The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 7, 1930, Page 4

Published by the Compr Soua New York Ci Adar ’ Page Four Cable t Sunday, at 26-28 Union “DAIWORK." Sanare New York v Biuily N SQ Worker Central Organ of the Communist Patiy of the i SA By mail everywhere: One year $6; six months Mactetsan and Bronx. New York City, and fore SUBSCRIPTION KATES: $3: two months $1; excepting Boroughs of in, which are: One vear $8: six months $4.60 NATIONAL CONF ERENCE UF WORKERS INT'L RELIEF By LOUIS GIBARTI. rence of the Work- for the support of it class battles in Amer- basis in t broad strikes and signi ica. Ty. 1. R, Born From the Solidarity to the Soviet Union. y ten years ago that the young faced a particularly uation. To the un- the imperialist woe interr ioe bourgeoisie a na- trophe added new dangers. The of the harvest of the lower » dry year of 1921 en- f 40,000,000 workers and ernational bourgeoisie be- lieved that the time had come to organize new armed i ions and to mobilize its “char- ity” agen tegrate the ranks of the e struggle for the de- n Revolution. The League ons appoint the ench Ge reral Nouler “relief commissioner,” in order to organize this new offensive against the Soviet Union. The wor! in all count however, saw the danger They realized that the alliance of t bayonets and “char- ity” preachers is a new and more effective form of the international conspiracy and at- tack against the F Workers’ State. The efore, created in every couygtry relief committees. Everywhere, ia to Argentine, from Europe to States of America, spontaneously tically, a huge world-wide move- d to remove the danger of bour- y and military intervention and to the Uni ment workers and peasants. The Workers’ International Relief thus came into existence as a practical expression of the solidarity and revolutionary determination of the workers of all lands to defend and help Fatherland. Food shipments, is, drugs, clothes, had been sent of dollars to the Soviet Union. Soon the first model estates had been created with industrial machinery and agricultural implements donated by the workers of every | country. The W. 1. R. as Commissary Dept. of the Class Battle, The hervism of the Russian workers and pea- sant the solidarity of the World Prole- t defended and consolidated the historic work of the Russian Revolution. The follow- ing years saw an unparalleled effort of social- building and a steady rise of the living of the laboring masses in the Soviet Republic. Te following years, however, also saw the Tuthless atiack of master classes on the toilers of factory and farms in the capitalist coun- tries, striving to place the burden of all war devastations on their shoulders. During this attack the reformist socialists and trade union split the ranks of the international helping the capitalist master blish a partial and temporary of their economic and social gost “Th s zation meant chronical un- employment, slave-working conditions and sav- age oppr on for the workers all over the world, excepting Ru In this tion, after conveying the soli- darity of the World Proletariat to the Russian workers, the W. I. R. was confronted with the task to organize and express the same solidar- ity in mass stri and struggles in the cap- italist countri 1 attended natural catas- trophes in many instances, like in Japan after the earthquake of 1923, and in the famine of western Ireland in 1925. The chief aim of the W. I. R. activities, however, became increas- ingly the support of the mass strikes. For never before was the tide of huge class con- + flicts, industrial and political strikes as high »s tn this post-war period. Never before was at the same time the splitting of the workers’ ranks by the reformist trade unions and so- cialist leaders and their open activity for the victory of the master classes so general and decisive as in this epoch. The W. I. R.-accordingly had as its main task to mobilize and organize the “Solidarity of Deeds” around every nationally and inter- nationally significant class battle, strike strug- gle, to unite in maximum effectiveness the moral and material support of the laboring masses of all lands for the strikers of the Most endangered sections, This support on a mass basis was needed. For characteristic for the major post-war strikes was that their sup- port superseded the possibilities and power of One individual union or even groups of unions. The united effort of huge masses of the work- ing population and at certain instances of the whole world proletariat was needed, Support of strikes, relief in industrial strug- gies, is, of course, in the first place the task of the trade union movement. The W.I.R. never tried to substitute this function of the trade unions. It, however, supplemented the trade union relief by its broader appeal, reaching all strata of the laboring masses, thus giving Additional strength, additional relief, which f in the United | place on July 6 in Chicago. become a landn in all ef- towards the e mt of a f a vast social basis to d its fighters. tting activity of the re- ations and their of the workers’ struggle, the had to become an important The the actual help by dis- clothing, administered with- ion, to all races and na- unorganized workers and un- had necessarily to become the ad mass unity in the struggle disintegrating influence of re- ad: ing ov . R. also “Solidarity of Deeds,” f food. the In order to establish the unity of the masses, the W. I. R. had to use every effort to strength- en the revolutionary unions or strike commit- tees