The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 18, 1930, Page 6

Pz ve Six Siiiyaes Naw N Central Organ oi the voi Daily 2: Worker ist Pace uf the U. S. A Sy mail everywhere: Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: St One year $6; BSCRIPTION RATE! ix months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of PATEE IR One yr. $8; six mons, $4.50 The Political Report of the Central Committee to the XVI. Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Unio be squeezed fr¢ and cony We Bolshev The antagonisms between the imperial s and th and depende are being revealed and intensified. ing economic crisis is bound to iner ts on the col es forming the most im portant g and raw material m Ss. It is that the European bourge is at the present time at war with “its” colonies in India, Indo-China, East India and North Africa. It is a fact that “independent” China is in reality divided up into spheres of influ ence, 4 at the clique of the generals, and the cot evolutionary Kuomintang, al ly at conflict with one another and ruining e ccloni and dependent cou fulfilling the will of mp f the Rus- sible for in China long time ora n either are dassies there Ing. American other uth or Central China t there are litary ad- als. For n em- American gun And order” China an un- in full states of their in- ture of the pitalist states. Russian Bol- akian and the it. to believe that these of the imperialists will e Chinese workers and ready replied by forming So- nies. It reported that e being formed. If this not find any cause for wonder. no doubt that nothing but the ave China from fi ruin and iet Goverr wi a can Soviets can impoverishment. With respect to India, Ir A ete., it undoubted fact t revolutionary movement in these coun- which son:ctimes takes the form of war iberation is growing. The gen- tlemen of the bourgeoisie are anxious to drown these countries in blood; they depend on the support of t and look to people like There is no doubt that police bayonets are but weak supports. rism, too, in its time sought to support f on police bayonets, and we all know what There Indo-China, the East ig an ies, 2 police andhi for aid Socialist Construction in U. SSR. and 7th Convention ot CPUSA (From the Speech of Earl Browder, June 24) WORD about the development in the Soviet Union, which still has not been adequately dealt with in the convention. It is impossible to obtain a proper perspective of the world situation, except in the light of developments in the Soviet Union. What is going on there is perhaps the most important step in the development 0” the world revolution since Octo- ber, 1917. in the history of the revolution. Let 5 to understand what it means. The suce of the socialist construction, under the Five-Year Plan, has brought us to a new high level of the world revolution. This development is based upon the success- ful construction of industry and especially of heavy industry, which Comrade Lenin taught us is the material basis for socialism. In the growth of industry in the Soviet Union, the four.dation has been solidly laid. And now, upon this foundation, we witness the collectiv- ization of agriculture which represents the in- troduction of a new type of relationships never before seen in history. This is one of the creative contributions of the revolutionary masses. The result of the successful move- ment for collectivization has been that social- ism now in the Soviet Union finds its base not only ix industry, but alsota constantly growing base in agriculture. The age-old con- tradiction between town and country, between industry and agriculture, is being wiped out by the proletarian dictatorship. Profound Charges. This is the great historical significance of the period which we are now living through. The result of collectivization is a profound change in class relationships in the Soviet Union. Fcrmerly in the village were poor peasants, middle peasants, and kulaks. The first were the firm allies of the proletariat in the building of socialism; the last were en- emies; while the middle peasants were che object of a struggle for political leadership be- tween the proletariat and poor peasants on @™e side and the kulaks on the other. With the collectivization movement, we witness the whole agricultural population or growing large sections of the country passing over the new economic and ial relationships which wipe out these old di ions, in which the entire col lectivized rcpulation of poor and middle peas ants, with the kulaks liquidated as a class becomes a part of the socialist order. We sec a constantly expanding socialist sector in ag riculture, now occupying the most importan grain producing areas, in which the class en emy has beer deprived of all material basis. in which agriculture itself and the agrarian population gives a new and wider basis for the proletarian dictatorship. In the peasantry of the collectivized areas we have no longer the old peasants. Class divisions are based upon the position which the class occupies in the productive machinery of the country, and the collectivized peasantry occupies an entirely new position. This new position in the machinery of production inevit- ably makes them part of the foundation of the dictatorship, the class forces making for socialism in the Soviet Union. It is at the same time a demonstration of that process of the wiping out of class divisions which will be completed with the final victory of social- ism. A Sharp Turn. The tremendous achievements in building socialist industry provided the basis of this sharp turn in policy. It is accompanied by sharpened class struggles. Collectivization ean only be successful in sharp struggle against the capitalist elements in agriculture, against the kulaks. Victorious socialist construction