The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 3, 1930, Page 4

Page Four Souare. New York City, N Addrere ané mail all checks to the Daily W PREPARE FOR Fight Imperialist War! Defend the Soviet Union! E economic crisis of capitalism is continu- ously sharpening. The contradictions of capitalism are becoming ever deeper. The antagonisms between the imperialist powers, particularly the United States and Great Britain are becoming more accentuated. The present crisis of capitalism and the contradic- tions that arise from it are making the war a concrete factor. The preparations for the im- perialist war are now being carried on at a rate hitherto unknown. Our Party and the revolutionary working class is now faced with the task, not only of exposing the ‘imperialist war preparations of the capitalist class, but | also with the mobilization of the workers for struggle against imperialist war. Imperialist attack against the Soviet Union is continuously assuming definite organization- al expressions. For example, the plan for the United States of Europe proposed by the French government, the completion of the military encirclement of the Soviet Union and the consolidation of the fascist dictatorship in Rumania, the provocation of Polish the growing tariff walls and other meas against Soviet exports, the religious war cam paign to stir up war sentiment of the peasants of <urope against the Soviet Union, are all definite steps for the war preparations against the U.S.S.R. world and of the United States recognize the menace of the successful carrying out of the Five-Year Plan of socialist construction in the Soviet Union. The decay of capitalist stabil- ization, the growing economic ¢ decline of production in the capitalist coun- tries are being most vividly contrasted with the increase of production and the growth of socialist industry in the Soviet Union. working class of the entire world clearly see: the advantages and superiority of socialist over | capitalist form of production. Capitalism stands today before the entire world as a social sys tem which has outlived its time and is now entering into a period of decay. Imperialist war is the method by which capitalism tries to solve its contradictions and to prolong its decaying existence. These facts must be made known as widely as possible to the entire American working class. In the imperialist war preparations, the So- cialist (Second) International is acting as the agent of capitalism. Not, only does the bour- geoisie utilize the socialist parties of all coun- tries as a means of militarizing and prepar- ing the working class for the next world war, but we find that the socialist party itself is taking the leading role in preparing the com- ing war, particularly war against the Soviet | Union. The provocative acts of the British socialist labor government, the German-Polish | treaty established through the initiative of the social democratic party of Germany, the co- operation of the French socialist party with French imperialism in their attack upon the Soviet Union and in the building up of the French military machine, are all acts exposing the imperialist role of the socialist party. The recent manifesto of the Second International calling upon the workers of Soviet Union to re-establish bourgeois rule in place of the So- viets is an open act of war against the Soviet | Union. This imperialist role of the Second International must be brought out more ener- getically than hitherto to the American work- ing masses. Particularly in the present period must we expose the treacherous and blood- | thirsty imperialist role of the British socialist labor government in India, supported by the entire Second International and the American socialist party. The imperialist slaughter and suppression of French imperialism with the support of the French socialist party in Indo- Published by the Comprodally Pubiishing Co.. The capitalist class of the entire | and the | The +} Inc Sunday Cable n Square, New York Y. Telephon AUGUST FIRST China, the imperiaJist rule in the Dutch East Indies, carried on with the support of the Dutch socialists, and the imperia interven- tion in China, supported by the socialists of every country, must be exposed and made known to the American working class. The campaign against social fascism must be con- ducted energetically, particularly among those work who are still under the leadership of Fascism and social fascism. The struggle against imperialist war and the mobilization of the American workers for ugust First must be carried on by a broad united front from below. We must not limit | ourselves to the united front with the workers | in those organizations which are already under nfluence of our Party. It is especially necessary to draw into the united action against erialist war and for the de- fense of the Soviet Union, those workers who were hitherto under bourgeois influence, or under the control of fascism and social fas cism, The Party, the Trade Union Unity League and other revolutionary organizations | of the working class must make special appeals to the rank and file F. of L mem- bership, and where t i fluence and member the proletarians who y the social t be espec kers in the ited front g up of | committees in: the shops. On this form of | united front we must pl main emphasis and concentrate our main e¢ s. The Party memb wo shops and in mass | arganizations mt to it that delegates | are el