The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 21, 1930, Page 4

% i 2s Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc. daily. except Sunday, at 24-28 nton Page Four Squaie, New York City, N.Y Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8 Cable: “DAIWORK.” @ Address and mail ali checks to the Daily Worker 26-28 Union Square. New York. N. ¥. Central Organ of the Com. FIRST, 1929 By JACK STACHEL. : | ee our Party has gained considerable nce in the or} ization and leader- experie ship of mass demonstrations since August 1, 1929, there are important lessons to be gained from the first International Red Day. These lessons taken together with the experiences gained on March 6, May 1, the Katovis dem- onstration in New York, the Rubio demonstra- tion in Detroit, the recent demonstration in Chicago, the various demonstrations of the un- employed in Milwaukee, Philadelphia, etc., the experiences in the demonstrations in connec- tions with the struggles in Haiti, Mexico, India, etc., will furnish us with rich experiences that will make possible huge mass demonstrations on August 1. In fact the time is already ripe for our Party to compile all its experiences in this field of work into a handbook made avail- able to every Party member and revolutionary worker, In such a pamphlet of course the ex- periences of our comrades in Germany, France, Poland, etc., as well as the invaluable experi- ences of the Bolshev F a prior to the revolution should be i In 1929. August 1, 1929 saw 100,000 workers demon- strate under the banner of the Communist Party. It was the largest demonstration held under the leadership of our Party up to that time. Over 200 demonstrations were held in all parts of the country. An outstanding fea- ture was the large number of demonstrations organized in the small industrial towns, and the size and militancy of these demonstrations. In most cities th demonstrations were the first street demonstrations organized since the world war. These demonstrations were held in most cities despite the refusal of the police to allow these demonstrations. The militancy of the workers was clearly shown when unlike at pre- vious demonstrations the workers did not dis- perse at the command of the police. They fought back heroically. Lagging Behind. Just as the demonstrations disclosed the mili- tancy of the masses, they also disclosed the lagging behind of the Party. In a number of cities including Detroit and Philadelphia the Party leadership refused to carry out the de- cisions of the Central Committee and did not organize street demonstrations, In some of the cities as for example in Waukegan, where the Party organization refused to carry out the decisions of the District Committee, on the ground that it was not possible to hold a street demonstration, the Young Communist League comrades took the initiative in organizing the demonstration with the result that 3000 workers participated in the demonstration. The August First demonstration last year more than any- thing else proved how timely was the address of the Comintern. It revealed the depth of the right danger. It exposed the false theory of exceptionalism put forth by Lovestone. It was the best proof of the radicalization of the masses and the lagging behind of the Party. It must be remembered that these demonstra- tions were successful because of the new line adopted by the Party. But at the same time | it must be borne in mind that these demonstra- tions could have rallied even larger masses had the Party been better prepared. It was only a few weeks after the Comintern Address and the Party was making only the first begin- nings on the line of the Comintern. Factory Gate Meetings. An important feature of the demonstrations was the large number of workers who attended the factory gate meetings. This was particular- ly noted in the Pittsburgh District where at the Westinghouse plant 4,000 workers attended the shop gate meeting remaining out for five minutes after work. In McKeesport Steel Mills 8,000 steel workers participated in the noon day demonstration. In the Mellon controlled Kensington Aluminum plant 1,000 workers at- tended the noon day demonstration and re- mained our for thirty minutes parading in front of the police station demanding the speakers arrested be released. In New York City 1000 workers attended the meeting at the Brooklyn Navy Yard. A meeting at the water- front was attended by 800 workers. Also 250 workers of the Ward Baking Company quit work at 4 p. m. and held a meeting outside the plant without any leadership and without even the knowledge of the Party. These lessons must be borne in mind this year in the organization of factory gate meetings both before the day of demonstration and on August First. Valuable Experiences. The August First demonstrations gave to our Party for the first time valuable experi- ences in combatting the police. In almost every city there were clashes with the police. In Chicago and Pittsburgh, Boston and Minnesota, the police were out in full force to break up the demonstrations. In New York though the main demonstration was not interfered with there were clashes with the police as the dem- onstration ended. The Young Communist Lea- gue demonstrated at the Rand School and were attacked by the police and they fought back assisted by the Young Pioneers. In