The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 11, 1930, Page 4

2 Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co, Gaily except Sunday, at 26-28 Unton By i Page Four = square" New ‘York Clty, N.Y. Telephone 1696-7-8. Cable: "DAIWORK- ily Addrese and mail all checks to the Daily Worker Union Sauare. New York v <a Worker Central Organ of the Communic cacy ol thew, 3. 4 By mail everywhere: One year $ Mavbetian and Bronx. New York SUDSUNIETIUN RATES: 8; si: onths $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of “ity, and foreign. which are: One year $8: six months $4.60 By MANUEL PERRY. of Labor Unions pen in ire world August ar 1 workers e present | world is re y tor e, Wm Mat A. Foof L., W nd Ramsay M Party in Eng jreen, hew Iter he Inter s is convehing in St holm in ¢ to draw up better p ho serve to the master cla Now Mr. J. senbach after serving capitalism for years as secretary to the I. F. T. U., announces his retire The answer to these t must be nary mover take the leadership of all the struggles and not lag behind any more. t must Recently 55,000 metal workers in Ruhr, Ger- many, miners in Alsace, France; 1,809 foundry workers in Adour, France, the English woolen textile workers in Lancashire, England, over 150,000; the con tinuous struggles in Latin-America against American and Bri imperialism which is exploiting and drowning in blood the revolu- tionary movement of the workers and peas- ants, like in Cuba by Machado, tool of Amer- ican imperialis Rubio in Mexico, who is murdering all militant workers for the in- terest of Wall St. c Also the militant fight of the Chinese work- ers under Communist leadership against Gen. hek against the bloody rule of ‘the Nationalist Government, who is being used as a tool for finance capital. But the struggle of the Chinese workers and peasants is going on with support of the workers of the world. Many big strikes have taken place in China. especially in the textile industry. In India many strikes are taking place in the water front, textile, etc., and at the same time the Indian workers are revolting against British imperialism. The Indian workers are realizing that the pacifist Gandhi and Ram- say MacDonald of the Labor Party are tools of the English bourgeoisie, and they are fol- lowing the leadership of the revolutionary Movement. In Japan, in the last two years, over 16,000 workers have been arrested for activities in the class struggle, militant struggles are tak- ing place every day. And in the United States in the past there was the big strikes in tex ford, Fall Riv Gastonia, over 800 arres York over 2,000 arrests; strikes in the Anthra- cite among the coal miners, strikes in Boston and vicinity; in the needle and shoe indus- tries and at the moment there are big strug- gles going on in Flint, Michigan, in the Fisher Body, where the auto workers are fighting under the leadership of the Auto Workers’ Union; the mine: strike in the Anthracite. All these struggles are proofs of the present economic crisis which is shaking the whole capitalist system, this crisis has brought mass unemployment. In the United States the coun- RILU. WORLD CONGRESS AND] «-.. | | | with the so-called prosperity has 8,000,000 ers walking the streets starving. The March 6th demonstrations for work or the unemployed workers showed the and icalization of the working , which proves the correctness of the pro- gram of the C. I. and R. I. L. U. The answer to these demonstrations by the capitalist class arrests and many work- ng deportation. In New York the of the unemployed committee are in for three years for putting forward the demands of the unemployed workers. T answer to this must be by building mass ed councils and calling district con- s of unemployed workers with a pro- ram of action with the national demands in h the local demands. rtant task for the R. I. L. U. section, the Trade Union e Negro work. The Negro union movement has been lag- i the north. there are over 8,000 few in the union and e Party. The revolutionary trade must pay special attention to Negro wk, and must have a plan of action in order ring N © our Our unions akes because they ave learned many lessons i, Maxs., are V unions. mi is a Very good example. eller was removed because of the ch h carrying on, and a few izers wer emoved. This affects rship, but at the same time o do these changes in order correct revolutionary line given youth work also has been lagging far 1 in the whole count There are very y functioning youth sections in the unions, if there are any. Why? Many youth organiz- ers are sent out into the field for youth work but the result is that he does general union work, this is going on in the N. T. W. U.,, in the N. M. U. ete. The Trade Union Unity League national youth committee must be more decisive if there is good youth work to be done with good re- sul Youth organizers should do general union work but the main concentration must be in the youth sections of the unions. Our unions must always follow a clear cut revolutionary