as the strategic instruments of the mass struggle. It had to organize around them as strategic cent International in olidarity Decisive Giant istence the W. I. R. rly every important struggle of the interna ational working class. The W. TI. R. ized a historical solidarity ign for terman working class in nan and international bour- ie united in gantic onslaught against the German workers in order to crush the forces of the German revolution and prepare the ground for the colonization of Germany and the Dawes and Young plans. The W. I. R. at this time conveyed to the struggling Ger- man proleta: the solidarity of the work- ers of the world. The strikers of the mining, metal, transportation and chemical industries received 0,000 donations from their fellow- workers. In 1925 and 19: at the time of the out- break of the firs ve of the Chinese Revolu- tion, the W. I. R. responded to the call of the All-China or Unions and had sent along with the Russian Trade Union Congress more than 0,000 as a solidarity donation to the In 1925 the sted the first struggles of the young In n textile proletariat during the Bombay strike movements. The British general strike in 1926 and the subsequent heroic struggle of the British min- ers found the W. I. R. at its post. Its world- | wide campaign brought $105,000 for the sup- port of the British workers. In the mining fields of Belgium, among the textile and metal workers of Northern France in 1926 and 1927 the W. I. R. gave important demo ations of international working-class sol ity. In 1928 the strike of the metal ers of the Ruhr and the coal-diggers of central Germany were the major actions. W. I. R. Important in Struggles of the Third Period. Presently we witness important changes in the character of mass struggles internationally. They came about because growing contradic- tions are shattering the structure of capitalist “stabilization.” In order to postpone the ap- proaching catastrophe the. master class is sharpening the exploitation of the workers by rationalization and by opposing the unholy alliance of ownership, state and social-fascist organizations to the growing proletarian of- fensive. The recent Southern textile strikes in Gas- ton re showing the growing significance of trike struggles of this character in the United At the same time they also show the. tramendores importance of a mass relief or- ganization as the W. I. R., which practically demonstrates the “Solidarity of Deeds” to un- organized and unskilled masses, playing now a militant and decisive role in all struggles. In order to foster the leadership of the revolutionary unions in the unorganized and unskilled masses, in order to unify them in the struggle against the new “front of the un- holy alliance” the W. I. R. as an agency of mass relief, of contact and approach, is more important than ever. The looming new mass struggles and their specific character require a powerful W. I. R. organization on mass basis all over America. W. I. R. and Unemployed. The chronical unemployment, arisen as an- other consequence of the rationalization is a new emergency of the working class in this period and must have the attention of the | W. LR. Here the W. I. R. cannot follow the reactionary activities of socialist and bour- geois charity apostles. It must, however, help the unemployed workers to organize them- selves, to fight for “work or wages,” for an | all inclusive system of state social insurance, for the 7-hour day, 5-day week and all other basic demands. This fight can only be carried on by an active alliance of unemployed and employed workers. The W. I. R. must, therefore, especially use every effort to create a brotherly bond between workers in the factory and unemployed work- ers on the street, by its campaign. National Conference on July 6. These problems and the building of the W. I. R. on a mass basis are the tasks before the First National Conference of the W. I. R. in the United States in Chicago. On the eve of the historical struggles of the American working class, the foundation of a powerful or¢ ion for the support of mass struggles must be established, in order to tighten the bonds of solidarity between the fighting vanguard and the decisive main masses of the proletarian army. r of Canton and Shanghai. . LR. also For Workers Films By S. B. Lapel method of propaganda-by pictures is re- * plete with technical difficulties. The mak- ing of the simplest film entails a lot of time, expense and attention to countless details But experience has taught us that it is worth the trouble, that difficulties can be overcome have been overcome. Workers’ organiza- _ tions, like the Workers’ International Relief, for instance, have time and again released their own short films and no one can say that ‘the results are in any way discouraging. Nor do I believe that a deficit was ever recorded. ‘The real obstacle in all our film activities so far have been that we have learned to consider movie as merely a “cultural activity,” en- disregarding the political and active da factor. For us the film must be valuable—and politically—than the or the radio. The bourgeoisie, unlike nsiders the movies as something “cultural.” If we can show t the workers # New Bedford film \ of Hitking native American textile workers of the South, we have transcended the limits’ of what we classify. as “cultural.” The film is a mass medium, especially in America, where it was born and developed to gigantic proportions. We must learn to look upon the film as seriously as we do upon our press. In that light