the evening the police attacked a meeting of 3,000 workers in the Bronx and many of the police were beaten up by the enraged workers who de- fended their demonstration. In Chicago the workers were attacked by the police at every entrance. But the workers defended their dem- onstration and the police were unable to ar- rest the speakers who were defended by the workers. In all over 300 arrests were made throughout the country and many workers were brutally beaten. But the police did’ not | | | escape untouched. August 1 in 1929 showed the necessity for the organization of Defense Corps. It gave the impetus to the organization of these groups. One of the lessons here was not to depend on the permits of the police but to be prepared with defense corps to defend the demonstration. The police in many cities where they had granted permits were no less brutal than where the demonstrations were held in open defiance of the police orders. Real Successes. One of the reasons for the success of the demonstration was the large quantity of agi- tation and propaganda material distributed among the workers. Eighty shop papers total- ing 100,000 copies were distributed. In New York City alon 250,000 leaflets were distri- buted. In Cleveland 60,000 leaflets were dis- tributed. Chicago in addition to many thous- ands of leaflets distributed 30,000 copies of a special Chicago edition of the Daily Worker. Special leaflets addressed‘ to women, Negro and young workers as well as to the armed forces were distributed by the Party. The outstanding lessons of the demonstra- tion were (1) The growth of the radicalization of the masses. (2) The lagging behind of the Party, (3) The fact that our Party had em- erged as a force in the class struggle in the United States. (4) That it helped to annihilate the opportunist theories and raise the prestige of the Communist International among the membership and large masses of workers. These lessons still must be driven home in the preparation of August 1, 1930, We still suffer from an underestimation of the radicalization of the masses, Our Party is still lagging be- hind the masses. This we can see in the events that are taking place every day. This we can see in the Flint Auto strike, in the strikes taking place among the miners, and in other sectors of the class struggle. Only today these opportunist theories do not dare appear in the open and they parade under the cover of left phrases in many cases, but in the main are to be found in the opportunism in practice that still saturates our leading committees in the districts and sections, and sections of the mem- bership who remain passive or find many ex- cuses for their failure to participate actively in the class struggle. Particularly are these opportunist practices revealed in the inadequate factory activity in the failure to build the rev- olutionary unions. = Mistakes. The shortcomings and mistakes in the prepa- rations for August 1,1929 are still in large measure to be found in the preparations to- day. Let us cite some of these shortcomings of last year and check up to what extent we have overcome them this year. In reviewing the shortcomings last year we cited: 1. Insufficient ideological preparation of the membership. 2. Beginning preparations for August 1 too late. 3. The Party press failed to act as an or- ganizing force. 4, Failure to concentrate our work in the large plants and war industries. 5. Failure to connect up sufficiently the preparations for the anti-war demonstrations with the every-day struggles of the workers. 6. workers, the agrarian masses, and the Negro masses. 7. Practically no work among the armed forces. 8. Failure to organize anti-war committees in the factories. 9. Failure to build the United Front on a broad basis. 10, Failure to carry on work in the A. F. of L. unions, 11. Lack of sufficient concreteness in the struggle against the A. F. of L. and socialists. 12. Insufficient preparations to defeat the attempts of the police to break the demonstra- tions. 18. Insufficient direction from the center. Now in the remaining days of the prepara- tions let us honestly check up and see if we are still guilty of the mistakes mentioned in the preparations for Red Day last year. To what extent have we overcome these short- comings? What can we do in the remaining period to assure the success of the August 1 demonstrations? Achievements. One of the reasons for the achievements of the August 1 demonstrations last year was the utilization by the Party of the war plans against the Soviet Union as revealed in the Chinese Eastern Railway incident. We were able to arouse the masses to the danger of an attack against the Soviet Union. This year we must realize that the danger of an attack against the Soviet Union is greater than ever before. At the same time the danger of an imperialist war among the imperialist powers is more acute than ever. To the extent that we can connect up the present deepening crisis and its effects upon the workers with the war preparations, to that extent will we be able to rouse the masses to rally under our banner on August First. But correct policies and slog- ans alone will not bring out the masses. For this it is necessary that these policies and slogans penetrate into the factories, the unions, the unemployed. This involves the complete mobilization of the forces