The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 5, 1930, Page 6

Page Six New Vork City hecks RESULTS Published by the Comprodatly Publishing Co. Bouare NY te Inc., daily except Sunday, at 26-28 Telephone Stuyvesant 1694-7-8 Cable; “DAIW the Daily Worker 26-28 Union Sauxre New York Onion vORK." vv Baily [2: Worker Central Organ of the Communist Varty of the J, 3. A SUBSCRIPTION RATES: ail everywhere: One year $6; six months $3: two months $1; excepting Boroughs or Tacteces and Bronx Ne tent Gity. and foreign. which are: One vear $8: six months $4.60 OF 7th NATIONAL CONVENTION OF C.P. US.A Resolution of the Polburo of the Central Committee 1. The Seventh National Convention of the Communist Pz ing point in t the accomp in the Addres to the mebership, M correction of ortu ty of the U.S.A. marked a turn- Part It registered set forw: Internat , namely: the errors of both former majority the abolition of un- principled factionalism and the unification of the Par the basis of the line of the Com- munist In ational, and a decisive turn to ife of the ment of t of the and wards mass work by the entire Party. The Convention itsel f while registering new achieve ng the line of the Central Com mittee and the successful political and organ- izational fight against the Lovestone group and the Trots was primarily a mobiliza- tion of the party and sympathetic workers for a new, more intensive and more systematic drive forward in mass mobilization and or- ganization of the working class. Its central slogan was: tc the masses in the shops, mines and factories. e defeat, isolation and final t wing renegades (Lve- Wolfe, et al) who have finally ter revolution, stone, Gitlow passed over t the Convent showed the growth of new healthy for in the Party which has strengthened its ranks in the suc- cesful recru g drive and improved and ac- tivized its inner Party life through the develop- ment of self-criticism. Approximately 40 per cent of the active Party forces today are the fruits of the new proletarian recruitment which reflected itself in the leadership of the Party from unit. i and to the Na- tional Convent cially noteworthy in this respect were the Negro delegates whose presence and activity in the Convention showed that the Party has found a broad base of con- tact with the Negro proletariat, who turn to the Party in in ing numbers. The delega tion from the South, white and Negro, played a leading role in the Convention for the fi time in our history. The Party has made a healthy beginning in broadening its ranks and building new cadres. 01 3. The Convent showed that nas been thoroughly alarmed against the Janger as the main danger and, at the time, is alert to repel all “leftist” deviations which are the chief obstruction to a successful fight against the right. Delegation after dele- zation from the districts related concrete in- stances of struggle against the right which aas been the foundation of the Party’s success- ful development. In the Party today no one jares to bring forward openly right theories. The fight against the right has become before all a struggle against opportunism in practice, 2xpressing itself mainly in passivity in mass work, incapacity to develop new forces, incap- city or resistance to self-criticism. 4. The struggle on two fronts, against right wing opportunism and against “leftist” sectar- aa tendenc: in the Convention discussion tentered around the estimation of the economic sis and its perspectiv All perspectives »ased upon the bourgeois propaganda of the ‘liquidation” of the crisis were combatted and tejected; the economic cri: shown in its true nature and setting as a cynical econ- omic crisis occuring in the situation of the third period of the general crisis of capitalism deepening this crisis and sharpening the in- ternal and external contradictions, breaking Jowri the precarious stabilization, and accel. erating the flow of the revolutionary tide in the capitalist countries and in the colonies. At the same time, elements of the theor: of a “bottomless cri ” of a “hopeless pos’ tion” for the bourgeoisie, all elements of the “theory of catastrophe” whereby the revolu tion automatically is produced by the economic crisis, were sharply combatted and rejected. Those incorr.c: formulations brought forward in the report and discussion, around which the debate centerec, namely, the uncritical pres entation in th- report of the Central Committee of the bourgeois theory of recovery of capital- ism m the crisis, without showing the im of a “normal” return to the pre- is situation of capitalism, as well as some speeches which contained elements of the theory of “hopeless position” of the bourgeoisie, were clarified and corrected in the debate and in the summing up. The Convention established the perspective of a deepening of the crisis, not its liquidation, and emphasized the active role of che working class and its vanguard. the Communist Party, in determining the out- come of the crisis and the maturing world sit- uation, foreseer and describe in the Sixth World Congres: thesis which said (paragraph 29) “the new upsurge of the Chinese Revolu- tion and th inevitable sharpening of the revo- lutionary situation in India can create an en- tirely new world political situation and over- throw the relative stabilization of the capitalist system.” The Convention was unanimous on these points, with the exception ef the fraternal delegate from the Canadian Party, who defend- ed a “leftist” position on these questions which, under a mas of “left” phrases, would lead to opportunist passivity. The documents of the Central Committee, issued on the economic erisis, and the Convention thesis were unani mously approved and referred to the incoming Central Committee for final editing. 