The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 14, 1930, Page 4

Page Four York City, N. the Comprodaily Publishing Co., inc Ne Y. Telephone Stuyves: and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 2 nt '1696-7-8. Cabie: daily, except Sunday, at 26-28 Union sant’ 1¢ “DAIWORK.” 28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Daily S25 Worker Central Organ of the Communist Paviy of the U. S. A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: mail everywhere: One year $6; six months §3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of Stacuntean ‘and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One yr. 8; six mons, $4.50 the Communist Party innesota held their ify the election plat- the coming elections. st not be viewed as mere and simple” parlia- are mobilizations s through which to utilize the field amentarism in order to f capitalist democracy ; lead the workers and against wage cuts, against the expropria- y ance capital. The y to consider the pol- tes and the and farm- two s workers Mellon's State. s y and corruption of vachine controlled by Pennsylvania Railroad workers of this coun- of the entire world. orivate thugs and coal to kill and slaughter In no other section icial and police state 1 an open strike-breaking ion of foreign-born work- f workers for their militant ing of headquarters of the organizations, breaking ‘ons, killing strik- s are characteristic f Pennsylvania. the role of t party in the h in the mem- kers remain the betrayals of Workers of America, the International Longshore- e recent A. F. of L. be- t i rgh Taxicab drivers, the of the A. F. of L. and the police up workers, all of which proves ng and fascist role of the must we intensify the struggle the treacherous and strike-breaking course. hosiery strike in Kensington, a good example of the role and purpose and the socialist party. The rs were stabbed in the betrayed through the Muste- cy of non-mass picketing, arbit- ations and co-operation with the Davis repub- | lican state mach y Social- workers’ ists Smash Strike, tanding is the role of the ty administration in Reading, Pa. socialists jailed workers who col- lected strike relief, broke up meetings, smashed penly co-operated with the bosses. that the Communist state ratifica- ition: took place in the socialist con- y of Reading, Pa., marks the be- g a death blow and expos- ness the aims of the social- tablishing more firmly the and organization of our Party. sre the strikes and fact tion conv trolled ci he election campaign must reflect the de- ng struggles of the workers in Penn vania. We must take into special considera- tion the discontent and the coming struggles of the 150,000 anthracite miners against wage cuts and the bet: 's of Lewis; the miners in the bituminous field, the movement of organi- socialist party, which pursues a. zation among the steel workers. The Party ' has now an opportunity to raise the economic struggles of the workers to a higher political level. The campaign for the Party platform and candidates means a fight for the legal PENNSYLVANIA AND MINNE- SUTA STATE CONVENTIONS the protection of the foreign-born workers, for the right to strike, to picket and assemble against the criminal syndicalist and sedition laws and for the building up of the revolution- ary trade unions and the Communist Party. Expose the Social-Fascists. The political situation in Pennsylvania is not without any dangers for our Party. Be- sides the struggle against the social party, the role of Davis as “the friend of labor” and Pinchot as “the foe of the coal and iron police” was not made clear and explained to the work- ers. We must take cognizance ef the fact that among large sections of workers in Pennsyl- vania, strong illusions exist about the so-called “liberal” and “pro-labor” role of Pinchot. It must also be admitted that the Party of dis- tricts 3 and 5 failed to take energetic steps in the primaries to carry on a struggle against Davis and Pinchot and unmask them before the masses. This must be rectified at once. The situation in Minnesota does not differ basically from that of Pennsylvania. The movement of struggle and resistance to the speed-up and wage-cuts is rapidly developing among the iron miners and lumber workers. The struggles of the dock workers on Lake Superior is assuming momentum. The elet- tion campaign of our Party will find a fertile field in the present situation among the ex- ploited working masses in Minnesota. Win the Farming Masses. The Party must devote special attention to the farmers. We must repair our inexcusible neglect of the agricultural proletariat and poor farmers. In every election the farmers of Minnesota become the prey of the capitalist Farmer Labor Party. On the other hand, how- ever, the accentuation of the present agricul- tural erisis proves conclusively to the farmer not only that the farmer labor party is unwil- ling to fight for their interests, but that cap- italism cannot solve their problems. In Min- nesota the election campaign, without ignor- ing the industrial proletariat, must especially concentrate on the agricultural proletariat and the poor farmers. Precisely in this elec- tion