on August 1st! Demand that expenditures planned for armaments be turned over for the relief of the unem=- ployed! Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 Kast 125th Street, i New York City _1, the undersigned, want to join the Commu. nist Party. Send me more information, NOMEN s, Jase sudeds Sees asanercalwayemenay AddreSS . 1s seseesesecemnvess Ult¥scescnwee A Occupation .....sssscccsccesncess ABOrcceee Mail this to the Central Office, Communi Party, 43 East 125th St. New York, N. ¥, | a