5. Mobilization of the Party for mass work was the outstar.ding note of the Convention In this respect it was clearly established that the principal for’ of the right danver now is pus sivity in mass work. Signs of the right danger are to be found in inactivity, in inability to build shop 1uclei, issue shop papers, build shop committees, give independent leadership to the growing struggles of the working class, and to build the revolutionary trade unions and min. orities within the reactionary trade unions. in- capacity to develop new forces and resistance to sel. criticism. In these questions, also, was demonstrated the outstanding weakness of the Party, in a lack of concreteness in bringing forward measures for overccming weaknesses and solving problems, insufficient concentra- tion upon utilizing experiences of mass work, and lack of dynamic grappling with these prob- Jems in the Convention, especially regarding trade union work. While showin great prog. Tess in mass work, as compared with a vear ago, the Party Convention emphasized that this basis of comparison is inadequate, and that comparison must rather be made between our achievements and the objective possibilit with this latter comparison is disclosed the langerous xan between our comnaratively slow wth in mass organization and the rapid is was ! | | youth. radicalization of the workers and the conse- apid growth of the general, unorganized This gap can quent political influence of the Par! be bridged by the most tic, concentrated efforts of the entire Par- ty, with particular concentration upon the prob- lems of building the revolutionary unions. 6. The Negro work provided a rich report and d ion in the Convention which, espec- ially pation of numerous Negro work- er from all over the country, show- ed that the Party has entered a period of prac- tical advance and concrete achievement in this field. The discussion was rich in practical experiences, but much weaker in its political aspect, inasmuch as there was not the same sharp struggle against deviations both to the right and “left,” as was shown on the gen- eral political report, but more of a tendency on the part of many delegates to deal tolerantly with such deviations as “permissable varia- tions” within the general line. On this ques- tion, also, the struggle on two fronts was proved to be nece as brought out in -he discussion on the slogan of self determination for the Negro masses. The right deviation is most sha’ expressed by the rejection of the slogan of self determination and general de- preciation of all theoret examination of the ition of the Negro masses; while the “left- deviation rushes ahead to declare the slo- gan as one not of propaganda but of action, either at once or in the near future, without ce to the general development of the crisis of capitalism in the United States. The right deviation would entirely negate this Len- inist program on the national question and dis- card the most effective political weapon for mobilizing the broad Negro masses as allies of the proletarian revolution; the “leftist” viewpoint would discredit the slogan by pre- mature attempts to pass from propaganda to action. The roots of the “leftist” view lie in an incorrect estimation of the South as a colony, in which a revolutionary situation could arise independently of the general revolutionary opment of the U. S. whereas, while it is ect to speak of some forms of “colonial” exploitation of the Negro peasant masses in the south {semi feudal and slave remnants), always be understood that the south is ally an integral part of the general capitalist economy in the United States. The incorrect theory that the slogan of self deter- ation as a propaganda slogan must be put in connection with the perspective of the proletarian revolution (an echo of Pep- per’s slogan of a Negro Soviet Republic) was exposed and rejected. At the same time, ‘‘Ne- gro Communists must explain to Negro work- ers and peasants that only their close union th the white proletariat and joint struggle them against the American bourgeoisie can lead to their liberation from barbarous ex- ploitation and that only the victorious prole- tarian revolution will completely and perma nently solve the agrarian and national ques- tions of the southern United States in the in- terests of the overwhelming majority of the Negro population of the country.” (Sixth World Congress Thesis on the colonial question.) Regarding the struggle against the influence of white chauvinism among the workers, the Convention noted a tendency to overestimate the difficulties of this struggle among the white workers in the south, and declared its conviction of .he enormous possibilities of de- veloping joint struggles of white and Negro workers against their common oppressors. (7) A good report and discussion on the Party’s work among the youth, which