the old argument of “ex- pensive” and “difficult” is overcome. Organize a film producing machinery as consistent as our press and these objections will quickly melt away. And if we have developed work- ing-class journalists we can develop working- class cameramen and directors. ‘Take England, for example. I have just re- ceived a letter from Comrade Bond, secretary of the Federation of Workers’ Film Societies, He writes that they have succeeded in organiz- ing a pretty extensive network of local film so- cieties affiliated with the main body which organizes and. directs the work. They have shown many Russian films and are producing By JACK JOHNSTONE. ESS than 3,000 new members out of a self- adopted quota of 13,700 new members to be gained by the Trade Jnion Unity League by June 30, is the result of the hit-and-miss, planless work of the Trade Union Unity Coun- cil of New York and its affiliated bodies. Not one organization has in any sense filled its quota. The Needle Trades Workers’ Indus- trial Union, with lots of verbal enthusiasm, took over the entire quota of 6,000 new mem- bers assigned to the national organization by the T. U. U. L., but so far the drive has only netted about 1,000 new members. The Food Workers’ Industrial Union, with a quota of 3,000, has gained approximately 650 mem- bers. As with Needle and Food, so with the Marine, Textile and the Shoe Workers’ Indus- trial Unions. With the industrial leagues and small unions, the situation is just as bad and in some instances, such as the Metal and Building Trades Industrial Leagues, even worse than in the Industrial Unions. The Labor Unity drive started with a bang to get 5,000 new readers by June 30—the T. U. U. C. of New York even challenging De- troit and Chicago—but the total circulation in New York of Labor Unity is only 2,000 and the subscription list a little over 200. And the campaign goes along at a snail’s pace, with very little co-operation from any of the affiliated organizations. These are the plain, unvarnished facts, and the question is: What are we going to do about it? At the last meeting of the Trade Union Unity Council it was decided, as a very be- lated start, to instruct all organizations to prepare a self-critical. report on their respec- tive campaigns to organize the unorganized for discussion and action at the next meeting of the Trade Union Unity Council, whieh will be held July 10 at 8 p. m. at 13 W. 17th St. Each organization will be dealt with separately and Eugene Chedi®ie These Murders Will Open the Workers’ Eyes! T.U.U.L. Council Falls Short in Membership Drive unsparingly, with the purpose in view of stim- ulating the membership drive, of developing strike struggle, of crystallizing into organiza- tional strength the mass protest funeral dem- onstrations against the police-murder of Com- rades Levy and Gonzalez. Party Fraction Weak. The cause of weakness of the revolutionary unions and the T. U. U. C., and the many op- portunist errors that are being committed every day within the T. U. U. L., lies squarely upon the shoulders of our Party. The Party frac- tion, which ‘should and must be the driving, leading force within the T. U. U. L., operates at’about 20 per cent of the Party’s strength; the factory campaigns of the units where such campaigns are attempted are haphazard ani planless. Numerous Party members who have been elected by their organizations as delegates to the T. U. U. C. do not show up at these important meetings. The remedy for this is a drastic ideological campaign within the Party, to make clear the program, policy and role of the R. I. L, U. and T. U. U. L. as the leaders of the economic struggles of the work- ing class—the development of unit-factory campaigns: the building of shop nuclei, shop committees—and the dropping of the dead tim- ber within our ranks which acts as a brake upon the developing of our Party as the mass leader of all workers’ struggles, and their re- placement by new, young recruits. The Trade Union Unity Council, at its next meeting, July 10, will take action against those delegates who do not come to this important meting. They will ask the unions and leagues to elect new delegates to take their places. Dis- ciplinary action should be taken by the Party against Part: members who are dropped by their organizaticn in this matter. There is no room in a Communist Party for mere dues-pay- ing members. Every member of our Party an active member of the T. U. U. L. is not simply a slogan—it is a revolutionary duty. The Reading EADING, Pa.—“We have been doing noth- ing.” “Our gains are not startling and not large.” These are the statements made by State Organizer MacDonald and State Secre- tary Sara Limbach of the “socialist” party of Pennsylvania in their report of the party’s activities for the past year at the state con- vention held last Saturday and Sunday in the city of Reading, which has been under socialist administration for almost three years. But, while the Party admitted having done practically nothing for the workers, the state convention certainly accomplished a whole lot for the cause of American and British im- perialism and’ militarism by rejecting resolu- tions from the floor denouncing MacDonald’s policy in India, Yankee imperialism in Nicara gua, Haiti, Philippines, by voting down a reso- lution against militarism, by killing-in the com- mittee room resolutions demanding the imme- diate and unconditional release of Mooney and Billings, on unemployment, trade unionism, class-war prisoners, lynching and other resolu- tions