of the Party and the revolutionary unions, the workers in the mass organizations sympathetic to the Party, for ceaseless activity in the remaining period of preparations. In this work the lessons of August 1, 1929, should prove valuable. With the Red Army By DICK GERBACK American Workers’ Delegation to the Soviet Union, 1930.) On April 28, 1980, the most unusual thing in my traveling experience happened—we entered the land called the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. ‘The first thing to meet our eyes— a Red Star above a hammer and sickle and a Red Flag. Next we saw the soldiers of the Red Army, who are watching over the front- iers, by whom we were cheerfully greeted. I wondered at the difference between the cap- (Member _ italist soldiers and the Red Soldiers who cheer- ed us Amrican workers while on duty. One could immediately see that the Red Army is for the workers, to protect them and their interests, while the American and other capit- alist-controlled armies are used to protect the millionaires like Morgan, Rockefeller, and their agents, and to fight against the workers if they should dare to open their mouths to ask for better working conditions. They are used to protecting the bosses’ interests also in the colonies, where exploitation is beyond im- agination. Visiting the Red Army. On April 29, we were invited to visit the Red Army division of Moscow. There we found that the officers get the same food and live in the same quarters as the other soldiers, in a comradely way. Being in the Re’ Army is like going to a University. Political Econo- my is taught and peasants are taught to run tractors and use the most modern methods of cultivation, What is the difference between the officers and the ordinary soldiers? we asked. None, except that when the soldiers are on duty, strict discipline is maintained, they replied. Supposing your officers would tell you to shoot at workers and peasants Little work among the Latin American { Cspitalism Phi... America Prepares for War By EUGENE SAYLOR. (ptesiCa is preparing for war. uninformed and the misinformed can doubt it. Wars are not accidents, nor are they the results of squabbles between diplomats. Wars are a basic element of capitalism, necessitated by the continuous struggle for foreign markets and raw materials. The sweetly hypocritical talk about peace pacts, naval treaties, and disarmament agreements is just so much camouflage—a smoke screen to hide the fev- erish preparations for imperialist war. Two years ago the great capitalistic coun- tries were given an opportunity to disarm The Soviet Union proposed that every nation on earth destroy all its arms except those es- sential for the upkeep of a small police force. The Great Powers who had assembled to talk “disarmament” turned a deaf ear to the pro- posal. Curtailment of armament was not mentioned again until the London Naval Con- ference assembled. Was disarmament dis- cussed? Not a bit of it. The powers had as- sembled, not to talk peace, but to agree on the size of the guns they know will soon be turned on each other, Plan War on Soviet. So much was admitted. But this was never made public. Plans were drawn up for a concerted attack on the Soviet Union. Capi- talism, built on slavery, realizes that it can not compete successfully with Communism, built by and for the masses. That is why, as the correspondent for the Chicago Daily News admitted, the Soviet Union was “a vast, in- visible presence occupying the thoughts of all the delegates” at the London Conference. And that is why Leslie Urquhart, one of the most powerful capitalists in England, de- ¢lared, in the New York Engineering ‘and Mining Journal: “Successful completion by the Soviet of its Five Year Plan will destroy, or at any rate, deal a terrific blow to our (capitalistic—Ed.) entire civilization.” And not only is the Soviet Union carrying through its magnificent Five Year Plan, but it seems absolutely certain that it will complete it in four years. Which, Mr. Urquhart will agree, is a still more powerful blow at capitalism. The United States War Department, too, has instituted a Five-Year Plan, although it is not taking any great pains to spread the knowledge. In 1926, Congress, by passing the five-year act, empowered the War Department to build the greatest armed force the world has ever seen, “So great has been the pro- gress of the War Department,” former Secre- tary of War Davis has said, “that if the United States were to be drawn into conflict today, the nation would be equipped to place 4,000,000 men in action anywhere on the face of the globe.” Distance is no bar to imperialist war! Calvin Coolidge admitted as much when he ‘said, while he was president: “Our investments and trade relations are such that it is almost impossible to conceive of any conflict any- where on earth that w ld not affect us in- juriously.” The Bankers Journal, ever con- servative. wants to localize the war and bring it closer. to home. “What is the most poten- tial cause of war,” it says, and proceeds to striking for better living conditions? We dont have any strikes in our country, and there is no danger of getting such a command from our officers as they are all workers them- selves, our commander being a metal worker. Our army is a strictly workers army and only workers and’ peasants can be Red Soldiers. “Do