to the special united front confer- ences called for the u for August First. The united front ted front preparations action, which is the form of mobilization the Party must use for August First, if it is to be successful, must also in- clude unemployed and unorganized workers. We must utilize the daily economic struggle of the workers, particularly the struggle ization for our anti-war campaign and defense | | | | : | against unemployment as a means for mobil- of the Soviet Uni The economic struggles } of the workers against wage cuts, speed up, | bosses’ terror an dunemployment must be de- finitely connected with the political campaign of August First. In order to achieve that, our Party must concentrate upon the factories. Definite political preparations for August First must be the task of every Party member working in shops. It will not be sufficient to limit ourselves. to a bution of agitational |, literature from outs It, will therefore be necessary to make every member an agitator and organizer for August First. This calls for special concentrated agitation in large factories, particularly those of the war in- dustries, holding of systematic factory gate meetings, issuance of shop papers, distribu- tion of speakers, and other means of agitation and organization. Tf our campaign for August First against war and for the defense of the Soviet Union is to be successful, it must therefore result in organizational strengthening of our Party and the revolutionary trade unions. Recruiting for the Party and ‘the building of the T.U.U.L, must go along with the campaign of August First and its results. On August First espe- cially, the Party, if it wil base its campaign on the factories and mass organizations, will have to give organizational expression to its political influence. This objective must and can be achieved if the campaign is conducted on the basis of factory work through the medium of the broad united front. RAL COMMITTEE 0. 8 A A Letter from Moscow Moscow, June 1, 1930, Dear Mark: To begin with a few general impressions: Moscow is a lively, cosmopolitan city. In America, we are still under the impression that the Russians are slow moving. Well, that is soon dispelled on arriving here. Then, again, the foreigner is greatly im- pressed by the contrast of the old, side by side with the new. ‘zvoztchicks (teamsters), flat carts, Reavily | beside the horse; wo. 1 with shawls over their heads and faces so that only the eyes, tip of nose and mouth are exposed; bearded old men with heavy, dirty boots and long coats, with a sack on the back and a shuffling for- ward, falling walk. All this, and more, side by side with beauti- fully painted new taxis, buses, big ,heavily Jaden trucks rushing through the streets at a speed that a New Jersey motor cycle cop would not without question; bobbed haired women, with and without hats; men, neatly dressed ane clean shaven—American style, without mustaches, sturdy and brisk looking komso- moltzes; groups of Red Army soldiers march- ing and singing—singing is a part of the Red Army; rushing and bustling people. The contrast is striking, but every day one sees more and more of the new, while the old is surely diminishing and declining. Moscow is buzzing with activity. New con- struction everywhere. Street after street is ripped open, the narrow sidewalks are being widened; the old cobblestone roads are repaved with asphalt or flat stones. New sewers, elec- tric ducts, ete., are being laid out at the same time. New routes for street cars are surveyed and new tracks put in place. Brick buildings, modernly equipped with steam heat, etc., are erected in great numbers, The day here is very long—it dawns at two— so that two and three shifts are used to speed things up. In the center of the city, there are many alterations and extensions. There is hardly a street in Moscow where there is not some construction going on. “Bread Lines?” No! Another thing that strikes the foreigner here is what is called here the otchered. This is what the American newspapers often refer to and misrepresent as “bread lines.” This is an absolute untruth. There are no bread lines or soup lines here; there is no basis for such here, (Of this, more laier.) What, then, _is this otchered? In America we call it a “line.” _On a Sunday evening before the Capito) Theatre in New York, there is almost always i big line. waiting to get in, or at Washington » particularly on a Saturday afternoon “summer, theve ays a line © Fon a Fifth Avonve bus. Now, thes en! lines are yery numesous here. ‘hey a, with driver walking | | are called otchered. It might be well at this stage to point out the reasons for these waiting lines. In Amer- iea the lying newspapers give the impression that these waiting lines are due to the ration- | ing cards. That is not so at all, for there are | lines even where no rationing cards are needed. | The reasons are the following: In the first | place, the demand for goods here is enormous, | Everybody works (there is no unemployment | | here—in fact there is a shortage of labor—of this, too, I shall write subsequently), every- body has money and wants to buy things. The | Ru they don’t need to. Sinner cent of the There is therefore “shop- not only Saturday after- jans don’t save mor n~- diy, é there are every day at least workers off duty. ping day” every da: noon as in the Stat Thirdly, they have a system here of “pay first.” A waiter or salesman will not