campaign can the Party bring its pro- gram of class struggle to the farmers and es- tablish a firm foothold in the agricultural dis- tricts. As in Pennsylvania, the Communist Party in Minnesota is faced with the tasks of unmask- ing those forces which speak in the name of labor and try to mislead the working class. The struggle against the farmer labor party must be more politicalized and intensified. On the basis of the political record of the farmer labor party must we try to convince the workers and farmers that the farmer la- bor party is a capitalist party and not a workers’ and farmers’ party. The results of the recent primaries in Minnesota shows that the farmer labor party is trying to capitalize the present economic cri: and the growing misery of the workers and farmers. It also shows that strong illusions still prevail in various sections of Minnesota concerning the farmer labor party. These must be destroyed on the basis of systematic political agitation and struggle against the social fascist role of the farmer labor party and its allies, the Halonen group in the Finnish movement, and the Trotskyites. ~* The Minnesota and Pennsylvania state con- ventions have concretized the political support of the mass organizations and the response of the workers. The most important thing is to follow up organizationally the decisions of the convention. Broaden the election cam- paign, bring it into the factories, farms and mass organizations, particularly those which are still under reactionary leadership and con- trol, Forward to a Communist election campaign! Build the revolutionary trade unions! Build the Communist Party! Three Small Items existence of our Party, a fight against the police terror and the Lewis thugs, a fight for 7 By 1. AMTER. 'HREE small items of recent date help to characterize the present economic situation. One: Sawdust was quoted in Chicago on June 18 at a higher price than rye. A bag of forty pounds of sawdust sold on that date for 70 cents, that is 1% cents a pound. On the same day, rye was quoted at 49% cents for a bag of fifty-six pounds or less than 9/10 cents a pound. Speaking of Sawdust. The paper did not report whether the un- employed and part time workers are begin- ning to eat sawdust instead of rye, but clearly they will soon be compelled to do so. It also | did not state what the poor farmer is to do ® who has to sell grains at a lower price than 4 the cost of production. But this also is clear; 4 he will have to abandon his farm as hundreds | i. of thousands of other poor farmers are doing, go to the city--and increase the number of prospective consumers of sawdust. About Robins, Two: robin deposited her eggs in a nest on a Chicago Milwaukee St. Paul and Pacific R. R. car at Tacoma. A clerk discovered the nest and notified the superintendent of the ion. The latter immediately sent the fol- lowing order, Under no circumstances is that car to be moved. If possible don’t even move the other cars on the same track, but first and last, keep that car stationary until the ee Hi sell eggs are not only hatched, but until the robins can fly. At last report the car was on the siding nearly a month. Consideration—But Not For Workers. Babies may starve, fathers and mother's may beg for work. In despair they may be forced to steal. There is no such consideration from bosses for workers as for the robin—except to send them to a “home” where they too will not be disturbed. We wonder whether the wection hands and railroad watchmen get the consideration that this robin received! Pull- man porters surely do not. Perhaps they are eating saw lust. Three: The Byrd antarctic exnedition has returned from the South Pole. The crew was made up of men especially selected and tested. They were subject to many trials that de- manded initiative and responsibility and were not found wanting. U.S. Imrericlism in Antarctica. The scientific value and achievements of the expedition will be properly estimated and will become public property. But the expedi- tion was given a military character and was an imperialistic exploit in behalf of American imperialism, which may have a dispute with Great Britain on the matter. When the Byrd crew returned to this coun- try they were acclaimed as “heroes.” New York went mad over them and New York is not noted for its tributes to scientists. Surely the glorious ribbon seller, Grover Whalen, has no such reputation and yet he seized the op- portunity once more to shine in the reception, beating Mayor Jimmy Walker three to one in the photographs taken with the “hero” Byrd. A few days later Captain McKinley, adju- tant of the expedition, made a public appeal for jobs for sixteen of the crew—only two offers being received. Most of the men who were “heroes for an hour” are workers, sea- men, food workers, engineers, radio men, ete. Sawdust and Robins. The same thing happened after another 1m- perialist event of far greater importance and scope—the World War. The boys returned from fighting and marching in France only to march up and down the streets of the United States and fight for jobs. And now once more on a very small scale. Sawdust, robins, “heroes”! Three small items--but significant of the present situa- | tion! These men jointly with the 8,000,000 other jobless workers must look for jobs! But in the latter case, no appeal is being made, for they are only wage slaves whom the bosses want to train to starve—or eat sawdust. