The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 10, 1930, Page 4

as ie Daily <2 Worker a Pa: F ‘Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co.. Inc. 1 t Sunday, at 26-28 Unton SUBSCRIPTION RATES : tf xe Four Square. New York City. N.Y Telephone. Stuyvess 7-8. Cable: “DAIWORK Ry mail everywhem: One year months $8; two months $2 pting Boroughs of Address ané mail al) checks tr ‘he Haily Worker Square New York VOY M wand B New York City, and foreign which are: One F8o six months $4 50 A RENEGADE LEARNS HIS SOME LESSONS FROM GROW-: Central Organ vt the Commuiusi i asey vi the 1S. A Into the Shops and Factories! LESSON Decision of the Central Control Commission regarding Myerscough’s appeal: é, 1. To publish Myerscough’s statement in the Party press; 2. To postpong final action on Myers- cough’s plea for re-admission until he has proven that his re-admission to membership into the Communist Party is warranted ‘y deeds, and not only by, words; 3. That in the meantime Myerscough is to be considered as a sympathizer of the Party. CENTRAL CO OL COMMISSION, COMMUNIS: “ARTY U. S, A. By THOMAS MYERSCOUGH. EGINNING. in. Moscow last year as a mem- ber of the 6th Convention Factional Dele- gation, and continuing as a Lovestoneite after my return, despite a-previous statement, I have done nothing but mete out abuse to those who have held a Comintern and Party line, and all: of this because I placed factional and personal considerations before those of the Party, the Comintern, and the need for real proletarian revolutionary work. Even after the unanimous acceptance by the ECCI of the draft address.-which automatically became a Comintern decision, I refused to ac- cept same, despite the fact that I knew such action was tantamount to open rebellion against the Comintern. In my factionally blinded condition, it was impossible for me to see ahead and I there- fore made the foolish mistake of waiting till time would tell the story. How well the Ad- dress has told the story, and a truthful one, can’ best be determined by a re-reading now of that Comintern Address to the American Party. . Better still, it can be determined by even the feeblest study of the present ob- jective: conditions and situation. It can also be determined by viewing the open maneuvers of the fascist, social-fascist, renegade and counter-revolutionary elements, who collabor- ate’ to try. to prevent the growth of a revo- lutionary spirit among the workers in the United States, and also for the overthrow of the Russian Revolution. Each of these groups, or:strata of opposition to the Comintern, is guided by an international clique, and the one T.was found. alligned with was the group of renegades from Communism led by Lovestone in the United States and by Brandler-Pepper internationally, ‘T now serve notice of my complete severence of relations from anything branded with the taint of Brandler-Pepper-Lovestoneism, and beg to be:reinstated to membership in the Party of my class, first and foremost that I may be tested in the revolutionary fire where U promise I will be found not wanting. In making the appeal for reinstatement I- realize that I am deserving of complete inves- tigation before favorable consideration is given me, and I ‘am again permitted to Jay real claim to the name Communist. That the same ap- plies to my deserving the most drastic kind of Communist disciplinary tréatment, also goes without saying, and I stand ready to meet any and all demands the Party may make upon me. In making this appeal, I state emphatically that.there will be no repitition on my part of my previous actions. There will be no further sabotage, deliberate or otherwise, of any Communist activity by me, but instead, there will be active participation in same on my part. The grave errors I made, first: in refusing to participate, except in the role of an ob- server, in the first International Red Day demonstration. Second: in taking a subject- ive and personal attitude at the Cleveland T. U. U. L. convention. Third: by leaving the Anthracite district without permission, at a . time when there was need for real revolution- ary work, and then openly joining forces with the Lovestone renegades, make me deserving of the most drastic kind of disciplinary action. Besides these three very serious errors, there were a large number of lesser misdeeds, . mediate offing but which are all demnation, deserving of Party con- Finally, with this appeal, comes my repudi- ation of every act committed by me against the best interests of Communism, and a pledge that whether the Party sees fit to reinstate me or not, my every future act be to ‘urther promote the Party cause in the in- terests of the Party and the entire working el: whose interests are one and inseparable. With “rationalization” (speed-up), plus the increased forces of production (machinery to replace workers) bringing more and more unemployment, lessening of the army of purchasers of the things produced and thus creating new and bigger avenues