line in order to win the majority of workers, still there are few comrades who more or less have wrong conceptions on trade union work, and that is why they commit many right wing mistakes which develop into an opportunist line. Some leading comrades in New Bedford once developed the idea to abolish the youth sec- tions, which is wrong. The youth work in our unions must have more attention than before. Every mill local must build a youth section in its mill. These young workers will not stay long unless they get into active union work. Also we give the workers social and sports activities. In the youth sections baseball teams, soc- cer, dramatic clubs, must be organized in or- der to bring in more young workers. The bosses utilize sports in order to fool the young workers and they build company sport clubs. These clubs must be penetrated and build within a Labor Sports Union committee in or- der to gain control of the club. Therefore the youth sections must have social and sports activities, but the main concentration must be in the mills. One of the best organizers for the Trade Union Unity League is the “Labor Unity.” The “Labor Unity” must be the agitator for the T. U. U. L. The “Labor Unity” must be sold to all the workers and distributed, at noon time at the factory gates, house-to-house can- vassing in order to popularize the T. U. U. L. and its program. Build the T. U. U. L. and its revolutionary unions, Intensify Negro and youth unions. Intrease the circulation of the Labor Unity. B: d mass unemployed councils. Call immediate district unemployed ferences for immediate work. Hail the Red International Labor of Unions Wo | Corgre Long live the Communist International and the Y. C. 1. work in our con- Scandinavian ie Oat By EVALD ANDERSON, MONG the Scandinavians in the United States there is an organization known as the “International Order of Good Templars’ (the I. O. G. T.) with a membership of about 7,000. It is affiliated with 1 world body; and the purpose of the order is to carry on the work of eliminating intoxicating beverages and liquors and for cultural purposes. The overwhelming neimber of the member. ship are workers. More than 95 per cent of them have brought to the United States the traditional old country fight against the de- structive influence of alcohol among young workers. Because of this interest in the wel- fare of workers we find in the organization a healthy element to win for a revolutionary movement. As the order was formed about 75 years ago it is obvious that the program then adopted is of a very primitive and indefinite character The class lines were pushed into the back ground and the organization existed as a non. political and “neutral” order. This ancient program is still the guidin force of the organization and the leaders t hard to hold the membership to the old line. This blocks development where the workers and a revolutionary movement are concerned, and provides an open field for counter-revolu: tionary expression and bourgeois politics. With a change in the world situation the success of the and Russian revolution the in- tensified struggle between the workers and sapitalism cou!d not be kept out of the organ- ‘ation; and today among the andinavian workers in the United States we se mation of an organ opp sition to the old rourgeois leadership of the I. 0. G. T. The bourgevis lackeys who are in control of the leadership arc very rapidly drifting toward the for- fascism. They are openly coming out for Mu wlini tactics inst revolutionary worl and are fighting the Communist Party tooth and nail. . The struggle betwen the revolutionary work | ers, led by our Party members, and the reac- tionary leadership definitely crystallized on the question of whether or not we should en- dorse a dry presidential candidate in the elec- tion of 1928, when, under the cover of “neu- trality,” the reactionary leaders refused to endorse the Communist Party and endorsed the capitalist “prosperity” engineer, Herbert Hoover, on the grounds that he was in favor of prohibition. But it soon became clear that it was not a fight for a dry candidate, but a full endorse- ment of Republican Party policies as opposed to the workers in the organization who repre- sented the Communist Party. This struggle has developed to such a de- gree that today the reactionary leadership is taking definite aims to eliminate revolutionary workers from the organization and thus deprive the rank and file of a working-class leader- ship. Last year the opposition succeeded in placing 1 a rank and fi. revolutionary worker as editor of the official organ of the order (the S. G. U.). lt formerly had been a sheet which none cared to read, Under the new editor it attracted the attention of everyone, causing a howl of rage to come from the reactionary leadership, who saw its positio, endangered. When they saw they could not silence it with demands of “neutrality in the class strug- gle,” they started to publish a magazine of the mi counter-revolutionary character. They