made possible the turn from the policy of lim itation and squeezing out of the kulaks, to the policy of liquidation of the kulaks as a class, r@lized in the collectivized areas. The un- dented rate of growth of industry, espec heavy industry, was the economic pre- 4 G We are passing a turning point | The was the successful fight volutionary Trotskyism and quidation, and the smashing of the right wing which obstructed the carrying through of the Party line, and reflected with- in the Party the pressure of hostile class forces. condition of this momentous development. ical precondition a nst counter its complete Opportunism. It is instructive to note the operation of what might be called a “law of gravitation” of all brands of opportunists towards a single platform, in the development of Trotskyites and open right wing elements on the issue before the Communist Party of the Sovie: Union. Thus in the past six months Trotsky has dropped his “left” mask and come out openly against collectivization, which he de- scribés as the incubator of a new class of . He desi the collectives as the introduction of capitalism under the cloak of Jers the collective economy w capitalist form, and says that on is only possible in ten tc some time in the indefinite fu At the same time that he calls for post ponement of collectivization, in common with the right wing, which they maintain is made necessary because industry is not sufficient]; developed, they also call for a slackening down in the tempo of industrial development. In. dustry, also, say both Trotsky and the right wing, is being developed too fast. In short. Trotsky comes out with a full-blown right wing opportunism theory. His “left”’ pro tective coloring is completely washed off in the flood of the revolutionary upsurge in the Soviet Union. He even comes out against the liquidation of the kulaks as a class—under the formula’ that cla: cannot be liquidated by administrative decree. But comrades, if the October revolution taught one thing, above all. it was that classes can be liquidated by the revolutionary action of the masses, and for 13 years there has been no big bourgeoisie in Russia. Now the most important section of the petty-bourgeoisie, the kulaks, is being li- quidated. real colle fifteen year ture, “Left” Slogans. Of course, all those theories are the logical result of Trotsky’s “left” slogan of the im possibility of building socialism in the Soviet Union. Against the line of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Trotsky propose another basis for the Five-Year Plan—the s of collaboration with capitalist govern ments and with capitalism, using for this purpose especially the development of good relations with MacDonald, Scheidemann, and other social-democrats in imperialist govern ment offices. Trotsky comes out openly with the theory of building socialism ‘with the aid of the capitalist world, as a substitute for the clear Bolshevik line of the C.P.S.U. which is building socialism in the face of all the attacks of the imperialist world against it. The organized right wing group within the #@.P.S.U., led by Bukharin, has been defeated, smashed, disinvegrated, beaten by the tremen dous successes of the actual carrying out of the Five-Year Plan and the exceeding of that Plan. It would be a mistake to think that with the | defeat of the right and “left” deviations in their organized expressions, “left” dangers are eliminated. They are not. Dying classes, as Marx said, do not leave the field of history without a struggle. These struggles are still reflected within the Commu- nist Party precisely because the Communist Party is not a bureaucratic machine but is connected by thousands of threads with the toiling masses throughout the country. the right and The 16th Congress, The Sixteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U., which opens in a few days will, we know quite well, register no change in the line which has been so successfully followed, but a continua- tion of that Ovr comrades in the Soviet Union are going to carry through the slogan line sort of support that turned out to be. regard to helpers of the Gandhi type, ( possessed whole flocks of them in the form of liberal compromise-rhongers of every kind, but these succeeded in nothing more than in add- ing to the confusion. (d) The eoisie and the proletariat of the capitalist coun- | tries too have been brought to light and are be- antagonisms between the bourg- coming acuter. The crisis has already increased the pressure put by the capitalists on the work- ing cla: The crisis has already called forth a fresh wave of capitalist rationalization, a fresh worsening of the situation of the work- ing class, an increase of unemployment, a growth of the army of permanent unemployed. and a reduction of wages. It is not to be wondered at that these circumstances revolu- tionize the situation, strengthen the class war, Woll’s Provocation Should Raise Daily Sales By HARRISON GEORGE. JHE Farm Board was supposed to celebrate 4 its first birthday on July 16, but more brickbats than bouquets are arriving from the wheat belt as the collapse of the famous “Stabilization Corporation” becomes clear to everyone even to Hoover. Hoover’s cabinet met and adjourned after listening to Secretary of Agriculture Hyde, who told Hoover how he and Chairman Legge of the Farm Board were nearly lynched in Kansas for advocating reduction of acreage. It was reported that the cabinet is “worried” | by the wheat crisis, | Hoover, considering this, changed his plans for a vacation. He will “avoid the farm belt” | the capitalist press says quite openly, and his train will go through without stopping, taking him to refuge in Glacier National Park, where | the glaciers will give him a warmer welcome of completing the Five-Year