for revolu- tionary work, it becomes the class duty of every conscious worker to analyze the object- ive conditions that confront us as a result of the econémic crisis that has made capitalism wobble. Only a feeble study is necessary to convince an honest worker that his place is in the ranks of the Communist Party. The Address of the Comintern to the Amer- ican Party and the subsequent verbal and printed word of both the Party and the Com- intern pointed out clearly of us who were factionally blinded) that the crisis in the system of world capitalism was precarious and that in America (the center) there was no exception, That a correct and timely analysis of the economic and political situation was made, no true class-conscious worker can have any doubts now and no true Communist harbored any then, Only those of us who had factional interests which we placed above the interests of the Party and the Comintern could find fault with the Address, or, we thought we could. The struggle of the recent past (Gastonia, Elizabethton, New Orleans, New Bedford and Fall River) and the struggles now in the im- (mining) do more than any other one thing to prove the error of the way of renegadism, for these struggles were open manifestations of the awakened consciousness of great new forces of workers which must be organized and crystallized into new sec- tions of the Communist army, to give Bol- shevik leadership in the inevitable futyre struggles of the working class. The response and enthusiasm which attended the first International Red Day, the March 6th and May 1st demonstrations, not to men- tion the affairs led by the Party, are proof of the revolutionary desire and intentions of the American working class. Only words of an unprintable nature are fitting to criticize me and others of renegade tendency at that time for failure to, participate in other than the role of observers. Our act was truly a counter-revolutionary one and could not help but give aid and comfort to the enemies of the working class. The gains made by the Party during the period since the arrival of the Address, both numerical and ideological, prove the correct- ness of same and were made, not by our help but in spite of our attempts to hinder. The more I view the struggle from the out- side and witness the willingness of the work- ers to participate, the-more I recognize the magnitude of my crime against the Party, the Comintern and the entire working class. Realizing these things I have severed all relations with the Lovestone. Pepper-Brand- ler-Thalheimer clique of International Right wingers and have in another- document, ap- pealed for reinstatement to membership in the Communist Party U. S. A. My one ferv- ent hope is that the Party will see fit to grant my request and thus allow me to again take my place in the ranks and, as a worker in in- dustry, begin anew. This “Hooverian Era of Prosperity” which even knocks the hell out of the “Half Loaf Philosophers”, which gives us “Peace” con- ferences and Naval Parity Parleys while pre- paring for war against the Soviet Union must be made use of by the Party. We must mob- ilize our forces and, as for the enemies of Communism, be they fascist, social-fascist ren- egades, Trotskyites or any other brand of op- position within the labor movement, — they must be ruthlessly swept out of the path that leads to victory for the working class and Communism and defeat for capitalism and im- perialism, Czarist Oppression - ‘By NATHAN KAY. cen PULEO, an active member of the Trade’Union Unity League, was arrested at a mass meeting on Friday, June 27, in the city of Fall River, Mass. He is charged with “promoting anarchy,” which carries a penalty of three years’ in jail and $1,000 fine. The meeting took-place onthe “Liberty lot” under the auspices of the Trade Union Unity League and the local branch of the National Textile Workers’ Union. Martin Feeney, the chief of police of Fall River, and the newspapers stated that the war- rant for the arrest of Puleo was issued No- vember, 1929. Any person that knows law procedure can easily see that this is a false is- sue, for Puleo resides in Boston, is very active and. faced. court some five weks ago for his activity in Boston, so that the Fall River police could have apprehended Puleo in a few hours if they really had a court warrant in 1929. -' Attempt to Outlaw Unionism. The real season why Stephen Puleo is held on this serious charge is the renewed attempt of the employers of Fall Rive: to prevent the Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist: Party. Send me more information. NOMO ..cccececcpeccccmmrsecsecsesetsensees ADE 200B veces cvsssccemmesss VitY..eseeeee “Mail this to the Central Office. Communist Party, 43 East 125th St.. New York, N. ¥. ae K or organization of labor in that city. The ter- rifie speed-up for workers employed, who are forced to run 36 and 38 looms in the textile mills for a wage of about $16, the constant in- crease of unemployment with all its hazards for the