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 48 East 125th Street. New York City I. the undersigned. want to join the Commu nist Party Send me more information. NAME .cccsesececcceccecsecceececceeerueres Address ....seeree eee ity... ecupation ..... Age. Mail this to the Central Office Communist Party. 43 East 125th St. New York, N. ¥ “War Rather Than See Socialism Triumph!” By QUIRT From the Shops Into the August First Demonstration on Preparations for Demonstration.) (1) The deepening of the economic crisis is developing very sharply the growing con- tradictions within the capitalist system,~ the antagonism between the two great! imperialist powers—the United States and Great Britain —are becoming more accentuated. " The present crisis of capitalism and the con- tradictions within it are making the war a concrete factor. . (2) The increased imperialist against the Soviet Union—the fatherland of the world working class—is assuming definite organizational expression, because it is in the are building up a new system of society, which ‘- doing away vith capitalist wars and exploitation, and therefore instead of wage cuts, speed-up, starvation and unemployment, the workers in the Soviet Union are success- ful in carrying out the Five Year Plan of Socialist Construction. (8 World capitalism in alliance with the yellow Amsterdam International as well as the fascist and social~fascist leadership of the American Federation of Labor are trying to militarize the working class in order to pre- pare for the next world war, particularly war against the Soviet Union. The recent manifesto of the Second Inter- national calling upon the workers of the So- viet Union to re-establish the bosses’ rule in place of the Soviets, is an open act of war against the Soviet Union. This role of the misleaders, and the fascist agents of world capitalism, must be ruthlessly exposed and energetic open warfare must be carried on against them under the banner of the revo- lutionary working class movement, led by the workers and peasants in the Soviet Union. (4) The National Executive Committee of the T.U.U.L., the American section of the Red International of Labor Unions, endorsed the manifesto issued by the Communist Party in the United States, calling for a gigantic dem- onstration on August Ist to struggle against the capitalist war preparations. The National Committee of the TUUL calls upon all af- filiated organizations and all militant work- ers within the A. F. L. to follow the call of the Communist Party and to mobilize the American masses for the August 1st demon- stration—under the slogans: Not a penny for warships, but every (Statement of the National T.U.U.L. Bureau | August Ist Anti-War | attacks | Soviet Union that the workers and peasants | dollar to the unemployed! Work or Wages! Unemployment insurance from the gov- ernment and the bosses! (5) All affiliated National Unions and Na- tional Industrial Leagues, and TUUL groups, are called upon to mobilize the broadest masses of workers on the basis of anti-war committees within the mills, mines and fac- tories. (6) The basis of the entire campaign within the shops must be conducted on a united front from below of workers and work- ers’ organizations. Special effort must be made to link up the struggle against unem- ployment and to organize into this campaign unemployed and employed workers in industry. (7) All affiliated organizations must im- mediately cal] membership meetings and elect delegates to participate called by the Communist Party to prepare for August Ist anti-war demonstrations. (8) The slogan—from the factories to the demonstration—must be made into a living reality and must be practically connected with the 50,000 membership drive of the TUUL and the building up of the official organ, the Labor Unity. This must become the center of our practical activity for the building up of a mighty protest demonstration against the capitalist war preparations. (9) The final summing up of the election campaign for the V Congress of the RILU must be utilized to explain to the American workers the role of the RILU in the struggle against imperialist wars; and on the basis of the program of the Trade Union Unity League we must organize and mobilize all our forces for the building up of a mass pow- erful trade union movement in this country. Fight against capitalist rationalization! Organize the unorganized! Demand the 7-hour day, 5-day week! Fight against unemployment! Demand work or wages—social insurance! Fight against wage cuts and for wage in- creases! For full economic, political and social equal- ity, and self-determination for Negroes! Organize the youth and the women!! Defeat the fascist and social-fascist leaders of the A. F, of L. and socialist party! Fight against imperialist war! Defend the Soviet Union! For world trade union unity! For a Workers’ Government! By B, SKLAR. HE Fish Committee is a flaming sign