you think there is danger of war be- tween capitalist countries and the Soviet Union?” we asked. Yes, we are constantly in danger of war; the Manchurian case was but to provoke the Soviet Union, as was the bomb which was found at the embassy in Warsaw, Poland, and we know that behind all this are the imperialist nations. The Soviet Union wants peace; we know what misery and blood- shed war would cause the workers. But if any nation should attack us, we are always ready to defend our union, and it is up to the workers of all countries to defend the Workers’ Re- public, the workers’ fatherland, as a victory of the Soviet workers is a victorv for all of the workers the world over, Baily <Q Worker > A War; Protest August First! | answer. Only the dele i vi the U.S. A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of Maphattan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One yr. $8; six mons, $4.50 | a by Gropper “Does it not consist of international rivalry in trade and finance, and are not the two greatest rivals in this field England and the United States?” War Department’s Five Year Plan. The War Department’s five-year plan has been very effective in its own inhuman way. The army has actually organized a school, the Army Industrial College, to teach officers the most efficient ways of linking peacetime industries with the War Department so that, now, as Frank Gorin, former chief of the pro- curement division of the U. S. Army Chemical Warfare Service, has declared: “According to plans which are fairly well completed, at the very hour, or possibly a few hours before, America next declares war, tersely worded of- ficial telegrams will automatically go forward from Washington to several hundred chemical plants scattered throughout the East and Middle-West. In substance, the messages will say: ‘Go Ahead, and the innumerable war contracts which are being signed in these quiet times of peace will immediately become ef- fective.” This tender care of industries which can turn out war materials is not confined to the chemical group. According to former Secretary of War Davis, the same solicitude is extended to every industry that will be utilized in the next war, be it automobile, steel, clothing, munitions, or aviation. The National Defense Committee of the United States Chamber of Commerce has actually started to rehearse the big industrial estab- lishments which will so quickly be converted into war industries, Mobilization Has Been Speeded Up. In half the time that it took the United States to mobilize its forces in the last war, Davis adds, the War Department will be able to assemble 4,301,947 enlisted men and 247,767 officers. This is an army, he boasts, 20 per cent greater than that mobilized during the last war. The War Department seems to have accelerated its program. In 1927 it was decided to have 409 training planes in service by 1932. Only last week 402 training planes were ordered, along with 1,000 engines. This is speeding up with a vengeance. In this greatest of all capitalist countries, where 98.92 per cent of the population gets less than $5,000 a year, and where the average wage of workers in manufactures in 1927 was $1,216; where there are more than 7,000,000 unemployed at conservative estimates while the two chief executives in “their” government, Hoover and Mellon, own between them $600,000,000, Congress has voted $847,010,858 to the army and navy for the fiscal year 1989-1931, an increase over last year of $21,504,834, Every attempt, no matter how hypocritical in intention, to aid these 7,000,000 jobless workers, has been met by Hoover with the plea that the government must “economize.” That is why the fantastic $7,000,000,000 construc- tion program that was to “help” the unem- ployed has fallen to $24,000,000, and why 8,000 postal employes have been discharged in a time of severe crisis. But no matter how heavy are the burdens which the masses must carry, no matter how quickly programs to “aid” them are forgotten, the cost of war con- tinues to mount. There is never need for the army and navy to economize. 72 Cents of Every Dollar Goes For War. According to government figures, three- fourths of the $3,830,445,231 to be spent by “our” government this year will go to pay for past wars and the next war. That is to say, 72 cents of every dollar baid by the taxpayers to the government is used to nav for the mr. der of workers acting in the interest of their exploiters. And for murdering and being mur- dered, American soldiers 22) , the munificent salaries of $21 per month. Experts agree that the coming war will be unexampled in its ferocity. Donald Cameron, in his excellent pamphlet, “Chemical Warfare,” describes what workers are going to meet in the next war. “Chemical warfare seeks man’s Achilles heel--his tenderest and least pro- tected parts. As new gases were introduced first his lungs were attacked, then his eyes, then his nose and throat, and finally his skin, Gas can kill—silently, swiftly, surely, It ‘can disable men and cause horrible wounds that By JOHN SCHMIES. HE present economic crisis is developing very sharply all along the capitalist front with growing contradictions within the entire capi talist system. The antagonism between Great Britain and the United States is becoming more and more accentuated. This present crisis of capitalism