was one of the featur> of the convention, must become the starting point for a new peroid of success- ful youth ork. The past difficulties and weaknesses of the Party reflected themselves within the Y.C.L. in an e: rated form, and the Party has given insufficient attention and effor’s to help the youth in overcoming them. The Y.C.L. ha: begun a definite turn to mass work, and to overcoming all sectarian tenden- cies, but it requires the most decisive assist- ance from the Party, from Central Committee down to the nuclei, to complete this turn and fully enter upor the path of broad mass activi- ties and mass organization of the working wi (8) On the agrarian question, the Convention report and discussion represented the first serious steps of our Party to hammer out its program. No final documents were adopted on this question, which must be further discussed in more detail and more coricretely, especially in the questions of the program of demands and particular features of the various agrarian sec- tions of the country. The general understand- ing of the class struggle ana class relations in the country, and the role of finance capital in agriculture, established by the Convention re- port and discussion, will enable our Party to proceed to widen its contacts among the farm- ers and agricultural laborers, and in the near future to definitely formulate an agrarian program. (9) The Convention heard a special report on the prenaration of August first, second inter- national day of struggle arainst war and for defense of the Soviet Union, for which the widest masses must be mobilized. The struggle against war must proceed under the slogan developed in the course of the Bolshevist strug- gle against social chauvinism, and realized in the October Revolution—the slogan “Trans- form the imperialist war into civil war.” The Convention rejected the incorrect slogan, “An- swer the imperialist war with proletarian revo- lution,” so thoroughly exposed by Lenin as a meaningless phrase which, by raising illusions of an “answer” which with one act wonld settle the problems of the struggle against war thereby diverts the workers from the really necessary, laborious and extended tasks of the struggle, which is a process more or less pro- longed beginning with partial actions, strikes. fraternizatious, and growing into a civil war of the oppressed against the oppressors, of :he proletariat and impoverished masses against the bourgeoisi., leading to the proletarian dic- tatorship. (10) The Convention emphasized, as the two main concentration points of mass activity, and the present weakest organization phases of our revolutionary work, the Recruiting Cam- paign of the T.U.U.L, end the organization of the Unemployed Councils. The Unemployment Convention in Chicago, July 4 and 5, and Na- tional Unemployment Demonstrations on La- hor Day must he the starting point for an organizational advance in this field which will Home | Tirmte te cowry : 9 | workers taf oe Not Patient Starvation, But Fight! By BARD Sixteenth Comparty, Kremlin, Moscow, Soviet Union. 'HE Seventh National Convention of the Com- munist Party of the U. S. A. sends its warmest fraterna! greetings to the Sixteenth Convention of the Communist Party of the So- viet Union. Our Sixth Convention last year was the scene of a factional fight, the culmin- ation of the opportunist theories of Pepper and Lovestone, of exceptionalism, of the primacy of outer contradictions, ete., and the unprin- cipled speculation of both factions on the situ- ation in the C.P.S.U. With the help of the intervention of the Comintern through the American Commission of the E.C.C.L, with its open letter to our membership, the correction of political errors and organizational measures to stop faction- and reality in the setting up of shop commit- tees. city councils, and industrial unions in every shop, locality and industry, with a con- solidation of responsible collective leadership from top to bottom. The best forces must everywhere be thrown into this work, the im- mediate tasks of which must be concretely formulated. (11) Election of the Party leadership in the Convention provided the final demonstra- tion of the complete and fundamental unifica- tion of the Party and the seriousness of its approach to its immediate tasks. After the closest scrutiny of all nominees by all delega- tions to the Convention, for their political and their personal fitness for leadership, the Con- vention elected the list proposed by the Presi- dium by a vote entirely unanimous for the largest part, with only a few negative votes on some individual nominees. The Central Com- mittee and the Central Control Commission elected represent the active, functioning lead- ership of the Party, in which the Party as a whole has expressed its full confidence. (12) The results of the Seventh Conven- tion must be made the property éf the entire Party by publication of the most important sections of reports and speeches, by series of articles by leading comrades, by special en- lightenment on the Negro program with spe- cial attention to the slogan of self-determina- tion, by organized discussion on the agrarian program, and by a series of .popular pamphlets on the outstanding issues of the convention, with special attention to the economic crisis and its