working man caused the Fall River workers to begin organizing against intoler- able conditions, so they held two successful meetings. The answer of the employing class is therefore czarist methods of persecution. Any person who proposes to organize labor unions and attempts to improve conditions will be faced with the same charge as that of Ste- phen Puleo, if the Fall River employers sue- ceed. Other Arrests in Boston District. Three hundred and twelve court cases in which workers were involved were handled by the International Labor Defense. Among these were the March 6 cases, the Doherty case and the deportation cases. Jack Gorvine is serving 8 months on Deer Island for strike activity and August Pinto is serving 6 months. These are but a few examples of the “justice” that the workers get from the courts in this state. Organize For the Rights of Labor—Resist Oppression. Every person who works for a living, unor- ganized as well as organized, labor and ftater- nal organizations, must help the I. L. D. to free Puleo and resist the attempts to outlaw labor activities. Ms The attack against the right of workers to organize, speak, ete, in the New England states coincides with the events in other parts of the country. The attempt to murder six workers in Atlanta, Georgia, including Her- bert Newton of Boston, for organizing Ne- groes and white workers, the sentence of the Gastonia workers to 117 years of prisori, the three. years’ jail sentence given to the dele- gation of the 110,000 unemployed of New York, Foster, Minor. Amter, Raymond, ete.; the de- portations provedur- hrought against Richard Davies of Boston and August Pinto of New (except to those. —By QUIRT. Some Problems ot the Indian Revolution (With special reference to the role of the renegades), By LEON PLATT. (ee revolutionary situation in India now oc- cupies the center of the anti-imperialist and national emancipation struggle of the colonial masses. The colonial question is one of the most essential parts of our Comintern program. Among the basic factors that led to the formation of our Third Communist Interna- tional was precisely the crystallization of the revolutionary Marxist position on the colonial question. In the struggle of Comrade Lenin against the social imperialists of the Second International, the correct revolutionary atti- tude of the proletariat to the struggles of the oppressed colonial masses was one of the key questions. Therefore, any attempt to deviate from the correct Leninist position on the colonial ques- tion, represents a serious programatie differ- ence which we must mercilessly combat and expose. Among those who today revise the Leninist position on the colonial question is the internatione] right wing, expelled from the Comintern. At the begining of the open revolutionary struggle of the renegade Lovestone group, they advanced the charge that the Comintern and the American Communist Party are re- vising the Sixth World Congress decisions. They stated: “In an immediate sense, our fight presents itself as a fight to defend the line of the Sixth Congress” (Revolutionary Age No. 2.) The very development of this renegade group has proven that this demagogy was advanced in order to mislead the Party membership and cover up their anti-Communist position. The position of Lovestone and the international right wing on the Indian revolution clearly ex- poses their petty bourgeois nationalist orienta- tion, and also shows who revises, not only the Sixth World Congress decisions on the colonial question, but the very program of the Comin- tern. At the very outset it is necessary to remark that the international theoretician of the right wing, Mr. Roy, who provided Lovestone with the political perspectives on the Indian revolu- tion, openly fought the Sixth World Congress decisions and the Comintern program. Mr. Roy himself stated that the so-called “crisis” in the Comintern is as a result not of the revi- sion of the Sixth World Congress, but of the application of this line. “. . . the Sixth Congress laid the basis for the ultra-left putch tactics... .” “The crisis in the C. I. has been caused no more by the imagined revision of the Sixth Congress line than by the simple adop- tion of the line.” (M. N. Roy, Revolutionary Age No. 10.) Who Can Carry Through the Agrarian Revolution, . India is primarily an agrarian country. The overwhelming majority of its population is employed on land. Agriculture is the basic feature of Indian economy. The problem that faces this majority of the population is to con- fiscate the land of the feudal landowners, the abolition of taxes, the liberation of the count- less millions held in” virtual slavery by the native princes. In other words, the agra’ revolution, the destruction of the pre-capitalist relationships in production is the main task of the Indian masses. today.