brushed “neutrality” aside, attacked the revo- iutionary workers and the Communist Party, showing themselves in their true colors. Under the control of the opposition, the February issue of the official organ published the draft of a new program, based on new con- ditions confronting workers. It mapped out the line for an intensified program, founded on the cles le. and pointed out how we were gine! ko a 8 ul fight against the rotten conditio iety if we followed str sin ~~ ~~ — Nery NON Lx NS iS ~— VS So x ae BY QUIRT. White Terror! Organize Defense Corps Against It! Communist Party in Small Industrial Centers By MAY FIELDS At the preseut time we are engaged in the election campaign. We are making use of this period to bring the activity and prin- ciples of our Party before wider masses of the American working class. In the large in- dustrial centers of this country the working class knows who we are. Many of them have accepted our leadership in their everyday struggles. Many know only lies which the American capitalists want us to know, and try to teach us through the press, ‘movies, radio and whatever other means they can find for our education.” In order to have the working class docile and somewhat contented, the capi- talist class preaches to the workers the idea that the Communists, the Reds, the Bolsheviks are trouble makers, dissatisfied foreigners, and ought to go back to “Rooshia,” or else that those of us who are American, ought to go to jail, or be exiled on an island to practice whatever we wish. So we see the fake “in- vestigation” doing its work. In the countless small cities of the United States there are millions of workers who have never heard of the Party. When we now come to them with our election platform, and tell them what we stand for, the organization of the workers, they are amazed at the idea. They eagerly help us with our present task of getting; signatures, to place our Party on the ballot, they come to our open air meetings. whereas formerly if we spoke to a worker and the old program. The class lines were squarely put before the workers. The new pr: gram was published in Febru- ary, and in Avri' Comrade Wikstrom, the out- standing leader of the opposition, was sus- pended for a year—his “crime” was making public the ‘ nner activity” of the organization. The leadership thought by cutting off Wik- strom they would be able to strangle the oppo- sition. They put a committee over the editor. the purpose of which was to prevent all revo- lutionary material from being published in the organ. But this committee only succeeded in censuring one issue. This reactionary clique, being unsuccessful in its censorship, printed a private organ, The Monitor—containing the dirtiest counter-revo- lutionist lies about the working-class move- ment and the Soviet Union. It is not very surprising that in close alli- ance with fascist Sandberg and the rest of the counter-revolutionary clique we find J. O. Bentall, the Lovestoneite, openly fighting with bourgeois leaders against the revolutionary workers. This renegade, Bentall, was engaged to speak at the New York grand lodge’s picnic in Bliss Park on June 29; and he followed. the fascisti line of Sandberg and company, slan- dering the Soviet Union and the Communist Party—the vanguard of the working class movement. But Bentall will not be able to fool the Scandinavian workers. Instead he will prove by his action that he is on the other side of the barricade, fighting side by side with those hangmen who are against the workers and the revolutionary movement. It is up to the class- conscious elements to prevent such vermin from spreading their counter-revolutionary propaganda and to give them the only recep tion they deserve when they dare stick their noses into a working-class gatherjng. The most pressing danger at the present time is a tendency to lag behind in our activi- ties, giving the reactionary clique time to con- solidate its forces. The overwhelming major- ity of the members is more and more coming over to the revolutionary line and with in- creased activities we will be able to wrest the 7,000 Scandinavian workers from the fascisti and win them for the revolutionary move- ment. i sponse of the workers is so great. They readily | | asked him where he worked, how much pay he received, etc, he would seldom answer. Everyone felt that it was his own fault that he couldn’t make a decent living. The idea that everyone could sueceed was di from earl; ‘childhood. us their miseretble coms the life of thie and one @am®st for the organization of the worki against the billionaire, or millionaire bosses, they are with us. They sign the petition to place our Party on the ballot even if there is a pang of fear “I may land in jail for this.” Hudson, N. Y., is a typical American small town. There aren’t more than 7,000 inhab- itants, The majority of workers work either in the cement mills or the brickfield, and only a few other small shops. The Cement Mill, a subsidiary of the Y. S. Steel Corporation, employs