bearing on the class struggle. But the “wine and beer” resolution and that on prison “reforms” were adopted almost unan- imously. Defending his stand against the anti- imperialist resolution, the chairman of the com- mittee on resclutions, Joseph Cohen, of Phila- delphia, considered the “brains” of the “social- ist” party in Mellon’s state, used the filthiest and the most demagogic sophistry ever known in the history of working-class betrayal. “Ih India, Nicaragua, Haiti, etc.,” he said, “the fight is not for the establishment of so- | cialism, but for nationalism, and since social- ism stands for internationalism the party can- not support consistently nationalistic move- ments,” and added “that the withdrawal of the armed forces from the colonial countries will cause more bloodshed” Several of the dele- Social-Fascists gates were somewhat aroused over the social- fascists’s defense of British and American im- perialism and shouted to him that capitalists having investments in the colonial countries ‘| could advance no better argument, and de- manded that the convention must adopt. the resolution or “get out.” However, the resoiu- tion was rejected by a vote of 29 to 24. A motion was made and voted almost unani- mously to refer the rejected resolution to the national executive committee of the party, which is considered the graveyard of all pro- posals relating to the class struggle. The discussion of the resolution on disarma- ment and anti-militarism revealed the fact that American militarism was not unrepre- sented at the convention. One delegate, who said he is a former sailor in the United States navy, pleaded with the delegates against hasty adoption of such resolutions, even—as it was amended—to refer it.to separate locals for “study,” on the ground that such action might cost the party hundreds of thousands of votes, because “there is no sentiment yet here against militarism and the country is not yet ready for disarmament.” The two chiefs of the Reading socialists, Mayor Stump and James Maurer, did not par- important resolutions. The former, who a year ago demonstrated his “solidarity” with the for the Gastonia strikers, was absent alto- gether, coming in only when the convention was adjourned to shake hands with the part- ing delegates, and the latter who, after his election to the city council, promised to protect capital, and who says that in Soviet Russia hé would be a Communist, but not in the United States, sat quietly near the platform peacefully enjoying his chew. newsreels of important revolutionary events. The National Hunger March was filmed and widely shown. Appeals have been issued and the membership of the society is growing by leaps and bounds. To insure the rooting of their activities among the workers they hold most of their showings in local houses of work- ing class districts. In the city of New York we have many com- rades who own motion picture cameras and who for years have been making amateur ef- forts individually. Such unorganized attempts doom the work to impotence and only ete notions of “impracticability.”. This was ly the case with our activity in the a of still photography until Comrade Auerbac! icumepiced the Labor Defend ie pada aes el sod vine er ee with some gxcellent photographs. Theirs is a splendid example of what can be done with the film. Call still photography “cultural work”@if you wish, but I can see a lot of pol- itical value in the timely publication of pic- tures showing cops beating workers, mass dem- onstrations, etc. The only shortcoming of the Labor Defender Photo Group of course is the lack of coordination and guidance of its work. At a recent exhibition of theirs there was not- iceable the tendency to photograph “arty” sub- jects with reliance upon technique and compo- sition for their own sake. Not that composi- tion and technique are sins, but the worker photographer’s goal is more serious, more im- portant Bae merely to record “angles” and This, of course, is a weakness that by the work ticipate in the rather heated debate on the two | working class by forbidding street collections | EQUAL PAY FOR WOMEN > WORKERS The First International Women Workers’ Trade Union Conference brings together women worker delegates to the Fifth Con- gress of the Red International of Labor Unions for a struggle against capitalist rationalization and betrayal by social fas- cists. * . * LEADING task before the Red Interna- tional of Labor Unions today is the mob- ilization of the broad masses of women work- ers in the front of the class struggle. women workers, the most exploited and least organized section of the proletariat, are to- day playing an ever more important, and in some cases even predominant, role in industry in rapidly increasing numbers to replace more highly skilled and better paid men workers, and makes them the victims of a new and more intensive exploitation than ever before. Women workers and industries in which large numbers of women are employed are today the object of a rationalization drive of the capitalists. Continuous wage-cuts, lengthening of hours and overtime, speeding up of machinery and heaping on of enormous additional tasks, the increase of machines to tend, the doubling and tripling of looms and spindles in the textile industry, the setting of ever higher standards of production, the speed-up of the traveling belt to a killing pace, these are the new de- vices of rationalization which are being intro- duced universally in all capitalist countries, especially in the period since the Fourth Con- gress