Plan in four years. The collectivization has already regis- tered successes beyond expectation. The cor- rection of “leftist” errors, which developed in the great swing of millions into the collectives, is being carried through and guarantees the further healthy growth of collectivization; there has been no “pause,” no “retreat” of the C.P.S.U., as our enemies would like to believe, but on the contrary. The correction of errors was in itself :. part, an essential part, of the forward movement, one of the stages in the advance of the main line of the Party, of the actual collectivization of agriculture on the basis of the Five-Year Plan. Those who wish to obtain some idea of the speed of growth of socialism in the Soviet Union, should compare of the yearly rate of growth of Soviet industry with that of capi- | talist industry. Leaving aside for the moment the present crisis, and the fact that capitalist production is declining almost as much per year as Soviet production is increasing; and taking for comparison the rate of growth of U. S. capitalist production for fifty years when it was growing from an insignificant | factor to the greatest capitalist power, we | find that Soviet industry grows seven times as fast as the capitalist industry in the U. S. This contrast in the tempo of production growth has the most profound revolutionary consequences, At the same time we witness the appearance of Soviet coal, matches, oil, lumber, ete., on the markets of the world in successful com- petition with capitalist commodities. The con- sequences of this historic fact do not lie in the point of their purely economic effects upon the markets in competition. What is of tremendous significance is the demonstration. by means of this appearance of Soviet pro- duction in the world markets, of the deep econ omic vitality of Soviet economy. It is an ex- pression, as the speed of growth of production is another expression, of the tremendous su- periority of Soviet economy over capitalist economy, of planned economy over anarchistic competition, These tremendous achievements are the fruit of October, the fruit of the seize of power by the working class in armed struggle against the bourgeoisie, the fruit of the na- tionalization of banks, railroads, mines, fac- tories, land in the hands of the working class power, the Soviet Union, the fruit of the dic- tatorship of the proletariat, the fruit of the policy of Lenin, of the Bolshevik leadership of the working class, ( ~-By FRED ELLIS The Farm Board Has A Birthday than the farmers would. Meanwhile Hyde and Legge are going to venture into hostile country in the Dakotas, to try out the pro- gram they so signally failed with in Kansas. A more beautiful picture of the failure of “organized capitalism” could not be found in a month of Sundays. Setting up a “stabiliza- tion” corporation for wheat, the Farm Board last fall bought, according to present report, 69,000,000 bushels at $1.15 to “peg” the price. But the Chicago price has reached 85 cents and farmers are getting 64 cents in Kansas and 53 cents in Montana. The Farmers’ Union and its boosters, the renege? Tre* Montana and the Dakotas who valiantly sup- ported Hoover, the Farm Boaiu, us saor operatives.” “stabilization,” and all, can now explain to those they have been swindling just how it all happens. Samuel McKelvie, ex-governor of Nebraska, who is the “wheat farmers’ representative” on the Farm Board, in trying to explain just what stabilization means when the bottom drops out of it, got off the following: “A stabilization corporation should not be used only to take a surplus off the market. There must be a reasonable proposition.” What a “reasonable proposition” might be, McKelvie doesn’t say; doubtless he doesn’t know. But what he does know is clear: A stabilization corporation should not be ex- pected to stabilize anything, least of all, wheat. Though McKelvie says that the government “has not sustained a loss, as it still has the wheat”—it cannot eat that wheat, but he may have to eat his words, as last Saturday re- ports said that the Farm Board had sold 350,000 bushels to Kansas flour mills for 78 cents a bushel that they paid $1.15 a bushel for last Fall. Besides, Tuesday reports said that the Farm Board “have made large sales for export at Kansas City,” a total of 2,000,000 bushels changing hands through brokers, and 750,000 bushels going from Kansas City via the Gulf. What the price is, is carefully avoided in the dispatch, which came from Chicago. But how this conflicts with McKelvie’s repetition of the Farm Board’s promise “to hold this grain until the price situation has been re- lieved,” is clear as a bell. Since the Agrical- tural Department last week wero the A ers that wheat prices for the next seven years would be lower than in the next sercu Farm Board holdings would have to wait a long time. Meanwhile Chairman Legge of the Farm Board gives us the following idea of just how “stabilization” is working: “We purchased 60,000,000 bushels of wheat because the carry-over last year was larger than ever before. We now control more than that increase in the American surplus from last year’s carry-over. It i Ag cae fine ©1099 000 a month of the te~» ‘his wheat (in storage and wastage charges). According tu wo sa one year affair, ‘He got off the joi.owing good one: acl be il “The main point at issue is the determina. tion of whether a new emergency exists in the grain market, or whether the present sit- uation is a continuance of that which the Farm Board ‘relieved’ in buying the 60,000,000 bushels it now holds. question of stabilization of this year’s .crop any consideration at all.” In other words, “stabilization” was for 1929, and in 1920 the farmers will have to get along without it, McKelvie adds, as a rather