serve on | anybody unless he had paid the proper amount | to the cashier, and obtained a ticket for the | particular meal or article. So the line forms ' going in, instead of coming out. It backs up outside where you can see it, that’s all. Everybody here recogn that this “pay first” system only increases the waiting lines, but they say that it cannot be changed’ now. In time, it will undoubtedly be changed. In fact, there are already many restaurants where one can get served and pay after. It is the foreigner who makes a fuss about the whole thing and not the Russians. The Russians don’t mind it. They know the reasons for its present existence and also know that it is tem- porary and will not last much longer. Here there are no factory districts or busi- ness districts as there are in the States. Here the factories are more decentralized in location, and the workers,.as a general rule, live within their factory neighborhood. Thi particularly encouraged now. The new workers’ homes are being built around the factories. New factories are built in different sec‘ions with new work- ers’ homes around them. To make this decen- tralized factory system effective, each fac- tory area is made self-sufficing, So You Can Walk to Work. That is, within that area, there are built workers’ clubs, movies, theatres, parks, hos- pitals, schools, playgrounds, ete. The workers, therefore, even now to « great extent, do not waste much time in traveling to and from work. To spend thirty minutes on the street car to go to work is considered excessive here. | live what is considered here very far from the place of ‘wo: ani it takes me just 35 minutes to walk it, The enthusiasm and optimism displayed here ‘s beyond descrip ion. One sees it everywhere * shops. in the clnhs, in the street, in short are ane ns to. in. substance, the pie.ailing sentiment may 8 Union WORK.” Baily LQ: NY pe Central Organ of the Communist vary of the U, 3. = Worker A mail everywhere: One year $6; Masbriten and Bronx, New York SUBSCRIPTION HATES: six months $8; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of City, and foreign. which are: One year $8: six months $4.50 ie Smash the Fascist Lieutenants of the Bosses! By BARD The Struggle in the Anthracite By P. FRANKFELD. wre the opening of the Party Convention on Saturday last we received a wire in- forming us of a strike in the Penn. Coal Co. collieries involving thousands of miners, This article is being written while our Party Con- vention is still in session, discussin and laying down the Party line for the next immediate period. It is of the greatest importance for our Party as a whole to consider well and seri- ously the lessons of this spontaneous strike that broke out in the hard coal regions. It is of the greatest importance for our Party to profit from these experiences and to note the danger signals contained in this struggle for our Party as the leader of the working class. The radicalization of the masses through- out the country is proceeding at a rapid though uneven tempo. The radicalization of the work- ers is mounting to a much higher stage as a result of their rapidly deteriorating conditions. The attack of the bourgeoisie against the work- ing and living standards of the workers is entering a much acuter stage due to the grow- ing intensity of the present economic crisis. Our Party must realize that the wage-cutting . campaign of the bosses is really only begun, and the wage-cuts announced by the Rocke- feller interests in West Virginia, the 10 per cent cut in Minnesota, etc., are only the pre- liminary steps of what is to follow for the rest of the working cass. In the anthracite, the last five-year “agree- ment” is coming to an end on September 1. A new agreement must be drawn up. The coal operators have openly announced that the cost of production of anthracite coal must be lowered in order to be able to hold onto the rapidly contracting home and foreign mar- kets. Competition is rife. Lowering the cost of production of coal is being accomplished by (a) wage-cuts, which is being given daily in different forms; (b) speed-up, (c) introduction of labor-saving devices in the mines, The nar- rowing markets, the further increase in the use of substitutes for coal, the general indus- trial erisis which affects the big and small consumer and which still further limits the consumption of anthracite, the great increase in production of Russian anthracite under the Five-Year Plan; all necessitates an intensifi- cation of rationalizing of the anthracite coal industry in order to be able to alleviate the growing crisis to some small extent. Slogan of General Strike. The Party and National Miners’ Union, re- alizing the situation, raised the slogan of general strike on September 1, in order to mobilize the hard-coal rhiners against the new agreement which will undoubtedly mean wor- sened conditions for the miners, In spite of the fact that the anthracite was to be the base of the general strike in the fall, and in spite of definite symptoms of radicalization of the anthracite miners, nevertheless the N. be described as follows: “Things are not so good yet, true, but they are getting better and better every day, and we shall make them still better.” When a foreigner or some old woman point out some shortcomings here or talks about the shortage of some of the essentials (of this I shall write later) the invariable answer is: “It is nothing. It will be improved in due