« “. .. the agrarian revolution constitutes the axis of the bourgeois democratic revolu- —=—=———————————————————T——————=== Bedford, and the hundreds of other militant workers in the United States, the sedition cases in which 113 workers face ten years each, are but a few of the examples of increased mass- persecution of labor men in the United States. The same take: nlace in other countries where the employing class Sonne tion in the chief colonial countries.” (Sixth Congress Colonial Thesis.) The agrarian revolution is part of the strug- gle for independence and national emancipa- tion from the yoke of the British empire. It would be senseless to think that the feudal, landed aristocracy could be defeated without defeating and driving out British imperialism. The struggle in India is not assuming im- mediately the character of a proletarian revo- lution. At the present stage not the class forces nor the objective conditions are ripe for that. We therefore have to deal in India with the bourgeois democrati volution, which is the preparatory stage for the proletarian revolution and establishment of the dictator- ship of the proletariat. Knowing the class interests of the Indian national bourgeoisie, one cannot think for a moment that the agrarian revolution and na- tional liberation can be achieved under the leadership of the native bourgeoisie. The na- tional bourgeoisie is organically connected not only with the landowners, but also depends on British imperialist credits and thereby also be- comes a part of the British capitalist system. The Indian bourgeoisie, receiving cheap credit in London, is giving its loaned capital at a higher per centage to the landed aristo- eracy, thereby establishing an economic basis for the close connection between them and the feudal landowners. This, therefore, makes it impossible for the Indian bourgeoisie to separate itself complete- ly from the landed aristocracy or British im- perialism. The colonial thesis of the Sixth World Congress correctly states: “The bourgeoisie of China, India and Egypt is by its immediate interests so closely bound up with landlordism, with usury capi- tal and with the exploitation of the peasant masses in general, that it takes its stand not only against the agrarian revolution but also against any decisive agrarian reform.” Therefore the only ones who can carry through the agrarian revolution and conse- quently the national independence are the working class and poor peasantry. They feel most the burden of imperialist oppression and consequently are the determined enemies of British imperialism and the landed aristocracy are its chief allies. It is, therefore, of decisive importance when considering the forms of struggle in India, to develop the independent role of the workers and peasants, to expose the role of the national bourgeoisie and not to merge together the two classes. Above all in this situation one must build an independent Communist Party. The Second Congress of the Comintern gave a clear answer to this question. Lenin in a speech at that Congress and in his resolution on the colonial question pointed out that the establishment of workers’ and peasants’ So- viets is the most effective organ of struggle and development of independent leadership. That the idea of Soviets is applicable not only to countries where capitalist relationships in production exist but also to those having feudal and semi-feudal peasant relationships, Lenin stated: “What is necessary to point out in the Thesis of the Communist International is that peasant Soviets, Soviets of the exploited, are means adoptable not only for capitalist countries, but also for countries with pre- capitalist relationships.” (Lenin at the Sec- ond Congrers.) (To be Continued) Demand the release of Fos- ter, Minor, Amter, and Kay- mond, in prison for fighting for unemployment insurance, ING MINERS By F. BORICH. ‘ IN the mining industry perhaps more openly and brazenly than in any other the capi- talists are trying to unload the burden of the deepening economic crisis on the shoulders of the workers. This is particularly true in Pittsburgh District. Wage cuts are taking place daily. In many instances the miners are getting as low as cents per ton com- pared with 73 cents paid a couple of years ago—before the betrayal of the miners by the U.M.W.A. Big coal corporations are already announcing new wage cuts. The mechaniza- tion of mines is rapidly developing. Tens of thousands of miners are being thrown out of work. Mine after mine is being shut down. Other thousands are working only a day or two per week. Many thousands of miners and their families are actually starving. Due to these unbearable conditions the min- ers are ready to struggle more than ever be- fore. Spontaneous strikes are breaking out everywhere. Several mines are striking al- ready. The strike is rapidly spreading from one mine to another, from one end of the dis- trict to another. It is also spreading to West Virginia. Three mines are on strike at the time this article is written. Reports are com- ing in that four or five other mines are dis- cussing the strike and preparing to walk out. The situation for a