The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 8, 1930, Page 4

' shay SDE «vedCRIPTION RATES: “ay ae Published by the Comprodally Publishing Co. Inc. daily except Sunday, at 26-28 Onion D if 5Q: Worker e ‘ b onths $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of ‘ Tak a Page Four granre “New Fork Clty N.Y Telenhong, bievvesant 1681s Gable: “nAlwottn any ee Br ail everzwhere: Goo rear $e, cle mangin $3: tne montbe SL exeeetine e e Central Organ or tne —— ee tk PAY FOR WOMEN WORKERS “AMERICAN ENGINEERS FORM “SHOCK BRIGADE” IN U.S.SR. Mr. Sherlock Fish Arrives in New York EQUAL AMTER. Jail) By I. W “We promise with our tractor bombs to ex- plode the remnants of the bourgeois world and build for Socialist collectivization. Amer- ican workers and engineers are proud to take part in this work and also promise to give their maximum effort to assure suc- cess on the industrial front. Hail to the leader cf the Communist Party, Stalin.” - | , Woll les I L.-Gree renega carrying be 50,000 ion of 25,000 tractors jow Works in Pet- Adler, an Amer- tion of a plant 2 Urals, which will have 75,000 per ll the are more astounding s that in the United States f tractor production, with many is in operation, less than 800,- 2 in use. d production of tractors has e possible and n ndous collectivization of agriculture which Soviet Union. Two years of the agricultural area n was under’ collecti 40 to 5C per cent. of the collectives! . 1 place in th area is cul In the n cultivated by the to 87 mill this collect acres were ¢ vated. the collecti and State s will supply the | predomin: rtion of the grain for the | market. Thus, coll is following won the land e a look at industry. of the Five Year Plan. he n of atl big’ industry will have in two years—although 3 per cent. was provided A. F. of L. and social-dem- | n “Utopian.”) | ased 88 per cent. (the | 8 per cent.}; machine in- Figures will plan foresaw only (plan 171 per cent.); agri- nt. of pre-war try 270 per cent. i production 67.7. per (51.5 per cent.); coal 45.8 per cent. (31.6 cent.), and is now 78 per cent. above pr ; oil 37.8 per cent. ( ) per cent per cent above the pre-war outpu ement 84.9 per cent 3.9 cent.), and is 78.8 per wa 50 per cent chinery tural m (6 pr nyestments in industry in two years nted to 5,800,000,000 roubles (about 3k ollars). Cost of production has been lowered 4.4 per cent.—not up to the 7 per cent. provided by the plan. Uni ment (of agricultural workers who are waiting to be placed in the new! erected industries) decreased 40 per cent. 520,000 workers have been added to the number dustrial workers in the past year! Real wages in the past two years have increased 79 per cen now amount to 139 per cent. pre wages. cent. above Capital 3 billion of the Hunc the sev a day of be ¢ housands of workers are on 1-hour working four days, then rest. By 1932 the entire ind will the seven-hour working day basis. 000,000 has been s t by the Soviet in two years in building workets’ eds ¢ e figures are eloquent—and it is mo at the fi F. of L. leaders and ist socialist party are shrieking in y! Hundreds of millions of dollars of im- ports, especially of machinery of production from the United States, thousands of engineers chnicians m the United States to aid installing and operating the new plants! American Workers Co-Operating. One can understand the deep interest of the American engineers and now help- ing in building Socialism in the Soviet Union. Their number is already 3,000, and soon Amer- ica will have mighty brigades of American isting in building the new world, Fatherland—in the Soviet Art to Be Pushed Forward. A Five Year Plan of Art has also been in- augurated, embracing all arts, though the est stress is being laid upon theatre and 50,000 amateur theatrical groups now in the citie ,000 in the villages. This er is to be increased to 84,000 and 385,000 respectively—with extensive financial aid,from the Soviet Government! Misery in Capitalist Countries. Thus the Soviet Union, which has gone through more struggles than any other coun- try in the world, moves forward in planned, organized, Socialist production, with, increas- ing well-being, leisure for the workers and while in the capitalist countries unemployment and hunger, wage . inereasing hcurs of work, heartbreak- eed-up, agricultural crisis, widespread peasants orkers in the United States must learn and me rom the Russian workers—and thusiasm of the American “shock e Soviet Union—and follow the our Russian comrades, of -~By FRED ELLIS By P. FRANKFELD. EGOTIATIONS between the fascist officials of the United Mine Workers of America and the coal operators opened in New York last week. The wage scale negotiations opened at a time when the miners in the Penn Coal Co. were being sold out by Boylan-Lewis- Cappelini and Carey, and when the miners’ militant spirit of struggle was being crushed by the combined, united efforts of the state, the coal companies and the corrupt U. M. W. A. machines. At the opening sessions, the coal operators made it clear that they intend to ask for a reduction in wages for the hard-coal miners; and are also demanding that the output per miner be considerably increased. The operators have already served notice on the miners that they will not tolerate any opposition to the schemes. They have made their position clear and forceful—through