of the impending imperialist war. It is in fact itself a part of the war preparations of the American imperialist government, and should be exposed as such. It is a measure conceived to strike on two fronts. Externally against the Soviet Union, internally against the greatest and the most implacable enemy of American iimperialism and of its war preparations, the Communist Party of the U. S. A. On th> one hand, the agent of the Roman pope, the hypocritic and lying jesuit Walsh. is being called in by the Fish Committee to testify in regard to the non-existing religious persecutions in the U,S.S.R. and to make a lying, ridiculous statement about an assignment of two ‘million dollars in order to foment a revolution in the United States, Then, reenforeing the holy lies of the jesuit padre will come the framed “exposures” of the “insurrectionary” activities of the Amtorg, the Soviet Trading Corporation by means of some new forged documents cooked up a la Whalen and seasoned with a white guard sauce. And this is calculated to prepare. the background for mobilizing the American masses ideological ly for war against the Soviet Union. On the other hand, Matthew Woll, the A. | The Fish Committee and the War F. of L. fascist, reenforced by the social-fas- cists of the needle trades and by Mr. Hillquit | himself, will help to furnish the ground for outlawing the Communist Party and the revo lutionary trade unions and for intensifying a reign of terror against them in order to crush | them. (The renegade Lovestoneites, finding it somewhat inconvenient to testify in the Fish Committee itself have rendered already their “testimony” against the Communist Party of the U. S. A. and against the Communist In ternational at their recent convertion, where they protested against the “interference” of Moscow in the inner affairs of the U. S. A.!) ‘The Fish Committee is one of the most seri- ous war moves of American imperialism. is but natural thdrefore that it should look for and receive the support of just such class - elements upon which American imperialism will rely in the war for which it is preparing (the clergy, the “labor” fascists, the social fas- cists and the renegades). It is therefore the most important task of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. to fight the Fish Committee “investigation” with the greatest energy. We must expose the nature of this Committee before the great masses of the American workers with all the means at our disposal. We must organize mass protest demonstrations against the despicable “investi- in the conferences | By EUGENE SAYLOR. Ween the story of America’s ruling class is written—-after the immediate objective of destroying it has been ‘accomplished — its cynical ferocity towards the workers will mark it as the most brutal in all history. Its two representatives most in the public eye at the moment are Yerbert Hoover and AndrewMellon. The first is a Quaker who is mobilizing fo imperialist war; the second, al- thdugh estimates of his wealth start at $500, 000,000, continues to levy heavy tribute upon every family in America that uses an alum- inum utensil. The executive officer of 120,000,000 people has been called a thief -n the floor of the senate for his relations with the packers’ trust while he was food administrator during the war. While in charge of European food relief he did his modest bit to prevent the “scourge” of Communism from spreading over Europe by refusing to feed any starving workers who were suspected of being Bolsheviks. He is a multi-millionaire, but no one, not even the republican national committee, has ever been able to discover how he made his fortune, al- though it is rumored that part of it was “earn- ed” by floating worthless railroad stocks in England. le Andrew Mellon, the next foremost represen- tative of capivalist in our “democratic” gov- ernment, has publicly and privately violated every article in the constitution he has “faith- fully sworn” to uphold. He is secretary of the treasury despite the express provision of a law which declares no secretary of the treas- ury shall engage in business. He is the alum- inum trust in America, the sole producer of a commodity that is utilized in every home in one form or another. In addition to owning 50 per cent of the world’s supply of aluminum, he has a greedy finger in a hundred indus- tries pies, most of them i» Pennsylvania. He and his family control most of the largest banks in that state and he also controls the Gulf Refining Co. and no one has ever counted the number of workers who have ben tortured and murdered by the coal and iron police who protect Mellon’s Pittsburgh Coal Co. Envious boss senators have maintained—and have offered proof—that Mellon has forced steamship companies to carry his aluminum without freight charges to ports all over the world, in return for which Mellon has re- duced the steamship firms’ government taxes to a corresponding degree. Mellon was a great whiskey distiller before the prohibition law was passed. He still is. There are at least 50 Washington newspaper correspondents who are willing to swear that a good part of the liquor seized by revenue forces off rum row has