time.” * Very often a Russian eqnntered by asking, “Well, and do you have ...? and then he would sing out a long list such as, unemployment insurance, old age pensions, two-four Weeks’ vacation for every worker, free medical and dental treatment, workers’ rest homes, kinder- gartens, ete. ete, Not only are the Russlans enthusiastic and optimistic, but they are also proud of their achievements. “Give us three more years and we shall show you what we proletarians can do.” Truly, one cannot help but admire them and agree with them, They solve their prob- Jems end push ahead. Tall, Het is ave-h for one sitting, Sincerely yours, N. Stevens, "M. U. M. U. did not see fit to send in an N. M. U. organizer for a period of over eight months— ever since the daily-changing Lovestone rene- gade, Myrescough, quit the field. Perhaps it was expected that the miners would rally to us as soon as we call upon them to leave the pits and strike—the masses would rally to the “messiahs” come to lead them out of the wilderness of Lewis-Boylan. The Strassburg resolution on “Strike Strategy” points out that the Communist Par- ties and Red Trades Unions must estimate the situations in the different industries, and, finding the one that offers the most immedi- ate and favorable possibilities (or sections of an industry), must concentrate their forces there. This was not done insofar as the an- thracite was concerned—not even one organizer being supplied to a field comprising over 150,- 000 miners. And while some movements were developed, as, for instance, in Tamaqua, this was not the result of our work—but because of the immediate situation prevailing there. But being a spontaneous movement—it reached a high point and then despite of all we could do, the movement petered out. This. is the case with almost all spontaneous movements of the workers, Now, again, another spontaneous movement of thousands of miners in the afth-acite. The cause of the struggle is the growing mass unemployment existing in Pittston and other secions. The strike is aimed to alleviate the acute misery and suffering of thousands of miners and their families, While he slogan of “equalization of work” will not and cannot solve the situation, and is actually reformist in character, nevertheless the fact remains that the strike is a sign of the growing con- sciousness of the miners to the problem of unemployment and an effort to meet the situ- ation. The task of the National Miners’ Union and the Party, while supporting the strike of these miners, is to raise the slogans of the 6-hour day and 5-day week, unemployment in- surance, a minimum weekly wage of $35 a week, against the speed-up system, etc. This the N. M. U. and the Party are doing and at the same time pointing out the pecs of the central demand of the men. Role of N. M. U. Where is the Party and the National Min- ers Union in the present situation? What is the role of the Party and N. M. U. in the present strike? While its is true that the agi- tation and propaganda of both have had their effect over sections of the anthracite miners; while it is true that there are quite a few Party members, and whole groups of the N. involved in the strike, nevertheless we are still isolated from the main stream of the struggle. Neither one of the two organiza- tions have any members on the General Grievance Committee to put forth the N. M. U. program, Our members and supporters do not hold any decisive positions in the strike. We are now making real strenuous efforts to overcome eight months of delay and neglect. We have now the task to strengthen our or- ganization to the point where we will be able to control sections or the whole of the strike. To the extent that we are able to overcome the weaknesses of the past delay and negli- gence, to that extent will we be able to as- sume leadership over these striking miners, Weaknesses of the Strike. The strike is suffering from all the weak- nesses and shortcomings of every spontane- ous movement, While it is true that the min- ers went right over the head of the corrupt, fascist, U. M. W. A, Boylan-Lewis machine in calling: the strike, nevertheless the Griev- ance Committee is composed mainly of old U. M. W. A. elements who wish to confine the struggle within “legal” U. M. W. A. bounds. The strike lacks perspective—it lacks real militant leadership. The Grievance Commit- tee has now brought back Cappelini—the most corrupt gang-leader and fascist that the an- thracite has yet produced. The brazen, trait- orous role of this faker was immediately re- vealed when his first words addressed to the THE SOVIET UNION AND AMERICAN WORKERS By WM. Z. FOSTER. (Written in Jail.) * HE rise of the Soviet Union, which means the birth of a new world system of Soviet society, is profoundly affecting the viewpoint of every class in the capitalist world. Even as it fills the hearts of the ruling exploiting class with dismay and foreboding, it also gives the workers new hope and understanding and inspires them to fresh and more determined struggle. The popularization of the wonderful achieve- ment of the Five-Year Plan now constitutes the greatest single ideological weapon we have in winning leadership of the workers. Its per- suasive powers are tremendous, but they are still largely underestimated by considerable numbers of our Party members. The workers learn their great revolutionary lesson in various ways—by their own practical experience, by systematic theoretical