the state troopers, through their coal and iron police, through their burgesses and courts. The operators have gone even further and have declared that whenever they meet with any kind of opposition—even when this comes from the militant rank and file of the United Mine Workers of America—they will simply smash this opposition and the organization along with it. Yellow Dog. ; After the betrayal by the grievance com- mittee which called off the strike, and told the miners to go back to work—the Penn. Coal Co. locked out the miners in the Underwood Colliery—and demanded that the miners in Dunmore sign a yellow dog agreement which repudiates not only the National Miners’ Union—but the U. M. W. A. as well. This step of the operators is a most significant one. It means that a definite group of coal Side-Lights On Indian Struggles World League A 1inst Imperialism and | ‘te Independence, of which the All America Anti-Imperialist League is the | Amer tion, has issued from its Berlin | headquarters a number of bits of news which | show what is really going on in India. ‘These were gathered from independent sources of in- formatic and are not allowed by the B tish ce’ p, in most cases, to be sent di- rectly from India to papers abroad. Several are as Gandhi and the Workers. « Almost the last important act of Gandhi be- | fore commencing his march to: break the salt | monopoly in connection with the campaign of | scrvil dis was to settle a dispute be- tween the Mill Owners’ Association of Ahmed- abad and the Labor Union. The Labor Union | in Ahmedabad is fully dominated by Gandhi | ent note of the government of Bom- h the harmomous relation between capital and labor in Ahmedabad in contrast to the situation in Bembay and the absence of strixes in Ahmedabaa cae has to thank the Ahmedabad Labor Union and Gan- dhi. On March 8 Mr. Birla, president of the Federated Chambers of Indian Commerce and the principal spokesman of Indian capitalism in the Legislative Assembly, came down from Delhi and had a long interview with Gandhi. He also attended a mexting of the mill owners and the workers’ representatives presided over by Gandhi. At this meeting Seth Mangal Das on behalf of the mill owners passed a resolu- tion expressing regret at the arrest of Valla- bahai Patel, the principal lieutenant of Gandhi. In an interview granted to the special cor- respondent of “The Hindu” at Ahmedabad on March 12 just a few minutes before com- mencing his march Gandhi stated that “India was no congenial soil for Communism and in any case capitalist production had yet a role to play in the country.” This partieular part of the interview, The Hindu, the leading organ of nationalist opinion in southern India in its issue of March 12th published in thick letters and conspicuous make-up. (Editor’s .Note.—Yes, ‘this is the same Gan- dhi whom American liberals and some Am iean workers think is trying to establish freedom and independence in India.) G. I, P. Workers Betrayed. The G. I. P. railway strikers who resumed work upon the counsel of the G. I. P. Rail- waymen’s Union, headed by Winwala, who is also the president of the All-India Congress, were assured that the company had consented to grant all the demands of the workers and that there would be no victimization, now see the extent to which they have been betrayed by these leaders. A “Free Press of India” message reports that hundreds of strikers are now homeless. Eviction from quarters is con- tinuing and hundreds more will be homeless in the Bombay suburbs and all: over the line. The strikers are not even allowed to enlist their names in the waiting list and the admin- istration is determined to discontinue their services. According to the “Bombay Chron- icle” 29,000 of the strikers have been thrown out of employment. Ginwala is reported as _ having givén to the Railway Federation the for assurance that a policy of direct action will not be advocated at this stage. Civil (2) Aviation in India. In order to create Reserve Air Squadrons for eventual military use, Civil Flying Clubs are being formed in all Indian cities for the pur of training aviators and importing These Civil Flying Clubs are sub- an sidized by the government. For example, a Civil Flying Club has just been formed in Madras and the government of india has de- cided to support it by an immediate grant of 2 airplanes and an annual subsidy of Ks. 20,000. Further, sites of landing places are also being considered at Mysore, Cochin+ and Travancore, w nnient is planning to make Mad the starting point for air lines to Bangalore (200 miles), Trichinopoly (200 miles), Octacamund (275 miles) and Hyderabad (450 miles). Strategic Railway. In order to facilitate the rapid transporta- tion of troops an important Indo-Burma rail- way link is being effected, as reported in the April 28th issue of the “Hindu,” by the ex- tension of the line south-eastwards from Chit- tagong towards Akyab on the coast of the Gulf of Bengal. This is a most important connection between West and East India, and according to the latest “New Burma,” the line is now being extended from Rangoon to the Siamese frontier. « Trouble in Afghanistan. ‘The British government in India has been systematically fortifying for the past several months the Indo-Afghan frontier. As already reported the former independent territory of Waziristan