and the sharpening contradictions within it are making the growing war danger a concrete factor. The increased preparations on the part of all the imperialist nations to or- ganize an attack against the Soviet Union— the fatherland of the world’s working class, is assuming definite organizational expression. Because it is in the Soviet Union that the workers and peasants are building up a new system of society, which is doing away with capitalist wa and exploitation. Therefore, instead of wage cuts, speed up, increased starvation due to unemployment, the workers in the Soviet Union are successful in increas- ing their standard of living, are successful in cutting down their working hours and are rapidly carrying out the Five-Year Plan of Socialist construction. Therefore, on the one hand there is grow- ing economic crisis in all capitalist countries which means for the masses of workers misery and starvation and on the other hand the build- up of a new society under the leadership and guidance of the revolutionary forces in the Soviet Union, which means higher wages and general improvement of their working condi- tions for the masses of workers. In the struggle against the increa perialist war preparations the revolutionary unions have tremendous task to perform, especially in our struggle against the fascist and social fascist leadership in the American Federation of Labor, who are playing an ac- tive and open role as the agents of the bosses, to mobilize the rank and file membership in the old unions behind the war policy of the bosses and its government. The recent manifesto of the Amsterdam In- ternational, calling upon the workers in the Soviet Union to re-establish the bosses’ rule in place of the Workers’ Soviets, is an open act of the readiness on the part of the fascist and social-fascist leadership in all capitalist countries to actively participate with the cap- italist in order to militarize the workers and to prepare them in an attack against the Soviet Union. The role of these misleaders and fascist agents of world imperialism must be ruth- lessly exposed and an energetic struggle must be carried on against them under the banner of the revolutionary working class movement, | led by the workers and peasants of the Soviet Union. Task of Red Unions. It is therefore the task of the red unions to actively organize and mobilize the workers in the respective industries against this grow- ing imperialist war danger, and especially must we increase manifold our activity within the American Federation of Labor, on the basis of exposing in the eyes of these rank and file workers the role of the leadership in the A. F. L., and their alliance with the war pro- gram and the general system of rationalization of the bosses, TASK OF RED UNIONS IN| STRUGGLE AGAINST WAR | | We must organize in all of the basic indus: tries as well as in the local unions, and espe cially in the locals of the A. F. of L. anti-im perialist war committees under the slogan Not a penny for war preparations but ever) dollar for the unemployed, This slogan mus be put into life through active organizatior and preparation for the building up of the August First demonstration to struggle agains: imperialist war preparations. This slogan mus‘ be carried into the factories, into the mine: ani must be broadcast throughout the entir: labor movement in order to ruthlessly expos the yellow leadership of the socialist party and the misleaders of the A. F. of L. gen. erally. Work or wages, unemployment insur. ance from the government and the bosses musi be made into a tremendous and powerful de. mand on the part of the American working class. Living Slogans. The slogan “from the factories to the dem- onstration” must be based on immediate or. ganizational preparation, and must be made into a living reality for the purpose of build. ing up a mighty protest movement, based upor the united front policy from below, through the organization of factory committees, com- mittees of unorganized and organized workers as well as committees within the old reformist unions, composed of the members in the T.U U.L. and rank and file workers within the A. F. of L. All this must be connected up with an inten- sified effort to revive the recruiting drive of the T.U.U.L. and to develop a serious cam- paign for the building up of the official organ the Labor Unity. Into the Shops. The results of the unemployment convention must be carried into the industries and among the millions of unemployed workers. Yes, this must become the center of our practical ac- tivity for the building up of a mighty protest demonstration against capitalist war prepara- tions, In this campaign and in the demonstration it is the task of the revolutionary unions to acquaint the American working class with our world leadership—the Red International of La- bor Unions and the Fifth World Congress which is about to open in the Soviet Union, T. U. U. L. Program. These are some of the tasks which the pro- gram of the T.U.U.L., calls for in order to mob- ilize and organize against the intensified of- fensive on the part of the bosses and all their agents in order to crush the growing militancy on the part of the masses of workers. Organize and strike—must be our immedi- ate perspective against this increased system of rationalization. Not a penny for war pre- parations, but