bril- | ! | | We haven't given the © | the South Side of Chicago. and drive the workers into renewed class struggles. The consequence is that among the working masses the social democratic illusions are crumbling and collapsing. After the experi- ence gained during the participation of social democrats in the governments, which have done scab service, organized lockouts and shot down workers, the lying promises of “produc- tion democracy” of “industrial peace,” and “peaceful methods” in the struggle, sound in the ears of the workers like utter derision Are there still many workers to be found who believe the lying sermons of the social demo- crats? The workers’ demonstrations of August 1, 1929 (against war danger), and of March 6, 1930 (against unemployment), show that the best elements of,the working class are already turning their backs to the social democrats. The economic crisis will deal a fresh blow at the social democratic illusions among the workers. After the bankruptcy and impov- erishment following the crisis, there will be but few workers willing to believe in the pos- sibility that “every worker” may enrich him- self by taking part in “democratic” joint stock companies. Whatever may be said—the crisis deals an annihilating blow at such and similar illusions. But when the workers turn their backs on social democracy, this means that they turn to Communism. The growth of the trade union movement working on the side of the Commu- nist Parties; the election successes of the Com- munist Parties, the strike wave going on under the leading participation of the Communists, the merging of the economic struggles in poli- tical protests organized by the Communists; the mass demonstrations of the workers sym- pathizing with Communism, awakening wide echoes in the working class—all this bears witness to the fact that the working masses recognize in the Communist Parties the sole Party capable of fighting against capitalism, the sole Party worthy of the faith of the work- ing people, the sole Party which it is worth while to join in the struggle for liberation from capitalism. This is the turn taken by the n Comrade J. Stalin’s Address on 27th June. 1930 working masses in the direction of Commu- nism. This is the guarantee that our brother Parties of tr. Comintern will become great mass Parties of the working class. All that is necessary is that the Communists estimate the situation properly, and make full use of it. The Communist Parties, which carry on an ir- reconcilable struggle against social democracy, this agent of capital among the working class, and which utterly exterminate those devia- tions from Leninism which bring grist to the mill of soc’ il cemocracy, have shown that they are on the right path. They must continue firmly on this path. For it is only by doing so that they can reckon on winning over the majority ot the working class, and of success- fully preparing the proletariat for the coming class struggles. For it is only by doing so that we can .eckon upon a further increase of the influence and the authority of the Com- munist International. This is the status of the fundamental con- tradictions of world capitalism, now inten- sified to the utmost by the world economic crisis. What do these facts show? They show that the stabilization of capital- ism is approaching its end. They show that the upsurge of the revolu- tionary mass movement will rush forward with fresh impetus. They show that the- world economic crisis will merge into a political crisis in many countries. This means that in the first place the bour- geoisie will scek a means of escape from the situation in the further fascisation of home politics, and will utilize for this purpose every reactionary force, including Social Democracy. It means further that the bourgeoisie, in the sphere of foreign policy, will seek a means of escape in fresh imperialist wars and in in- tervention, And it means, finally, that the proletariat in the struggle against capitalist exploitatios and war danger, will seek the remedy in re volution. (To Be Continued.) Some Conclusions from the Chicago Convention By BILL DUNNE. (Continued) The disclosure before and during the con- vention of gross opportunist errors in our work among the Negro masses, errors brought into daylight by mass work in this period of sharp- ening class struggle, was one of the most im- portant achievements of the convention. These errors were of two kinds: One, open repudiation in practice, with strong social fascist characteristics, of the demand for full social, economic and political equality for Negroes. Two, the reformist tendency ex- pressed at the Party fraction meeting preced- ing the convention, in two speeches—both of which received considerable applause—to the effect that the best way to combat white chauvinism was to drop all reference to Neg- roes and consider the Negro masses simply as part of the working class. The open repudiation of the line of the Party and the class struggle unions of the T. U. U. L. occured among the Lithuanian comrades on Leading Lithu- anian comrades gave Negro delegates quar- tered with them money to buy food elsewhere to prevent them from eating in the Lithuanian co-operative restaurant on the grounds that their presence was “bad for business.” One immediately thinks of the attitude of the Southern capitalists who lynch Negroes and at the same time give money for the sup- port of Negro colleges and schools—providing of course that they are properly controlled. This matter was taken up in the open con- vention by Comrades Dunne and Hathaway, was handled in the sharpest rnanner and the promise made to the delegates that these ele- ments would be dealt with to the utmost limits of the disciplinary powers of the Party and the T. U. U. L. This open