of the R.LL.U. and which fall with spe- cial severity upon the masses of women workers. The world capitalist crisis and the growing mass unemployment is affecting women work- ers equally with men workers. Millions of women workers are unemployed in the capi- talist countries and millions more are on short time, especially in the textile industry. The rapid intensification of capitalist rationaliza- tion and the growth of the capitalist crisis gives the struggles and demands of women workers a greater significance and impor- tance than ever before in the zeneral pro- gram of the labor m> “ent. The mobilization of the women workers in the common f ont of the class str: sgle for resistance to wage cuts and the speed-up, for the fight for better living and working con- ditions, the seven hour day and equal pay for equal work, for resistance to the reduction of social insurance, unemployment relief, mater- nity benefit and factory legislation, the draw- ing of women workers into the class front of international working class solidarity around the Soviet Union and against capitalist imper- ia’’-m and colonial exploitation, these are the immediate tasks in the field of work among women which are being taken up by the Fifth Congre-= of the RILU, and especially by the First International Women Workers’ Trade Union Conference which will convene in con- nection with the Fifth Congress. The Three-Fold Enemy. The struggles of the women workers are directed against the three-fold enemy, capi- talist imperialism and its allies, the social democracy and the trade union bureaucracy. The social fascists aid the employers and the capitalist state in every way in fastening the yoke upon the women workers and in the at- tempt to defeat their struggles. At every point it is necessary to expose be- »fore the women workers the traitorous tac- tics of the trade union bureaucrats and the social democrats in parliament, to unmask the hypocritical, cowardly and demagogic tactics by which the social fascisti hope to delude the women masses and conceal their treason from them, and to organize the women work- ers for the most bitter struggle against them. The record “ot the A. F. of L. and the Am- sterdam International with regard to women workers is a black one—a long history of ne- glect and betrayal, which has culminated in the years since the world war in an open offensive against the women workers, which began with the demobilization after the world war and has reached its climax today in the fascist tactics in the factories and unions, the sabotage and obstruction of the struggle of women workers against capitalist rationali: tion, and the openly union-smashing activi- ties of the social fascisti in present mass struggle in most of which great numbers of women are involved and are showing the greatest spirit and militancy. The trade union bureaucrats use all pos- sible methods in this work. Shop strikes against wage-cuts and speed-up are outlawed, which is easier because of the large number of unorganized among women workers. Mass strike movements in industries are obstructed and sabptaged and every effort made to de- feat the workers through arbitration or com- promise agreements, or to smash their resis- tance and break the strike with the aid of the army, police and fascisti of the employ- ers and the capitalist-socialist coalition gov- ernments. The bureaucrats invariably sell out the in- terests of the women workers, conclude most unfavorable agreements for them and try to drive them back to work with the aid of the police and gangsters. In the collective agree- ments, employers and union bureaucracy com- bine to give all women workers a position and wages below the least skilled men work- ers. This is done by including them as a separate category in the agreements as “wom- en workers” or by making separate agree- ments for them, or simply by leaving them un- organized and entirely outside the collective @sreements, ‘ No attempt is made to organize the great unorganized masses of women workers, ‘to set up special programs of demands for them or to lead and support their struggles. On the contrary all methods are used to defeat their struggles and break strikes in which they take part, by sabotage and obstruction of re- lief actions, by trying to break the solidarity of the workers, by playing off one section of workers against the other, skilled against unskilled, men against women. Where women workers show militancy in of the group on a consistently class basis. Less landscapes and skyscrapers and more bread lines, strikes, etc... The workérs’ film movement in America must begin to outgrow the discussion stage. Enough has been said and written on this qu tion. Its importance has long ago been form- The | cracy launches a campaign of persecution and expulsion which often results in driving them in masses out of the reformist unions, par- ticularly where, as is the case to an ever in- creasing degree, the women workers show a particular inclination to follow the leadership and fighting slogans of the revolutionary op- position. Women workers as the most unorganized | section of the working class, entering strug- gles outside the control or against the fiat of the trade union bureaucracy, naturally ‘find their leader in the revolutionary opposition and in the new revolutionary unions and come into direct conflict with the union bureaucracy as well as the employers and the capitalist state, The union-smashing and strike-breaking ac- ‘ tivity of the trade union bureaucrats stands out especially