perspectives, The Party must now energetically apply the line of the Seventh Convention in its every- day work. mobilizing and organizing increas- ing masses of workers in the T.U.U.L. Recruit- ing Campaign, in preparation for August First, day of struggle against war; in the councils of unemployed and national unemployed dem- onstrations on Labor Day; in the building of a mass organization on the program of struggle for complete social, political #hd economic equality for the Negroes and the right of self- determination; by most intensive rooting of the Party among the masses, especially in the a mass circulation for the Daily Worker; and by drawing masses into the election cammaign. The widest »pplication of the tactic of the really provide a hase for a continuous and stubborn struggle under the slogan of Work or Wares. for unemnloyment insurance. The T.U.U.L. Reeruiting Campaign must take flesh | united front <.°m ...0w based primarily on the sh-- must be develr sed. "the shops mi'': and mines! T: the mase-°! For the winri»~ of the majerity af ‘*9 vvork- ing class for the proletarian revolution! large shops and basie industries: by building | Communist Party U.S. A. Greets 16th Convention of C.P. S.U. alism, today the C.P.U.S.A. stands on the Bolshevik path, ? We are proud to declare that the major tasks laid down in the open letter; the cor- rection of opportunist errors of majority and minority groups, elimination of factionalism, unification of Party on basis of C.I. line, the beginning of mass activity has been carried out by our Party in their entirety. Our fight in the past year was part of the whole struggle of the Comintern against the right as the main danger. We politically and ‘organizationally defeated the right opportunist Lovestone group, which has passed rapidly to open counter-revolution. This fight was not an easy one because op- portunism is deeply rooted in our Party, in view of its historic past and social composition, and also because responsible representatives of right tendencies in the C.P.S.U. objectively helped our class enemies from the Lovestone group. All Lovestone opportunist theories found their ideological unification and justification in Comrade Bukharin’s theory of organized capitalism, Lovestone used and is still using Comrade Bukharin’s position and name for the fight against the line of the Sixth World Congress, against the E.C.C.I. and the C.P. U.S.A. The Central Committee of the C.P.U.S.A., through the E.C.C.I., demanded from Comrade Bukharin to put an end to this’ impermissible use of his name, and political position as an anti-Communist banner and use of his views as a platform of struggle against the C.I. and its American section. We demanded of Comrade Bukharin that he should put an end to his silence which covered the renegades, and should publicly disassociate himself from Lovestone’s theory, platform and counter-revolutionary activities. Until now we have received no answer. But we know that the C.P.S.U., the greatest section of the Com- intern, is supporting us in our struggle for complete annihilation of the American section of the international right wing. Our convention has summarized the achieve- ments of the Party, the correction of the poli- tical line, inner Bolshevization, successfnl re. cruiting campaign, first successes of mass work, building trade unions, organization of unemployment movement, mass demonstra- tions against war and imperialism, and the rapid growth of the mass political influence of the Party as a result of the fight against the right as the main danger, and the leftist tendencies es an “bstacle to fight against the right danger which is systematically being continued. The severe economic crisis that is shaking the foundations of American capital- ism is shattering the myth of prosperity and is destroying the reformist illusions sustained by the bourreoisie, (A. F. of L., the socialist party and the ri¢ht wing renega les), result- ing in further radicalization of working mass- es, growth of mass struggles and their trans- fo-mation into political strugrles. The Seventh Convention of the C.P.U.S.A., demonstrating the complete unification of the Party, marks a decisive turn in our whole attitude towards mass work, energetic build- | ing of the Party in shops and factories, huild- | ing mass trade unions, intensification of Negro | work, ten-fold increasing of mass activities | accompanied by continuous self-criticism and | activization of inner Party life. We know we are only in the beginning of transformation of our Party into a mass Bol- Shevik Party, but with the heln of the lea ler- ship of the Comintern we will firmly and ener- THREE HUNDRED AND SIXT YEARS--WHAT NEXT? By EVA SHAFRAN. NINE organizers of the Agricultural Workers Industrial League, Trade Union Unity Lea- gue and Communist Party, have been convicted in the Imperial Valley case. Eight were sen- tenced to jail from 3 to 42 years and one for 28 years, What does this sentence mean and how did it come about? In the first place one must know and under- stand the past struggles in Imperial Valley and know what led up to these arrests, the trial and sentence, on the other hand we must consider the general situation in this country, which is the basis for this attack. Slave Conditions. Many times we have referred to