has been occupied. The revolu- tion in India gives the British a further pre- text of dispatching still more troops there. The secretary of state for India announced in the House of Commons that 80 additional quarters would be available before April and that he was in constant correspondence with the Indian government on the question of fur- ther extending quarters fer the army on the North West Frontier. These measures con- stituting a menace to Afghanistan (which Bri- tain is seeking to make a base for future oper- ations against the Soviet Union) have caused very great uneasiness in Afghanistan. The Peshawar correspondent of the Calcutta daily “Advance” reports under date of April 21st, quoting from the Peshawar vernacular paper, “Sirhad,” that in the Afghan army re- organization scheme particular. attention is being devoted by King ‘Nadir Kahn to the defense of Afghanistan at the Indo-Afghan frontier. All military posts on the Indo- Afghan frontier have been strengthened and some new posts have been established on the Chitral and Bajore border. Further, accord- ing to the “Sirhad,” Afghan troops here are reported as having occupied a strip of strate- gic land which in the past has beeh treated as a neutral zone and where neither the Afghan nor the Indian government has kept soldiers. Nadir Khan in a recent speech re- lating to the defense of Afghanistan at the Indian frontier has called upon the Afghans “to make all possible preparations against the enemy.” companies do not even want the corrupt, fas- cist U. M. W. A. as an organized factor in the anthracite. Yes—they will and must use the fascist officials against the miners and against the National Miners’ Union. But when the miners in the organization develop a certain degree of consciousness of their own class interests—then the operators will pro- ceed to smash the U. M. W. A. in the anthra- cite, just as they did in the soft coal regions. Lewis and his machine men will undoubtedly sign on the dotted line and accept the wage reduction—or the demand for increased pro- duction from the miners. Possibly both. In return for this—Lewis and Boylan will be given a modified form of the check-off. Tit for tat! Lewis will receive his 30 pieces of silver for his treachery to the anthracite miners. Communists Lead Struggle. Where will the opposition to Lewis’s treach- ery arise? Only from the National Miners’ Union and the Communists. It is only the N. M. U. and the Communist Party that will and is proceeding to mobilize the miners for struggle—and to prepare them for struggle— against the new 5-year sell-out. This fact is very well recognized by the operators, by the U. M. W. A, and by the capitalist press of the anthracite. Therefore “investigations” are being con- ducted of the Communist Party and the N. M. U. The operators and the Lewis machine have placed “special investigators” to check up on Communist activity. Therefore County District Attorney Owens declares that the “Reds will be driven out of this country.” The coal operators ordered the raids to be made on the offices of the Party, the N.M.U., etc. Five arrests have been made. Sedition is the charge. The Flynn Sedition Law passed in 1919 is being invoked against us. $1,000 bail is clapped on each organizer. The press is carrying on a real red scare campaign. The trumpets are being blown, the flags are being flown, and all loyal patriots are being called to the colors in the holy war against the Com- munists. It is a repetition of the Palmer Days all over again—except that this time we are a real danger and menace to the pres- ent capitalist order, The bourgeoisie has more to fear from us—the masses are rallying in hundreds of thousands to the slogans and demands of the Party. Must Resist Attack. It is of the greatest importance to defeat this attack against the Party and red trade unions. The masses must be mobilized to pro- tect and defend the Party and N. M. U. from being driven into illegality. This attack is part and parcel of the whole national attack against the Party and working class revolu- tionary movement. It is a link in the chain of the Gastonia case, the Atlanta cases, the Foster-Amter-Minor case in New York, El Centro cases on the coast, etc. The federal authorities are being called in to help prosecute the Communists and N.M.U. organizers. We must mobilize the entire working class to fight against the concerted, organized attempt to drive the Party into illegality. We must sound the alarm—we must wake up to the grave danger facing us. Not that we fear illegality—but we know that we can rally millions of workers in. defense of the Party on’ this issue. Organize More. We must expose the open alliance of the state, the coal companies, and the bureaucracy who are all working to accomplish this end. We must intensify our organization work in the anthracite, and all throughout the coal fields. We must establish an illegal appar- atus, while fighting to maintain our legality. The lessons of these fascist attacks against our Party must be drawn for the workers, and the masses better prepared to resist politi- cally and organizationally—and also physi- cally-—the attacks of the boss class against us. We must weld together a mass, militant, fight- ing Party—and even broader revolutionary trade unions. Only in this way will we suc- ceed in defeating the