in struggles and movements where larger masses of women workers are invc’ ed and where their interests are espe- cially at stake. The conflict of the women workers with the Triple Alliance of employers, capitalist-social- democratic governments and union bureau- eracy appears in all the industrial struggles, large and small, of the recent period in the Passaic, New Bedford and Gastonia strikes and in the dressmakers’ and needle trades workers’ struggles in America, in the North Bohemian textile workers’ strike, the great Lodz strike in Poland, the strikes in Rouen, Darnetal, ete., in France, the Silesian textile workers’ struggle in Germany, the Rego, Cloth- ing Workers’ Strike in London, and in numer- ous smaller strikes and shop strikes against wage-cuts and rationalization in various in- dustries, and at the present moment in the great woolen workers’ strike in England. The social-fascists of the English ‘unions and the Labor Government who succeeded with the employers in putting over a six and one half per cent wage-cut last year on a half million workers in the cotton industry, most, of them women, are being checked and de- feated at the present moment in a similar at- tempt in the woolen industry. The.. Labor Government’s arbitration (MacMillan) award of a 10 per cent wage cut to the employed, and the union officials’ compromise of 5.8 per cent wage cut, have been met by the woolen wor!.crs, the majority of them women, with the most bitter resistance. For the first time since the General Strike the British workers are putting up a magni- ficent fight against the combined efforts ‘of the employers, union officials and Labor Gov- ernment to drive them back to work with a wage cut. The traitorous role of the bureau- crats and the Labor Government is clear to fers of compromise settlements by the union officials, with the arrests and police brutal- ity, and the application of ancient unign- smashing laws against picketing, the sabotage of relief by the union officials. The preparations for the final sell-out are rapidly maturing, but the workers are stand- ing solid in resistance, more than a hundred thousand strong, for a fight to the finish. In this great struggle women workers are playing a most important part both’ in the ranks of the strikers and in the leadership, and are fighting under the direction of the Minority Movement and the RILU against the traitors of Amsterdam and the Second “» ternational. It is at the present period of capitalist erisis and rationalization that the betrayal of the women workers by the social-fascist trade union leaders appears in its most extreme and glaring form. At a moment when the rapidly increasing participation of women workers in production and the class struggle, and their extreme ex- ploitation as the special victims of capitalist rationalization calls for the most energetic and militant struggle against rationalization and its consequences for the women workers and for the organization of the broad unor- |. ganized working women masses, the A. F, of L. and the Amsterdam leadership is not only completely inactive in this field, but is work- ing out a program, not of struggle, but of defeat and capitulation for the women workers. In cooperation with the socialist and “labor” coalition governments, trade union bureau- crats are aiding the capitalists in laying ‘the chief burden of rationalization on the backs of the women workers and at the same time weakening their organization and undermin- ing the small protection and security they re- ceive under the social insurance and labor legislation of the capitalist states. The union leaders, social-democrats and eab- inets in all countries are busily engaged de- vising ways and means of reducing social im surance, health benefits, maternity benefits and unemployed relief, particularly in the case of the women workers, who, as the least ‘organized section of the workers, are the eas-* iest object of attack in the capitalist-social- — fascist campaign. And this at a moment when sickness and unemployment are increas- ing far faster among the women workers than among the men as a consequence of ration- alization, “Socialists” Aid Bosses. It is in the field of unemployment insurance that the social-fascist bureaucrats are en- deavoring to secure the greatest savings for the capitalists at the expense of the workers, and particularly the working women, ‘In all capitalist countries a systematic raid is being conducted by the social-fascists upon the un- employment benefits of women workers. All sorts of disqualifications and discriminations are being introduced by legal decree or ad- | ministrative process to deprive them of bene- fit, drive them off the registers of the labor exchanges and prevent them from getting further work. i At the same time to. complete this drive against the women workers an energetic cam- } paign is being conducted by the Amsterdam | bureaucrats to place women’s work altogether in jeopardy, to question the right to work of women and especially of married women, to drive them out of the factories, and to make them the special victims of the mass dis- charges of the present period of capitalist ctisis. This attack upon the right to work of wom- en workers has the further effect of weaken- ing their hold on the job, and their status. a, the factory and the union, and o of crippling the eee workers: in- forts to organize and ee sist rationalisation® and b (0 be conti LO ak al ® the union activity or in strikes, the bureau. . the workers as never before; with open of-@