every dollar for the unemployed —must become the central issue to prepare our struggle against increased imperialist wars. Work or wages, unemployment. insurance— must become the rallying center for unity of action, between the employed and unemployed workers in industry. The building up of a powerful revolutionary trade union movement must be our immediate aim in order to effectively struggle against the capitalist system. Negro War Mothers J im Crowed by Government By GRACE HUTCHINS. “We are set aside in a separate group, Jim Crowed, segregated and insulted.” So wrote 55 of the Negro Gold Star Mothers. whom the war department was sending over to the battlefields in France for a publicity stunt | planned as a part of preparations for another imperialist war. Against these war prepara- tions by capitalist nations, white and black workers together will demonstrate on August 1. Those Negro mothers, following the call of the American Negro Labor Congress to resist the ;overnment’s discrimination against them, cancelled their passage on the “American Mer- chant,” on which they were to have sailed to visit the cemeteries. Their sons were killed in France in a war of imperialist nations. The great capitalist powers fooled many workers, both white and colored, into believing they were fighting a war to end wars. But Negro soldiers in the war were segregated in separate companics and given the worst jobs as trench diggers and as shock troops. Those Negro sol- diers who came home safely found worse con- ditions than before—lower wages, more lynch- ings, more discrimination against golored work- ers. Now the Negro mothers whose sons were killed are segregated from the white mothers and sent over on smaller, cheaper, slower ships. For every white mother who goes over the U. S. imperialist government pays $175 for the round trip steamer fare, but for a Negro mother only $100 for the round trip passage. White mothers stay at the best hotels, but Negro mothers are sent to the cheap Harlem Y. W. C. A. or to cheap boarding houses, Congress passed a bill to allow war mothers to visit the graves in France at the expense of the government in government-owned vessels with a military escort. The war department was to spend for each mother $840, allowing first-class accommodations. The white mothers receive these first-class rooms and transporta- tion, bt the Negro mothers were to be segre- gated in inferior places and inferior boats by the same imperialist government for which their sons fought. Workers, and especially working women, must not be fooled again by take months to heal. Or it can cause torture and anguish lasting for a few hours or min- utes. Old-fashioned army officers thought the only way to win a war was to kill the enemy. Experience has shown that it is more effec- tive, for example, to burn one’s opponent with’ mustard gas. This not only removes him from active service for from one to six months, but ! requires elaborate hospital care behind the lines, thus further embarrassing the enemy. A corpse need only be buried.” It is obvious that war is coming, and soon. The toiling masses all over the world must mobilize for a struggle against the danger of a new imperialist war and in defense of the Soviet Union. Demonstrate in millions against this ever growing danger of a new world slaughter in the interests of the capitalist rob- bers, Demonstrate in millions on August 1. the war plans of the capitalist nations. The visit of Gold Star mothers to France is a plan to “Whoop it up” for another imperialist war by making it seem “glorious” to die for capi- ; talism. On August 1, under the leadership of the Communist Parties, great mass demonstra- tions of workers, white and black, men and wofhen in all countries of the world, and in every city and industrial center of the United States, will prove that workers are awake to the capitalist war danger and are ready to fight against imperialist war in defense of the Soviet Union. Negro workers are beginning to realize that only the Communist Party mobilizes the working masses to fight for full political, econ- omic and social equality. For the right of self- determination for the Negro masses in the South—against imperialist war and for the de- fense of the Soviet Union—the only country in the world where there is no discrimination on account of race or nationality. Negro and white working women, demon- strate on August 1 against preparations for a@ new war! Organize Anti-War Committees in your fac- tories and organizations! Elect delegates from your shops and factories to the Anti-War Con- ferences in your districts! Mobilize your forces together with the white workers! Fight race discrimination and lynching! Fight for equal pay for equal work—against wage-cuts, speed-up, unemployment! Demand work or wages and unemployment insurance! Fight against imperialist war in defense of the Soviet Union! Down with segregation and Jim Crowism! Dev with imperialism and its lynching ter- ror! Long live the solidarity of the black and white workers! Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. 1, the nndersigned, want to join the Comme nist Party. Send me more information, Name ... Address ...sssccececescmmeces Ult¥sseccemm Occupation ..scesccscvescecccsces AGGre Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St. New York, MN. bo ee 4a |