onslaught of the bour- geoisie against the vanguard of the working class—which goes hand in hand with the ~hosses’ attack on the conditions and standards of the working class as a whole, The Coal. Companies Order a Raid T.U.U.C. of Greater New York Meets to Discuss Errors By JACK JOHNSTONE. CCORDING to the decision at the last meet- ing of the Trade Union Unity Council the next meeting of the Council will be devoted to a self-critical analysis of the weakness of the membership drive. The Unions and Leagues will be asked to replace all delegates who have been absent from two consecutive meetings. The more than 20,000 workers that partici- pated in the mass funeral demonstration against the police murder of Comrade Gonza- léz, the eagerness with which the workers all along the line of march received the Party and T. U. U. L, literature, again very clearly brings to the front the organizational possi- bilities of our Party, the Trade Union Unity League and the revolutionary industrial unions of becoming real mass organizations. While the demonstration was very well prepared, we cannot be satisfied. In spite of the revolution- ary importance of the Fifth World Congress of the Red International of Labor Unions, to be held August 15, not one mention was made either in the literature, the signs carried in the demonstration, or speeches made at the funeral. This cannot be considered as an incident of omission, but emphasizes the fact that the elec- tion of the 30 Trade Union Unity League delegates to the Fifth Congress has not and is not being made an integral part of our cam- paigns. Again, one could not see a single slogan or banner in the demonstration about the drive for 10,000 new members for the T. U. U. L. This is another warning to our Party that the Party fractions in the unions are not on the job, and that the small num- ber of comrades who do carry on work in the T. U. U. L, are doing their work, to say the least. in a slovenly manner. and that the cam- paigns of the shop and street nuclei are still disconnected from the campaigns of the revolu- tionary unions and the Trade Union Unity Council of Greater New York. The central organizational weakness, which has profound political contents, is the weak- ness of the Tiade Union Unity Council, which has not developed leadership in the struggles of the workers and has not yet firmly rooted itself even among the revolutionary industrial unions and lIcagues, let alone among the unor- ganized and unemployed workers. The fact is clear that the membership of the Party in New York has not taken seriously the organizing | of the unorganized, as the central task of our Party, which means the building of the Trade Union Unity Council, the industrial unions, leagues and unenployed councils. The self-critical discussion that will take place, on the weakness of the T.U.U.C. mem- bership drive, at the next meeting of the Trade Union Unity Council, to be held on July 10, will not be an abgtract discussion—every or- ganization is being”called upon to explain why they failed to reach their quota of new mem- bers—whey they have not reached their quota vef 5,000 new readers for Labor Unity-—whai have they done to popularize the decisions of the Fourth Congress and the coming Fifth’ Congress of the R. I. L, U.—and action will be taken to correct the errors made and to give added impetus to the campatgn to organize the unorganized, which is the central task of the Trade Union Unity Council. The shortcomings in all of the campaigns of the T. U. U. C. is also expressed in the non- attendance of more than 50 per cent of the dele- gates to the Council meetings. Among those guilty of this gross negligence is a large num- ber of Party members, who, instead of giving (Continued, For the general lowering of the wage stand- ard through the substitution of low paid wom- en workers for higher paid men workers in the rationalized industries, the union bureau- crats seek to turn the responsibility not upon the capitalists for paying starvation wages to women workers. They do not try to organize a struggle of men and women workers together for higher wages for both and equal pay for equal work, but rather they seek to throw the responsi- bility for the unemployment of the men wo ers upon the women workers, encourage a split in the ranks of the workers between the men and women, and try to turn the re- sentment of the men workers against the women workers instead of the capitalists. The result of this policy is of course not to restore either work or higher wages to the men workers but to aid the en\ployers in still further driving down the conditions of the women workers, who are thus not only left without organization but are deprived of union protection and support, and this undermines also the wages and conditions of the men workers. This treasonable policy of protecting and aiding the employers and dividing and defeat- ing the workers is the basis of the present drive of the Amsterdam leaders. The social-fascist bureaucracy of the Am- sterdam International will continue to do lip service to the slogan “equal pay for equal work” but in practice they have long deserted it, indeed never supported it, and never less than at the present time when the practice is everywhere and at all times “unequal pay for equal work.” The gap between men’s and women’s wages is