acknowledgement of errors in the struggle against white chauvinism and the speedy and public correction of these gross errors brought a splendid response from the convention, self-criticism was placed before the liant after-thought: “The farmers have re- ceived more than they ever expected under the stabilization program in the purchase of wheat.” The farmers certainly did “receive more than they expected”! But not in prices. And it is clearly the deliberate intention of the Farm Board to unload now, whether for ex- port or not, as much as they can of what they hold. This will knock prices down still further. The farmer who pays interest on debt and _ rent for land, pays out (according to the 1926 estimate) 28 per cent of all he gets to the people who rob him. His taxes are twice and a half as high as in 1918, The monopolies who skin the hide off the workers in the fac- tories do some more skinning when they sell him farm machinery which he must have. The sheriff who lives from his taxes is always ready to take away his property at the behest of the local banker who is an agent of Wall Street. His poverty drives him into debt. and into becoming a wage worker for the richer farmers and corporation farm companies who give him an idea of how it feels to be a wage worker, The Farm Bloc has swindled the farmers into regarding it and the Farm Board, fake cooperatives and “stabilization,” as the prom- ise of paradise to come. They are finding out that it is not paradise, but hell. The remedy is action by the farmers them- selves. They should form, among themselves and by townships, Committees of Action. and write to the United Farmers’ League of Bis- marck, North Dakota. It has the only pro- gram of struggle which will gain the farmer anything. It means struggle, tenants’ strikes, taxpayers’ strikes, and a big fight over a wide scale, But only by struggle, their own strug- gle, aided by the revolutionary workers, can the farmers advance their interest, 4 delegates in the most concrete form. The second error amounts to the repudiation of the whole Comintern policy regarding allies of the proletariat by refusing to recognize the special interests, needs and demands of the Negro masses, as a minority still more op- pressed and exploitéd than the white workers and of course negates both in theory and prac- tice the necessity to organize the white work+ ers for struggle for these demands as well as confining the struggles of the Negro masses themselves to the narrowest basis. In practice this theory divides the white and Negro masses, perpetuates white chauvinism, liquidates the slogans of full social, economic and political equality and the right of the Negro masses to self-determination to the point of separation. This error was dealt with at length both in the fraction meeting and the special Negro conference held following the convention. No disagreement was openly expressed at either one of the meetings but the discussion—and especially the two opportunist outbreaks under the severe pressure of actual mass work—- shows that the social and theoretical roots of white chauvinism are still deeply embedded in our Party and that an unceasing struggle must be varied on to destroy them, that this stfuggle must take the form of open self-criticism and correction before the working class, in the struggle and as a part of it. The newly elected National Committee, of which eight are Negroes and a majority from the decisive industries, with the fullest co- operation required from all national industrial unions and leagues, Trade Union Unity Cen- tral Councils and the Party Committees, has as its main task to use the impetus given to the struggle of the unemployed masses by the convention for the speeding up and consoli- dation of the campaign for making September 1 (Labor Day) a day of mass demonstrations nationally, of closely uniting the struggle for social insurance, against evictions, against all vagrancy laws, for immediate relief for the unemployed, with the building of the class struggle industrial unions, of making the struggle for Work or Wages a struggle con- ducted’ by organized workers—employed and anemployed—of uniting the struggle for the action program of the Chicago convention with the whole struggle against rationalization and the war danger. We must not repeat the mistakes made fol- lowing the Cleveland Convention of the Trade Union Unity League—the mistake of not broadening our agitational and intensifying our organization work from the first day after adjournment, the mistake of not mobilizing all available forces, of failing to systematically draw in and develop new forces from the struggle itself. August 1, International Fighting Day Against Imperialist War, must find the Na- tional ‘Council of the Unemployed and every industrial union in the center of the struggle. Then follows September 1, and then the second national convention of unemployed to be held in October. Ail of these events are jewels of the class struggle that must not be picked out of their setting. They are all connected by, the de- velopment of the class confli¢t, by the deep- ening economic crisis, by the whole series of sharp class battles, by the growing need of open fighting against the starvation offensive of the capitalists and their’ government. Mass agitation, mass organization, mass struggle! When the October convention is held its thousands of delegates should represent a vast network of unemployed councils in all the basic industries, it should mark the inclusion of 50,000 more proletarian fighters into the ranks of the T, U. U. L. and its affiliated unions, it must be made into a high point of the election campaign of our Party, These are our next tasks in the the struggle for winning the majority cs working glass for Communism, —r-