about 900 men in three shifts. The men working here average about $22 a week, unless they are highly skilled laborers earning at the most $40 a week. With such low wages the men live in dilapidated company homes giving the com- pany another means to exploit them. All this is in “normal times.” Today many of the men are being laid off and don’t know where to go. Let’s see what other refuge the the workers have or had to find work. There was the brick field. Here Negro and white workers slaved every summer at a tre- mendous speed-up in order to accomplish a certain amount of work, even if their whole family had to come out to sweat with them to finish the prescribed tasks before sunset No pay is given for unfinished work, and work stops at sunset. For this the workers made $3 to $4 a day. It was a summer industry and many families struggle throughout the winter in broken down hovels called houses, waiting for summer and work, This year however, the place has not opened and probably won’t. This stoppage is due to Belgian over-produc- tion, giving American imperialists a chance to buy bricks cheaper than they could produce them here at home, and the general economic crisis also means less building, and therefore less need of bricks. Besides these two places to work there is little else to turn to, except a small shirt fac tory, where many young girls slave at the low wage that prevails in this industry throughout the country. This also is only working part time. This is merely one of the towns where we went in order to place our Party on the ballot. Every town has a similar story. It is therefore not surprising that the re- realize that we are a working class organ- ization, and therefore help us. Not only do they sign, to get our Party put on the ballot, but help us get other signers. ' At the present period when we see such in- tense preparatipn for war, it is certain that in these small cities, with their large number of unemployed, the capitaist class has a great reserve army. It is easier to rally these work- ers “for the protection of their country” be- cause they have lived all their lives in these places, not seeing or understanding the force that exploits them. The workers do not see themsely s as a large class suffering under the same conditions, and exploited by the same multi-millionaire class, It is only at the pres. ent time when the capitalist class is looking for cheap labor, and strike breakers, that subsid iaries of the large firms have begun to spring up in these up till now villages. This is be- ginning to throw the working class together. The workers in the large industrial cities are much more class conscious because they can / rilled into them SOME PROBLEMS OE THE INDIAN REVOLUTION (With special reference to the role of the ® renegades.) By LEON PLATT. The first installment of this article outlined the bourgeois democratic revolution, of which the farmers’ seizure of the feudal landlords’ estates and abolition of the worst forms of exploitation of the native peasantry is the cen- ter. However, the native bourgeois are so tied up with the British impertalist financial scheme that they can not lead such a move- ment. It is necessary, therefore, to develop the independent role of the workers and pea- sants. The Lovestone-Brandler-Roy program is to let the bourgeois lead, and abolish the independent role of the workers and peasants. Roy and Lovestone now admit that this is in direct violatio.. of the decisions of the Sixth Congress of the Communist International. The most effective way to develop the independent role of the workers and peasants is the estab- lishn.ent of workers’ and peasants’ Soviets, as Lenin pointed out at the Second Comintern Congress. This is how Lenin. proposed to develop and conduct the struggle in the colonial countries. This is also pointed out in the Program of the Comintern adopted at the 6th Congress: “The Communist International considers the following to be the most important of these special tasks: To establish the demo- cratie dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry on a Soviet basis.” According to the Comintern and Lenin} the most democratic and broadest organ of power in India is the Soviet. What does Lovestone and the international right wing propose? They propose the estab- lishment, in place of the Soviets, a constituent assembly. “The basis for that popular organ of power, the Constituent Assembly, should be laid now . «. for deciding the political future of India. The election of a Con- stituent Assembly on the ground that let the entire people of India give their verdict regarding their own future. Along this road ,¢ will revolutionary India . . win complete independence.” (India in Revolt— special Lovestone document on India.) Who will call this Constituent Assembly together Who will participate in this Con- stituent Assembly and make up the majority? Since when do Bolsheviks call upon the masses to consider a Constituent Assembly or other bourgeois parliamentary institution as