retained in all collective agreements nego- tiated by the bureaucracy. No demands are made for special raises for women workers to level up their wage standard to that of the men. On the contrary, wage demands, whether per cent increase or flat raise, result in main- taining the gap, and usually in increasing it, for smaller increases are usually demanded for women workers. Equal Pay for Equal Work. A general view of the wage standards pro- vided in the collective agreements worked out by the union bureaucrats in Germany and Eng- land shows a wide and growing disparity be- tween men’s and women’s wages. This policy is carried through by incorporating special clauses in the agreements unfavorable to the women workers or by concluding separate agreements without the support of- the men workers. Or else, as is most often the case, the women workers are not organized at all or included in any agreement. The responsibility for the great and growing disparity between men’s and women’s wages and for the terribly low and declining level of women’s wages rests squarely upon the social- fascists, social-democrats and trade union bu- reaucrats. Their tactics against the women workers in all fields are connected, and one aids in carrying through the others; sabotage and defeat of the organization and struggles of women workers, challenge of the right to work and unemployed relief, discrimination in social insurance, reduction of the wage level and co-operation with the wage cuts of the employers, and establishment of the principle of “unequal pay for unequal work.” In fact the slogan of “Equal pay for equal work” seems to be applied by the bureaucrats rather in the negative sense to justify every inequality and discrimination in the wages of women workers on the basis that her produc- tiveness or work is not equal to that of man’s, “Equal pay for equal work” and the “married women out of the factories!”, the slogan of the Belgian union bureaucrats, is typical of the attitude of the Amsterdam International. Red ‘Trade Unions Are Different. ‘The defense of the wages of women work- ers, of their right to work, the organization of their struggles against capitalist rationaliza- tion becomes thus the exclusive task of the red trade unions and the revolutionary oppositions. The Amsterdam International ever more cynic- ally and openly deserts the women workers and at the moment of greatest need, of great and growing mass unemployment, wage-cuts and unheard-of exploitation leaves them at the dis- posal of the employers and tries to isolate them in the ranks of the working class by rais- ing false issues between men and women work- ers, by neglecting the organization of women workers and leaving them altogether outside of the ranks of organized labor. The Red International of Labor Unions, at this moment of crisis raises the banner of rev- olutionary struggle before the women workers and rallies great masses of toiling women in fierce class battles against the exploiters to- gether with the men workers; organizes them in the revolutionary unions on the basis of a concrete program of immediate demands, the seven-hour day, equal pay for equal work, right to work of women and married women, special inereases of wages for women workers against the wage-cuts of the employers to wipe out the gap between men’s and women’s wages, increase of social insurance, maternity aid, and labor protection for women workers. The Second International and the Amsterdam International seek to divide the ranks of the workers, to weaken the class struggle and spread class collaboration through arbitration in economic conflicts and social-democratic coa- lition policies in politics and at the same time to aid the imperialists in preparing the next war and the attack on the Soviet Union, by sabotaging the international solidarity and or- ganization of the workers and the propaganda of pacifism and the League of Nations, particu- larly among the women workers. The Red International on the other hand is working with the greatest energy to weld more firmly the ties of international solidarity in the class struggle and to draw the great masses of unorganized and terribly exploited women workers into the general working class fight against capitalist rationalization and imper- ialism, to mobilize the working women masses for the most bitter and determined struggle against their enemies and betrayers, the so- cial-fascists of the Second International and Amsterdam, to lead the women workers of all countries along the road that has brought the women workers of the Soviet Union freedom and a new life,—the path of the proletarian revolution. These are the tasks before the Fifth Con- gress of the R, I. L. U. and the First Interna- tional Women Workers Trade Union Confer- ence. Collect the Names ot Our Dead By CLARA HOLDEN. “fOMRADES! Collect the names of those killed and wounded on May 7. All the workers of the capital must honor the memory of these men and prepare for the decisive battle against the police government for the liberty of the people!” So wrote Lenin in June, 1901, in the Iskra. Ella May Wiggins, Steve Katovis, Alfred Levy, Gonzalo Gonzalez, Herzel Weizenberg— Ella May Wiggins and the six Marion, N. C., textile workers, strikers, shot and killed be- cause they dared to build a union in the South; Steve Katovis, food