mysteriously found its way into Mellon’s warehouses in Pennsyl- vania, where it soon became indistinguishable from Mellon’s own good Overholt. In his official capacity as secretary of the treasury he repeatedly encouraged gambling in the stock market. There are those naive enough to believe that he did so to strengthen the waning faith of the doubting bourgeoisie in America’s prosperity. And yet the New York Times carries a report that Mellon “made” $300,000,000 during the inflated stock market which he helped build up. Representative Garner has charged in the House that Mellon has refunded scores of mnillions in taxes to companies in which Mel- lon’s family has owned the controlling interest Garner himself puts the matter very quaintly: “Either Pennsylvania has the most ignorant it: people who do not know how to make out their income tax returns or they are the most fa- vored.” Imagine the U. S. Steel Co.,which re- ceived almost $100,000,000 in refunds from Mellon, being “too ignorant” to make out its income tax returns. To spend more time on Mellon would create the impression that he is different from other capitalists anc. from representatives of these capitalists in “our” government. He is not He.has stolen more, simply because he has had more opportunity. Capitalism breeds Mellons and Hoovers just like filth Lreeds a plague. Deodorants like socialist parties throughout the world, simply take the smell away; only Communism can tear the poisonous system out by the roots. The present economic crisis—it is a crisis not in the sense that it is a rare thing, but because it is an accentuation of the disease normal! to capitalism—has increased the num- ber of unemployed to over 7,000,000. Of course. Mellon’s good friend Green admits to only 4,- 000,000, and a deliberately distorted census count reports under 3,000,000, but the Russel Sage Foundaion, which doesn’t know the dif- ferencg between a Communist and an anar- chist, agrees with the Daily Worker’s figures. These seven million workers without jobs are suffering for lack of food. Disease—dread tuberculosis in particular—is attacking their families. (The sale of milk in many cities has dropped more than 15 per cent.). The funds of paternalistic charities are alnost depleted. Bread lines and soup kitchens are being dis- continued :n many cities because of “the drain on the treasury,” as St. Louis charitable or- ganizations »ut it when it snnounced last weelt that it was closing its doors. What have Hoover and Mellon done about it? Their first reaction to a situation that ac- cording to leading bourgeois economists will contigue to grow worse for at least two more gation” of the Soviet Union and the Commu- nist Party of the U. S. A. just at the time when it comes to light that the London treaty has a secret complement in the form of some exchange of notes among the chief imperialist ' powers which the Hoover government refuses | to disclose, most probaply because they dea! | with the plans for attacking the Soviet Union. | The Communist Party of the United States | must mobilize the American workers to demand the publication of these secret documents while the Communis. Party of Great Britain must » similarly demand of the MacDonald “labor” government their publications. We must “receive” and “bid farewell” to the | Fish Committee after it finishes its work in New York by huge mass demonstrations of workers in which we will suow up this*com mittee as working hand in hand with the mon archist white evards with which it makes a plot against the Soviet Union and with all of the worst enemies of the American workers. Similar actions must be taken thruout the ; country. The ampaign shovle be carried inte the shops by means of the shop paners, shop gate meetings and leaflets and into all working class organization, HOOVER AND MELLON ‘HELP’ THE UNEMPLOYED -ever witnessed. ' and unemployed—and exposing capitalism for years, was to ignore it completely. But an increasingly militant Communist Party, @ quickening radicalization of the masses, length- ening bread lines, and spontaneous strikes, forced some response. They had to do somé- thingyfor Whalen couldn’t be expected to crack the head of every hungry worker in America. A brilliant idea was hit upon. There would be a building program—a program the like of which the world had never seen before. Skyscrapers, factories, apartment houses were to rise everywhere in quick confusion. The fact that existant skyscrapers were half empty, that hundreds of factories were being closed down, and that jobless workers couldn’t even pay their rent in old tenements was com- pletely disregarded. Every American would now have the opportunity to become a plasterer, bricklayer or carpenter, whether he wanted to or not, and unemployment would disappear overnight. Fabulous sums were mentioned in connec- tion wtih this building program. First mil- lions, then hundreds of millions, then billions, It seemed that all the 7,000,000 jobless in America would be able to find employment in the mere carting of the world’s gold here to pay for the thousands of buildings that were going to be constructed. It was finally decided that $7,000,000,000 would be spent; 3% billions by the federal government and the states, and 3% billions by the public utilities corporations. Seven billion dollars is an impressive sum. It sounds more impressive all over America. First the gov- ernment’s contribution would be announced, then the states’ and then the corporations’. Then detailed explanations as to how the en- tire $7,000,000,000 would be spent would be released again. Then Hoover would release the entire plan, then Lamont, then Mellon, and then the Federal Reserve Board, until those who were earnestly trying to follow the actual amount to be expended were made quite dizzy. E. C. Harwood, writing in the Annalist, said: “Forced construction programs will actually. prolong the depression.