education, and by lessons from the struggle of other“work- ers; all these ways are interlaced together. The Soviet Union is a great revolutionary ob- ject lesson, an overwhelmingly convincing prac- tical demonstration of the correctness of the Communist program. Russian Workers Are Advance Guard. The Russian workers are the advance guard of the world’s working class. They lead the international struggle directly, aiding and in- vigorating every phase of it. But aside from this active leadership, the very existence of the Soviet Union, by the force of its example, edu- cates, organizes and enthuses the workers with decisive force. In this sense it is a most power- ful lesson. In the first days of the Russian revolution, its stimulating force was very great. But this weakened later when the revolution was fight~ ing through its most difficult years. While the toilers were suffering bitter hardships, it was easy for the social fascists to deceive large masses into believing the cause lost. But now the power of the great Russian revolutionary object lesson becomes stronger than ever. The world’s workers, pressed by the crisis of the decaying capitalist system and seeing the tremendous success of the Five-Year Plan, are penetrating the lies of the capitalists and their social fascist allies about the Soviet Union. Consequently they turn in ever greater masses and with renewed hope towards the Soviet Union for inspiration. Soviets Spur World Proletariat. They take up more determinedly and clearly their own immediate battles and leadership, and in the next few years, with the progress in socialist construction, this power of the So- viet Union to stimulate the world proletariat to revolutionary struggle will be enormously increased. It will finally become irresistable. American workers, not merely the members of our Party feel the revolutionary urge from the Soviet Union, just as workers in other countries do. Despite the immense flood of capitalist lies about the Russian workers, the toilers in this country are beginning to sense the meaning of the great events in the Soviet Union. They are consumed with interest as to what is actually taking place there. In in- creasing degree they are beginning to under- stand the basic contrast between decaying capi- talism and rising sociaiism. The terrific unemployment, wage cuts, ete., with living and working conditions constantly worsening in the United States, make them all the more responsive to the growth of socialism in the Soviet Union. Anyone in real contact with the workers must, if he be at all awake, be struck by the growing sympathy and under- standing of American industrial workers for the developing Russian revolution. U. §. Farmers Enmeshed in Crisis. The agricultural workers and-poor farmers must be similarly affected. Enmeshed in the chronic agricultural crisis and confronted with ruin, they must take note of and be enormous- ly stirred by the great revolutionary changes in Russian agriculture, che immense collectivi- zation movement, the building of 1,000,000 acre farms, ete. They must see its vast super- iority over the bankrupt capitalist farming sys- tem and act accordingly. In all this, the thing that we must realize most is that as the toilers understand and indorse the develoning Russian revolution they will at the same time tend to accept the whole Communist program for this country. The great success in the Soviet Union, they will rightly understand as dec rectness of the Communist line generally. They will kecome much more receptive to all our propaganda. By the light of the great torch of the Russian revolution they will begin to see the way out of the canitalist jungle. Achievements Must Be Popularized. Too much stress cannot be laid on the revo- lutionarizing effect of the Soviet Union upon the workers. Popularization of the revolution- ary achievements of the Russian workers is an effective way of winning the masses. We must use it to the utmost without, of course, slackening in our general propaganda. The living realities of the Soviet Union give us crushing arguments against the social fas- cists—and such tangible object lessons are al- ways very decisive with the masses. It makes the workers sympathetic to our Party and more responsive to effort at mobilizing them with the T.U."J.L. against war, against unem- ployment, against wage cuts, for the rights of Negroes and especially for the defense of the Soviet Union. For these undeniable facts we must draw the conclusion that it is absolutely necessary to acquaint American workers with the progress of socialism in the Soviet Union. We must saturate every one of our mass movements with this propaganda—our unemployment work, election campaign, T.U.U.L. 50,000 membership drive, etc. It must be linked up with every struggle of the workers. We must flood the country with concise, clear-cut reading matter on the Soviet Union that the workers can understand. And in this period no mass speech of a revolutionist is eom- pBte without reference in this sense ’o the Soviet Union. Build Friends of Soviet Wnion, Let us build the Friends of the Soret Union into a mass organization. Rut we must not assign to it alone the task of nonnlarizing the success of the Russian revolution. That is also a great central task of the Party, the T.U.U.L., the I.L.D. and every other revolutionary »™gan- ization. Let us make the greatest possible use of this splendid revolutionary weapon for the