a place where “the entire people give their verdict regarding their own future?” It is understood that King George and his Majesty’s government will have to call this Constituent Assembly together, and the feudal landed aristocracy, the national bourgeoisie, the treacherous social-fascist labor leaders will make up the majority. Are these capitalist feudal interests con- cerned with the struggle against imperialism and capitalist exploitation and liberating the | working class and peasantry? No one would believe that. Such Constituent Assembly, how- ever, will be the most effective means to en- slave further the working masses and per- petuate the existence of British imperialism in India. Not without reason did Lovestone-Roy state in the same document that: “According to all established principles of democracy, it (meaning the Constituent Assembly. LP.) will have the force of the law of the land.” But this will be the law of British imper- ialism and feudal capitalism directed against the working class. In Czarist Russia in 1905, the Cadets in order to prevent the independent revolutionary activity of the working class under the leadership of the Bolsheviks, also demanded a constituent assembly. Lovestone- Roy’s proposals for a constituent assembly in India differs today very little from the pro- gram of the Cadets. Not even the Tseretellis and Martovs spoke so brazenly for the coali- tion with the capitalist parties as do Love- stone and Roy. It is clear that this represents a clear re- jection of the very fundamental principles of the program of the Comintern and a rejec- tion of the Leninist policy on the colonial question. It is no accident that Lovestone-Roy adopted the program of the Cadets. Their very con- ception of the class role of the bourgeoisie leads to that. Lovestone and Roy pretend to believe that the Indian bourgeoisie today can play a revolutionary role and in fact can be- come the backbone of the revolutionary strug- gle. Roy stated: “The various social classes, taken to- gether, constitute the strength of the bour- geois democratic revolution. The alliance of these classes is consequently necessary to the development of the revolution” (Volks- recht No. 24, June, 1929). More than that, to disarm the proletariat, to conceal the treacherous role of the bour- geoisie in the anti-imperialist revolutionary struggle, Lovestone built up a theory that. as the revolution develops and the working class is assuming an independent role and hecoming the major factor in the struggle, the bour- geoisie is becoming more revolutionary and more determined. The international right wing declared: “Independent revolutionary activity of the working class not only encouraged the petty-bourgeois intelligentsia to raise poli- tical demands but even a section of the big bourgeoisie stiffened its hack.” (Lovestone document, “India in Revolt.”) Where does*such anclory lead to? If the Indian working class and peasantry is made compare thei: life with that of the wealthy class, while here in the small town the work ers haven’t been able to do so. In the smal} towns the workers merely feel that it is a tough world, and are responding to our interest in their life. While the capitalist class is mov- ing industry into the small towns to get among workers who have no revolutionary traditions, they are also developing a working class who is rebellious, because they are introducing a slave condition to which the smal] town work- ers are not accustomed, ‘We must redouble our efforts to bring the Communist Party before these workers at the present time, when work is comparatively easy. while we are yet a leval Party. and are offi- cially permitted to “talk politics” (as the Chief of Police in one of these towns told us) in the election campaign. to believe that “the alliance of all socia classes in India constitutes the strength o: the bourgeois democratic revolution” and eves the big bourgeoisie will become, more revolu tionary, “stiffen its back with the develop ment of the independent revolutionary activ- ity of the working class’—then what reason has the working class to fear the bourgeoisie and beware of their betrayal? On what basis will the working class fight for hegemony in the national revolution? How can the working class be freed from the in- fluence of the nationa] bourgeoisie and re- formism? Such policy is treachery and so- cial imperialism. The opinions of Lenin and the Comintern on this question are well known, The ‘role of the I n bourgeoisie was dis- cussed at the 6th Congress, and our policy was clearly formulated in the colonial thesis of the 6th Congress, which states: bat . it is no less important mercilessly to expose before the toiling masses the na- tional reformist character of the Swarajist, (India), Wafdist (Egypt), and other na- tional parties, and in particular of their leaders.” “Without this struggle .. . the basic strategie aim of the Communist movement in the bourgeois ‘democratic revolution— the hegemony of the proletariat—cannot be achieved.” A most shameful and dastardly act of reading illusions among the masses of the revolutionar role of the Indian bourgeoisie and the National Congress is contained in the statement evaluating the Lahore congress, which, as in 1927, passed again a resolution demanding “complete independence.” “The Lahore congress will remain a land- mark in the history for our struggle for freedom for having made this momentous decision.” (Complete independence.