the slave conditions under which the workers in Imperial Valley live and work. They work long hours— 12, 14 and even 16 hours a day; they get miser- able wages ranging from three to four dollars a day, except for a handful of skilled workers; the unbearable working conditions—under a burning sun of 112 and even 120 degrees of heat, the rotten housing conditions, drinking water from the ditch; living in little rooms that are hardly enough for one, families of seven, eight and nine. Bosses Fight Militancy of Workers. All these rotten, miserable conditions have caused the workers to revolt more than once before. The workers struck spontaneously in 1926, in 1929 and in 1930. There were two other spontaneous strikes, All these strikes were misled and betrayed by the leaders of the treacherous, reformist Mexican Mutual Aid Association and the “pinkeys” of the A. F. of L. In the tast strikes of January and February, 1930, the Agricultural Workers In- dustrial League and the T.U.U.L. came in, and after this strike was lost, due to the be- trayal of the reformists, the A.W.I.L. started real organization among the Imperial Valley workers. This frightened the growers, they saw the A.W.I.L. was gaining more and more influence. they saw that portions of the work- ers were responding very favorably to the call of the A.W.LL. and T.U.U.L. They knew that this union would be in a position to and would lead the workers.in a militant battle against the growers. This was enough for the growers to and mobilize their whole machiner, state, police and stool pigeons and the organization of the workers. The raid and arrests of April 14 direct result of this, A Challenge of the Boss Class. After the arrests of April 14 this case be- came a case not only of Imperial Valley but of the country as a whole. Stool pigeon Hynes, who is the chief of the Red Squad of Los Angeles, came to this trial organize sheriffs, reak up were in not only as a representative of Los Angel but as a representative of Wall Street, Washington, of the Department of Justice. The sharpening economic crisis in the U. as part of the whole capitalist world, t radicalization of the masses and their reac ness to fight capitalist exploitation made ca italism think hard over the sentence that th were to hand down to the defendants in t Imperial Valley case. The sentence in the Imperial Valley ca proves conclusively that capitalism had decid to sharpen its axe against the working cla: Criminal Syndicalism is now being revived a) is being used in order to outlaw all worki: class organizations, starting from the Cor munist Party, the only leader of the workir class, down to the revolutionary unions of t) T.U.UL. All through the trial proceedings there we no individual defendants tried, but the A.V LL., the T.U.U.L. and the Communist Part For the first time in the history of Crimin Syndicalist cases, the defendants were convic ed and sentenced not only for the charge « “force and violence” and other such crimin syndicalist points, but also for belonging + the Communist Party—14 years extra for th charge! This shows clearly that capitalism has di cided to outlaw the Communist Party and a the revolutionary working class organization to stifle the revolutionary march of the awaker ing proletariat in this country. This sentenc will surely be the fore-runner of the “congrei sional investigation” on “Communist activities now being conducted by the Wall Street gov ernment in Washington. What Now? What will happen in Imperial Valley? Wi the workers there accept this sentence witt out a comeback? Will they be so intimidate by the boss class and give up their struggle No, this will not happen. Too acute are th sufferings of the workers that they should giv up their struggle. The workers will have t fight and will fight against the fruit an vegetable growers, against the slave condition of work, The A.W.LL. and T.U.U.L. must immediate]: start a campaign of organizing—-a systemati campaign of organizing shed and farm com mittees, to prepare the workers for struggle to overcome the mistakes committed in th past in this regard, But this case is way out of the boundarie: of locality, of Imperial Valley, or even Cali fornia. This sentence is an attack against the whole working class; and the whole working class must answer with a counter attack o1 the bosses, against the Criminal Syndicalisw and Sedition laws and against capitalist ex ploitation. W.I.R. on Tenth Anniversary o: Red International of Labor Unions te International Central Committee of the Workers’ International Relief has issued from its headquarters at Berlin the following manifesto on the occasion of the Tenth Anni- versaty of the Red International of Labor Unions: “July 15 the Red International of Labor Unions will celebrate its tenth anniversary. This day, which is significant for the revolu- tionary workers of all countries, comes in a period of intensified economic crisis, imperial- ist controversies and- growing radicalization of the masses. By reduction of wages, pro- longation of working time, rationalization and at the same time by augmenting direct and indirect taxes and customs, the infiperialist politics of trust capitalism is carrying through a monstrous plundering and gagging of the working class. The army of the. unemployed has increased in the