—Fortunately, neither business executives nor congress are likely to spend the ephemeral billions, so that the eoun- try may yet be saved from the evils which would surely be attendant upon the success of Mr. Noover’s planned prosperity !—Unfortun- ately, Mr. Hoover’s high-sounding phrases bear neither statistical nor logical gnalysis—A forced construction program will actually pro- long the depression.” The president of the Mortgage Bankers Assn., in Chicago, seems to substantiate Harwood. Writing in the Wall St. Journal, Fe declared: “Certain real es- ate bond houses have over $255,000,000 of real estats bonds on Chicago property now in de- fault.” And the situation in Chicago is merely a reflection of conditions prevalent everywhere in America, According to the National Bureau of Economic Research, the total awards of construction contracts in 37 states for the first four months of 1930, as compared with the corresponding period of 1929, showed a de- crease of 16.7 per cent. The Bureau incidental- ly announced that residence construction fell off 49.3 per cent in the same period. Last week, six months after these chimerical billions were first. bandied about, Mellon an- nounced the extent to which the building pro- gram has beer carried out. It was a brief statement. The ballyhoo about billions had disappeared. The revealing statistics were im- bedded in 2 mass of irrevelant and misleading data. Here are Mellon’s own figures, “In the last six months contracts for 39 new projects have been awarded at a cost of $28,000,000 in 26 states, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii.” Even if the workers were to obtain half of these $28,000,000 in wages, and normally they would get only about 36 per cent of it, their share would be $14,000,000. If the $14,000,000 were to be divided equally among the 7,000,000 unemployed, «ven Mellon will admit that each would get less than $2. As for the public utilities carrying out their share of the program, immediately after the widely-hailed conference in Washington they rushed home to institute the most brutal speed- up systems anc wage slashes the country has Hoover had inspired them with the possibility of cashing in on the crisis, A relatively unimportant incident serves to throw the spotlight on the bottomless hypo- erisy of Hoover and his entire administration. On March 19 the House was asked to vote an additional $250,000 to the sum already agreed upon for the construction ot the Boston Post Office. A congressman speaking for the bene- fit of the folks back home, suggested that the extra $250,00) would relieve the unemploy- ment problem; The House voted against the appropriation on the express ground that it didn’t want to subsidize the unemployed. The total achievements of the Hoover ad- ministration in the elimination of unemploy- ment are as follows: 1, Pushing through of the highest tariff bill in America’s history. It is expected to in- crease the cost of living about 20 per cent in a time of decreasing wages and fewer jobs. 2. Inauguiation of a naval program to cost at least $1,000,000,000 in the next five years. 3. Mellon refunds $97,000,000 in income taxes to large corporations. Thirty-three mil- lion dollars o1 this amount went to the U. S. Steel Co, and $645,914 to the infamous Botany Worsted Mills in Passaic. * 4, Eight thousand postal employes are dis- charged for the “sake of economy.” oa 5. The $28,000,000 building program men- tioned above. * 6. The Wagner bills were passed “to aid the unemployed.” This legislation is the most amazingly hypocritical attempt ever perpet- rated to fool an exploited class into believing that their exploiters are trying to alleviate their misery. Wagner’s “cure” for unemploy- ment is to open employment agencies. and to collect statistics on unemployment. Even this typical bit of Tammany chicanery was con- sidered too great a concession to the workers. the bill was passed, but wot until the senate had removed the provision that would permit the number of unemployed to be counted. It has’ been charged that Hoover insisted this “dangerous” clause be leleted. Hoover had never deniec it. 7. The Fisk commission was ordered to investigate the Communist Party, which hap- pens to be the only organization in America fighting the battle of the wurkers—employed what it is. Fish knows where to look for capi- talism’s only enemy—he has promised not to include the “socialists” in his investigation, ”