mass struggle is ripe. Spontaneous. These strikes are taking place without any preliminary preparation. As soon as a com- pany announces wage cuts, the miners strike. This very clearly shows the readiness of min- ers for struggle. The most significant fact in these strikes—and at the same time the best proof of the radicalization among the miners—is that they are taking place sithul- taneously and in spite of already existing and still growing mass unemployment. While the objective situation is more than favorable for the Communist Party and the National Miners’ Union, yet there are some bad subjective factors. This is primarily due to a gross underestimation of the situation by the Party as a whole and the N, M. U. and to extreme lack of capable forces and organ- ization. The very first beginnings of the strikes have revealed this and taught us some very serious lessons. For instance, in the Arden Mine 200 miners struck against wage cuts. It was three days before the Party and the N. M. U. knew any- thing about the strike. And this in spite of the fact that we have several Party nuclei in the territory and a sub-district committee of the N. M. U. Before the N. M. U. went down to take charge of the strike, the miners “ac- cepted” a wage cut and went back to work, Lack of Leadership. In the Duquesne mine 225 miners struck against a wage cut. The Penowa mine only a few miles away, also struck. In the Du- quesne mine we have a Party nucleus of 8 members and a local of the N. M. U. And yet the miners went back to work “accepting” a wage cut because of lack of leadership, At least thi$ is the explanation of responsible comrades, In the McKeesport mine against wage cuts. 350 miners struck McKeesport is only 15 miles away from the district offi of the Pa , the district and national offices of the N. M. U. As soon as the miners struck they called upon the N. M. U. to tak charge of the strike. But before the N, M. U. went into the situation, the discredited and in this dis- trict non-existent United Mine Workers of America, through its president, Fagan, was in charge of the situation. Miners have no faith in the U. M. W. A. The N. M. was not there in spite of the fact that it was in- vited by the miners and they went back to work under a wage cut. Strikebreaking. In Rivesville, W. Va., the »>ry same thing happened. Miners struck against a wage cut. Van Bitner teok charge of the strike only to send the miners back to work under a wage cut. But Van Bitner didn’t stop here. A committee was sent to the Cassiville Strike, which is under the: firm leadership of the N. | ’ STRUGGLES M.U,, t0 the Rivesville miners are going back to work. This was done in order to demoralize the striking miners and make them accept a wage cut. The above is a definite proof of our lagging behind the m If this lagging behind is to continue any longer—and the miners are not waiting—if the Party and the N. M. U. will not be able to give the leadership to the miners there is a great danger that either the Howat-Fishwick-Farrington clique will gain some influence or that some sort of a fake “rank-and-file” movement will spring up as was the case in the southern Illinois De- cember, 1929, strike. The Party must be on guard against such a development. And the only way the Party can be on guard against that development is to mobilize all its forces and to give strong leadership to the miners, Convention Warning. The growing miners’ struggles, our lagging behind the masses and the danger of social- ‘ascist coming in the situation was foreseen by the district convention of the Party. In a_ special resolution on mining situations adopted by the convention we find the follow= ing: “Unless we mobilize the maximum forces to stimulate, organize and lead these struggles, connect them with the whole struggle against rationalization and unemployment, there is the gravest danger of social fascist elements securing the leadership of sections of these workers for a time, betraying their struggles and preventing the organization of a solid fighting front of the masses in these decisive industries.” The social-fascists have not stepped into the situation as yet. But, which is still worse, the open fascists of the U. M. W. A—Fagan, Van Bitner, Robertson—have taken control of the two striking mines, McKeesport and Rivesville, and have betrayed the struggles of the miners. In the same resolution the following was stated: “The convention of District 5 urges the Party Convention and the Central Committee to work out plans for mobilizing the entire Party to assist in this struggle by the release of forces for this work, by more intense ef- forts in developing new forces . . . by work- ing out correct slogans for combi: jing the strike struggles against wage cuts with the struggle against mass lay-offs, permanent mass unemployment, for ‘Work or Wages,’ eta”. On the basis of this a special mining con- ference was held during the Party convention. Some very good decisions were made at the conference and the