—L.P.) (India in Revolt.) What conclusions can the Indian workers and peasants draw from such an analysis? One would think that the Indian bourgeoisie is really interested in fighting for complete independence. On many occasions the National Congress declared itself in favor of “complete inde- pendence,” but does the Congress fight for complete independence? Didn’t they openly state that they will be satisfied with reforms, with some concessions that will be granted by British imperialism to the national bour-~ geoisie? They had to pass a resolution for “complete independence” in order that they may mislead the masses and keep them under their influence, The duty of the Communist Party is to ex- pose this fakery and treachery of the bour- geoisie and develop independent revolutionary struggle of the working class and peasantry for national independence. To Lovestone and Roy we shall answer in the words of Lenin: “When will you understand that we must not boast about the bourgeoisie, flaunting its liberalism, but warn the proletariat against it and expose what lies at the bot- tom of it.” (Selections from Lenin, Vol. 2.) Who Shall Lead? The problem now is: who shall lead and de- velop the independent revolutionary activi- ties of the workers and peasants? Who shall lead the bourgeois democratic revolution and its ultimate transformation into the proletar- jan revolution? Lenin and the Program of the Comintern point out repeatedly that the only force capable of giving leadership and direction to the struggle of the masses is the Communist Party and not any other political party. What does Lovestone propose? Lovestone proposes to replace the Communist Party with a revolutionary democratic people’s alliance organized in a “block.” “The central objective of the present stage of the revolution is: self-determination and independence for India from British im- perialism! The road to this is a revolution- ary democratic people’s alliance . . . the very mobilization of class forces in the people’s block for the nationalist revolution will provide the basis for subsequent ma- turing of the proletarian revolution.” (Love- stone Document—“India in Revolt.” Em- phasis theirs.) A revolutionary democratic alliance means an alliance with the bourgeoisie. It is the road, not to independence from Great Britain, but to the perpetuation of imperialist rule and feudal capitalist exploitation of the masses. It is not the basis for the proletarian revolu- tion but for the betrayal of the proletarian revolution. It is a proposal for an Indian Kuomintang. The 6th Congress of the Gom- intern warned against the formation of a block with the bourgeoisie. The Colonial Thesis makes it very clear: “Tt is necessary to reject the formation of any kind of bloc between the Communist Party and the national reformist opposi- tion.” Why? The colonial thesis of the 6th Con- gress explains it further: “Special ‘worker and peasant’ parties, whatever revolutionary character they may possess, can too easily, at particular periods be converted into ordinary petty bourgeois parties, and accordingly, Communists are not recommended to organize such parties. The Communist Party can never build i organization on the basis of a fusion of two classes, and in the same way also it cannot make it its task to “organize other parties on this basis, which is characteris- tie of petty bourgeois groups.” The 6th Congress position is clear. Only one who lost faith in the revolutionary role of the Communist Party, who bases his per- spectives on the supposed revolutionary role of the bourgeoisie, who replaces the program of the Communist International with national social-imperialist reformism, can propose the creation of a block and a democratic revolu- tionary alliance in India, It is true that in certain circumstances it is permissible to establish a certain united front with the national revolutionary move- ment, provided the latter is a genuine revolu- tionary movement, not hampering the activi- ties of the Communist Party in organizing and developing the masses. This, however. {8 not the case in India. There, the lealers of the national revolu- tionary movement openly declared that they are “participating in the independence move- ment in order to block the Communists,” order “to prevent the Communists from as- suming lead-«chin of the struggle for inde- pendence” That “in India the round ix not fertile for Communism,” that they “fear the Communists more than th Lolabie an the British Viceroy, PN LES BSS hownhadcnh ue ewdg oO Otw eal eorcuwmo bi o! oe ereo rns ee