inspira- tion of the workers and for the demoralization of our class enemies. Navy Yard Nucleus Greets XVI. Congress of Soviet Union C. P. June 28, 1930 Dear Comrades: Te United States Navy Yard Nucleus of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, greets the Six- teenth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Our nucleus is operating in one of the biggest Navy Yards in the United States, employing at the present time, some two thousand, five hundred workers. This Navy Yard, as the rest, is being pre- pared for the world attack against the Soviet Union. New machinery is being introduced daily. Workers are being sped-up more than ever to complete what little work is left, and a big lay-off, and possible closedown of the Yard is expected within about two months. This is due to the intensified speed-up, and the fact that the U. S. Navy Dept. is giving the work.to the private boss-controlled ship- yards. There the workers get lower wages, work longer hours, work piece work. There the speed-up is already becoming unbearable. About two thousand marines and sailors are on hand all the time to be used against the workers. These enlisted men get two dollars a day for the same work a civilian gets the low average wage of four dollars and fifty cents a day (including apprentices and young workers). While you comrades of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union are discussing the building of Socialism, and carrying out a ruth- less fight against the right wingers, we the Navy Yard shop nucleus are carrying on our fight against the bosses and the A. F. of L fakers and misleaders. We have succeeded, although we are small in pumber, to organize a shop committee. We have succeeded in ex- posing the fake American Federation of Labor, which is now rejected openly by the workers of the shop, and have been able to draw a small number of workers into our ranks (the Metal Workers Industrial League). We the nucleus, pledge ourselves, (1)—to organize the workers of the Navy Yard in Philadelphia under our banner, and build a powerful fighting Metal Workers Union, (2) —To bring to these workers the program of Socialist Construction, and the ever bettering of conditions of the workers in the Soviet Union, in contrast to their own ever worsen- ing conditions, under the damnable bosses, system. (3)—to organize them for the defense of the Soviet Union, so that when the im- perialists make their attack, we workers, sail- ors, and marines, will stand solid, as one in the ranks of the working class, fighting side by side with the workers of the rest of the world for the defense of the Soviet Union. Nothing will stop us in our work, and we are ready to do our part in burning the com- ing imperialist war into a civil war for the defense of the Soviet Union, and for the es- tablishment of the rule of the working class. Grievance Committee were: “What about the remuneration for my services?” Cappelini is not going to behead this movement without being paid to do so from the very people he is going to sell out! The miners, of course, will have to pay this crooked fiddler for play- ing his fascist tunes! A concentration of all the forces of the state took place the day the strike broke. In Pittston picketing was prohibited, miners were arrested and slugged, the state troopers and coal and iron police began to play their usual strike-breaking role. The terror against the N. M. U. was and is even more severe and conscious—its meetings have been smashed, its literature confiscated and the mayor of Pitts- ton has promised that its street or indoor meetings would be “smashed.” Once again we see the speed with which every economic struggle takes on a political character. The strike in the anthracite has raised great and difficult tasks for the N. M. U. and the Party.’ The organization must be built in an immediate strike situation. Our prestige must be raised by daily routine organization work, by practical leadership and by sacrifice. We must win away the leadership from a traitor- ous crew of misleaders who still enjoy great confidence with the masres. We must buck up against the state, the operators and the Boylan machine, besides the Cappelini crew. We must make up for months of delay in practical organization work. For the Party, as a whole, we must learn this important lesson, That in places and situations where big struggles loom our Red unions and the Party must. pay special at- tention, sending in forces, strengthen the or- ganization, prepare the masses for struggle. Without organization we are helpless to give leadership in any strike. Without organiza- tion we cannot hope to lead any struggle. Without day to day work, building mine and factory committees, without building up our revolutionary trade unions, we will simply have more repetitions of Elizabethtons, New Orleans, Marions, Aberles (in Philadelphia) and anthracite. Then the forward surge.of the radicalized masses will sweep on—not with us at the head—but rushing behind and trying to catch up. The fight is still in its elementary stages, and, with proper attenion, correct lead- ership, intensive work and preparation we can and will lead the American workers into rev- olutionary battles against the capitalist class —because the objective situation is such that the masses have no other recourse but to bat- tle—and we must see to it that it is under revolutionary leadership and along revolutions ary lines, Ce el y ‘ rd