districts of the Party in the mining industry were instructed to carry them out. So far not a single district has carried out the decisions. This shows how seriously the districts of the Party have taken the mining situation, Forces Needed. he question of forces is a burning ques- tion in the mining industry. There are many promising forces among the miners. But the problem is to develop these forces and to draw them into active leadership of the struggles, The Party as a whole must be madi respon- sible for developing these new forces, Par- ticularly those districts working in the. min- ing industry must be made responsible in this respect. Comrade Losovsky in his speech to the Lenin School students February 14, 1930, stated the principles of strategy: “(1) To strain all forces available to the very extreme, vy weakening of effort de- lays the achiey nts of the objective: Even if victory were quite probable, it would be ine expedient not to strain every resoureé to tne utmost to make it absolutely possible, for such efforts can never have unfavorable conse= quence. “(2) To concentrate the greatest possible forces where the brunt of the blow is to be borne, to subject even to failure secondary positions so as to ensure success at the main point.” The mining industry at the moment is the front where “the brunt of the blow is to be borne.” Therefore the whole Party must be mobilized for this blow. report tha The Daily Worker in the Small Industrial Cities ela Daily Worker drive to increase its cir- culation to 60,000 immediately, finds re- sponse not only in the large cities, but in the smaller industrial centers as well. ‘There is need of quickening our work of getting thou- sands of new readers in the big cities. Here we have hundreds, yes thousands of Party members and if each Party member would as- sume the task of getting one new reader every week, then we would not have to talk so much to induce you to help us to a mass circula- tion. We would actually be getting it. Yet, the small factory towns, where in many instances we have no Party members or a week Party unit, must not be overlooked. The bosses have moved some of their largest in- dustries to small towns to cut down labor costs and labor trouble, as they call it. These must be given attention. Therefore, every time we get a letter from a new town, every- time we hear from a supporter in a small town, our interest is aroused because as we get new readers we build our Party. From The Rayon Center. A letter arrived from a worker in Elizabeth- ton, Tenn., the other day. He wants several copies of the Daily and the price of subserip- tion. He says there are a number of workers in that city, where the A. F. of L. has sold out the workers several times, who want to read our paper. At present we have not a single reader in Elizabethton and we are in hopes that this worker will assist us to sev- eral hundred. “I Like Your Paper.” From Keego Harbor, Mich., comes a refresh- ing revolutionary breeze. “I enclose $10 for a year’s sub to the Daily and the Communist, and the balance of $2 for your fighting fund. I like your paper. I know the capitalist papers are poison for the workers. Workers should not read them unless they want to get posted on the filthy lies they print. Workars, rally to the Communist Party, put the cap- italist s; - into the garbage can. Down 4 with the bosses that blood of the work “Talks Their Language.” Indiana Harbor, Ind., increases its bundle to 100, and sends $4 from a group of Greek work- ers there. “The workers know that our paper talks their language” writes our comrade. “I have now eight workers who take the paper regularly, but our forces are small. We hope to increase our forces by increasing our read- ers for we know that our Daily is an organizer of the workers, We have a few comrades who are not act: If they were we could build the Trade Union Unity League and the Metal Workers Industrial League quickly, as well as unemployed co Is. Workers are waiting for our leadership. We have had two good open air meetings in Gary and Indiana Harbor in front of big steel mills and oil corporation. Negro and white workers are ready to fight for work or wages. Onward, to the Chicage convention of unemployed.” Found In The Mill. A Baltimore worker writes: paper lying aro ing and so I picked it up and brought it home. It proved very interesting reading. I could write you plenty about the place where I am working. I have worked here five years, am 51 years old. Have been a union man. since I was a kid, but this is an open shop, the first I ever worked in, I send you my subscrip- tion.” He'll Send $10, f Nobody knows where Sappho, Wash., is, and yet the mail brings a letter from a worker there who is sufficiently interested in helping the Daily to notify it in advance that in two days he will send us ten dollars for our fight- ing fund. live on the sweat and The Daily Werker is the Party’s best instrument to make cont among tte masses of workers, build a mass Communist Party.