capitalist countries to over 20,000,000 men, women and young work- ers. At the same time the capitalists are launching attack after attack on the standards of living of those workers that are still em- ployed. The right wing reformist trade union leaders and the ‘socialist’ Second International seek to conceal and to aid these measures of the governments and agencies of finance cap- ital, “During these years when the working class of America, England, Germany, France, Bel- gium, the Scandinavian countries, China and India have suffered the strongest attacks of the capitalists, the ‘labor, leaders,’ the leaders of social fascism could aiways be found on the side of the bosses and never on the side of the fighting working class. The proletariat got getically fight to establish our Party as the recognized leader of the working class in the fight against capitalism. Mass activity is our weapon, the winning of a decisive majority of the working class is our goal. We greet our brother Party of the Soviet Union in its tremendous success of building of Socialism, unprecedented tempo of Socialist industrialization, decisive success in Socialist transformation of agriculture, its collectiviza- tion, the victory over counter-revolutionary Trotskyism, the successful fight against the right wing tendencies and energetic correction of leftist errors. We watch with the greatest interest the growth of new Socialist forms of production inthe Soviet Union, . ‘ocialist competition, shock brigades, ete., by which the Russian workers are enriching the treasure of international proletarian experience which will be used by workers of all countries. One of our major tasks here is to alarm the American working class to the growingly ac- tive participation and leadership of American imperialism in attacks against the Soviet Trion. and to mobilize the workers to trans- form the war being prepared against the So- viet Union into a civil war for the overthrow of imperialism, Long live the victorious Communist Party of the Soviet Union! Long live its stalwart Leninist Central Committee, and its leader. Stalin. Long live the Communist International! SEVENTH CONVENTION, COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, staff, its Comrade in these struggles only the assistance of th revolutionary workers who recognized in th R. L. L. U. and its programatic principles an: revolutionary tactics a real class organizatio of revolutionary struggles on the econom! field. “The decisions on organization and the lear ing of independent struggles through the rev olutionary trade unions, trade union oppos tions and strike committees brought the Wor! ers International Relief into the closest c operation with the revolutionary trade unix movement in the firm conviction that th R.LL.U. is the only revolutionary leader the working class on the field of trade unir struggles. “We consider it our duty, therefore, to a peal to all our members to be active in ti sense and spirit of the decisions and to uni inside and outside the reformist trade unio all oppositional elements in order to break t’ influence of reformism and social fascism a: to carry through victoriously the struggles defense and attack against capitalism.” “Spending A Vacation” By WILLIAM SIMONS. TE practice of some comrades of going fro the iast to California for a vacation fro Party work has become such a menace, esp cially in Los Angeles, that energetic ster must be taken by the Party to root it ou This is especially true of trade union wor partievlarly in the needle trades. In the Needle Trades Workers’ Industrie Union in Los Angeles there is a fraction ¢ about fifty comrades, most of whom com from the East to stay six months or a yeai Too many of them feel that they have been active in the East, have suffered in struggles, and, having come to a haven, peacefully lie down to rest their weary bones, Whether they feel it or not, they act that way. Tentative plans for a strike in the fall sea- son were laid for the needle trades, yet not a thing was done for six weeks to make or- ganizational preparations, with the result that the strike perspective had to be postponed until the spring season. Cloakmakers who were in leading positions in the revolutionary union in Chicago and New York are completely dead in Los Angeles. On this basis, it is difficult to build the Trade Union Unity League in California or to carry. on any work for the Party. Already the Central Committee has decided that comrades going to other districts must bring their transfers with them, or they can- not be considered’ Party members. This re- quires a campaign among the membership in the Fast and rigid observance of this rule by the districts. But more is required. Our membership must be made ‘to understand that leaving for the coast does not permit of a vacation from Varty work. The moment comrades come to the coast they must throw themselves into ac- tive Party work, This 1s made all the more necessary by the weakening of our forces through attacks by the state government. “California Incorporated,” a special agency of the capitalist class in California, invites tourists to California, But the California Dis- trict cannot follow their example. We permit any comvades to be on vacation Party work while in California, i= mae we ee iad ATEN Ie eT ee ee