worker, shot in the back and kiled by a policeman, while picketing dur- ing a strike; Alfred Levy, Negro marine worker, slugged and killed by police, at a meet- ing to protest the bosses’ fascist terror in the South; Gonzalo Gonzalez, a Mexican, unskilled laborer, shot to death in cold blood while at- tempting to prevent a policeman from clubbing another worker after a street demonstration; Herzel Weizenberg, murdered by A. F. of L. gangsters, just prior to a great meeting of un- employed workers in Chicago, called by the Trade Union Unity League. On May 7, 1901, at the Obukhev Works, steel plant near St. Petersburg, 200 workers went on strike. They succeeced twice, although unarmed, in beating off the attack of the po- lice, the gendarmes and mounted guards. The Omsk infantry regiment was called in. Two workers were killed and eight wounded. Lenin said: “The government emerged victorious. But victories like these will bring the govern- ment to its ultimate defeat. Every fight with the people will tend still more to rouse the workers to indignation and stimulate them to leadership and strength to the T. U. U. C., constitute a danger by their acceptance of tasks that they have no intention of doing, satisfying themselves by tipping their hats te Party policy. The Party must ruthlessly ex- pose and eliminate from the ranks of the !'arty those comrades who are guilty of this criminal negligence. The fault, however, does not lie entirely with the delegates of the T. U. U. C. —the Party comrades who are leaders in the T. U. U. C. unions and leagues still very seri- ously underestimate the role of the T. U. U. C. and therefore the necessity of building it as the leader of the economic struggles in the city of New York, and the Party units scarcely know that such an organization is in existence. The fact that the Trade Union Unity Coun- cil has been set up for months, holds its meet- ings regularly every second and third Thurs- day, and that there is still a considerable num- ber of Party members elected as delegates that have not as yet attended a single meeting, cannot be ignored. At the next meeting, to be held Thursday, July 10, the Council will ask the various organizations to elect new dele- gates to take the place of those not in at- tendance, and Party members dropped in this manner will be asked to explain to the Party brite such drastic action had to be taken against them fight; it will bring to the tront more experi- enced, better armed and bolder leaders.” What caused the Obukhov workers to strike, in 19012 The same conditions that cause work- ers in Amer’ _ to strike and have mass dem-| onstrations in 1980. Lenin’s analysis of condi-+ tions in Russia in 1901 applies to conditions in , America in 1930. Listen to this from the same article, “Another Massacre,” in the Iskra: “There was a time not very long ago when workers’ rebellions were rare exceptions, called forth by very special circumstances. Now things have changed. A few years age industry flourished, trade was brisk and there was a great demand for workers. Nothwith- standing this, the workers organized a numy ber of strikes in order to improve their condi- tions of labor. ... But the boom has given way to depression. The manutacturers cannot sel! their goods, their profits have declined; the number of ban!:ruptcies has increased; produc- tion is being cut down; workers are being dis- charged wholesale and flung on to the street without a crust of bread. The workers have! now to put up a desperate fight, not for the improvement of their conditions, but for th maintenance of the old conditions, and to sist the attacks the employers are making upon! them in forcing them to bear their losses. Hence, the deepening and widening of the boom and the coming of the crisis will not only teach our workers that united has now beconie a necessity for them, it will also destroy the harmful illusions that began to be fostered in the period of the industrial boom. In some places, the workers were able by means of strikes to compel the masters to make concessions with comparative ease, and the significance of this ‘economic’ struggle began to be exaggerated; the workers began to for- get that irade unionism and strikes, at best, can only enable them to obtain slightly better terms of sale for their commodity—labor vower, Trade unions and strikes become im- potent when, owing to depression, there is no demand for this ‘commodity.’ They are unable to remove the ¢onditions which convert labor power into a commodity, and which doom the masses of the toilers to poverty and unemploy- ment. To remove these conditions, it is neces- sary to conduct a revoluti struggle against the whole existing social and political system, and the industrial crisis will many many -vorkers to realize the this.” The workers here are realizing the this. They have shown on March 6, on in militant strikes, in street fights, in den strations led by the Communist Party, consciousness of their growing their readiness to fight. We must our organizational work. We must fortify our ranks fron the shops and mines, While hon- oring the memory of our*dead comrades, we must build up a strong proletarian vanguard and “prepare for the decisive battle against the police government for the liberty ef the people!” ae ef i labor movement. . . . But the passing of the yy a