The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 1, 1930, Page 4

sae et rotate! ths $1 ting Boroughs of mail everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Bchattan ond Bronx. New York City. and foreign, which are: One year $8; six months $4.50 suonsnes by tne Compro: Square. New York City Address ane mail a Worker y at the U.S. A eel THE REPORT OF THE SIMON aes MAAS Baily Se. » Square New York NV Central Organ of the « vais nife’s edge of bold revolutionary By I. YUZEFOVICH. c= weeks are left to the Fifth Cor the Red International of Labor Un might therefore be expected th prepare for the Congress locall) ferent countries ought to be Actually, the organizations RILU are only now getting of developing this campai And if the rest of the work to prepare f the Congress is going to proceed tortoise pace it is going at now, in the upshot but bri I of the @ntire political paign in connection with the celebrating of the Tenth the RILU. The findings of the Si RILU Central Council lay plain that the campaign of prepara the Congress must be of an e ons, It character and that these preparations mus concentrated primarily and directly in the in dustrial plants, in the pits, at your big rail- way junctions, on board ship, in a word, every- where at the point of production. It stands to reason, of course, that onl vided this. campaign involves the mobilization of all the men and means at the command of the R.LL.U. affiliated organiza- tions that it will be really nish valuable results of far-reaching polit and practical effect—only if every member of the revolutionary txade unions and ever fective really up and doing, and got to per: nite jobs fixed upon specially for each ind vidual follower of our movement. Promises Were Good. All the national representatives who took the platform at the Sixth Session of our Cen- tral Council were unanimous in urging that there could not, must not, be a single confer- gress, national, or local trade union confer- ence or full delegate meeting, not even a single trade union meeting, aye, not even any mass workers’ meeting, allowed to pass with- out the question of the Fifth RILU Congress and the Tenth Anniversary of our Inter tional being raised and thorough discussion initiated on all the basic issues of the inter- national revolutionary trade union movement in its present stage marked of forward ad-* vance. Actually, the fact has to be recorded with regret that. far from all our affiliated organ- izations are applying the findings of the Sixth Central Council Session and the RILU instruc- tions regarding the preparations for the com- ing Congress. Despite the short interval left till the Con- still display a surprising complacency nay, totally unwarranted neglect to this high! intportant mass campaign involving such tre- mendous political implications. Passivity Means Opportunism. At bottom, this snail’s page in developing the preparatory work for the Congress is nothing more or less than evidence of right opportunist tendencies within the ranks of the revolutionary trade union movement. For one of the signs of right-opportunist tende’ and sentiments has been, and still remains, supercilious attitude towards, more, an actual underestimation of the leading role of the R. I. L. U.—that fighting H. Q. of the revolu- tionary trade union movement. A neglect of and failure seriously to consider the job of providing internationalist education for the working masses, getting them thoroughly ac- quainted with the experience gained in the in- ternational struggle and to use that exper- ience in the fights of the working class. It cannot be stressed too strongly that the sampaign of preparations ought not to take the line only of organizing elections and al- lowing the delegates’ seats, beating up funds and sending across delegates—the technical side of the business. Yet, properly speaking, in many cases, this is all that the campaign is being boiled down to. The Fifth Congress will only be a general review of our forces, will only afford an op- portunity to verify our achievements and find out ourgweak points, our mistakes, the weak sections in our work, and the gaps in our line, if and providing the entire work of prepara- tion is effected along political lines. The Fifth Congress of the Red International of Labor Unions meets in a setting that i jarkened by a steadily extending world and increasing unemployment that contrasts most markedly with the developing advance of the revolutionary movement. It gathers at 1 time, when a steady progress is going for- ward at both poles, as it were, of the capi- salist world, which is responsible for the ac- tumulation of a vast amount of fighting ene: ty and the mobilization of all available fore: for the coming class battles that will be of such decisive importance. Im this setting of developing cl strug- fies, the preparations for the Fifth Congress yught to be made the utmost use of to con- tolidate our organizations locally, in their dif- ‘erent countries, and must be made a means wherewith to “activize” all the forces of the vorld revolutionary trade union movement. These preparations must be used to strengthen the R. I. L. U. in every possible way as the fighting staff of the trade union novement and as possible means of! paving the way for enabling the world revolftionary rade union movement to meet and lead the novement of the masses in complete readi- tess, and to lead them to victory with the ‘ewest losses. Criticism—Self-Criticism. For this reason, the whole preparations ampaign must he so constructed as to sum sarise the results of the activities carried on » the revolutionary trade union organiza- ‘ons in their respective countries, while they t the same time summarize the results of he R. I. L. U. activities and discuss the chief ®estions that will be considered by the Fifth Soneress. Tt hehooves us in all seriousness, with the criticism ». ta lew bare the weak places srertain what are the sources wata’e. 4nd ta dq en without ‘Jossing over any mistakes committed, anv harteomins and defects that are found out: ut secure the submission of these questions nenly to the masses. met tie mot erouth to summarize results race ty acoantoin what are our weak- t» utilize the campaign of Congiess prep e immediate rectification of ve been allowed to take place, getting rid of those sh s that are already to be seen, while hening the weakest and most vulner- able points in our work, and transforming the 1 de unions and minority move- Y militant revolutionary trade union organizations. The preparations m 2 purpose ¢ be used to make of un and mino fighting mass or- zations not in name alone and not only in regard to the tasks they set out to solve, but in their in their inner content and as used in carrying on their day to day. that the delegations to the these essence, International of Labor Unions should not only get a chance once again to probe ‘into the weak points n their work, into their mistakes, and any rom policy they may have al- ble to tell us what they e during the period of Con- to improve their activities, uthoritative decisions of the al Council Session, to apply in ac- e the policy steering for the in- dependent lea hip of economic struggles, to recruit nev and hundreds of thousands of members, to carry on the struggle to win the most important sections of the work- ing class. For An Accounting. While developing the preparations for the Fifth Congress and the Tenth Anniversary of the RILU, taking stock of the road that has been left behind the heroic struggle of the proletariat, checking up the “pluses” and “minuses” in our work, and discu: practical tasks of the revolutionary trade union organizations at the present stage of the movement’s forward advance, it is essential at the same time to take careful note of the way the policy and practical guidance of the RILU has been twisted this way or that, in all activities loca to bring to the fore in all seriousness everything that is new in the labor movement, thoroughly to ana happenin recent pas t few years, (especially t, in connection with the the offensive policy of the i talists, the new wave of capitalist rationalize tion, and the shiftings that have taken place inside the working class), to make the excep- rich international and national exper- ience gained in the struggle, the common knowledge of all and to ponder over what must be done to consolidate the revolutionary trade union organizations locally, to increase their speci: y to transform them into genuine militant organizations of the masses, as well as to secure the all-round consolida- tion of the RILU as the fighting center of the international trade union movement. Preparations must be carried out not only in the-urban and industrial centers alone. It is important that they should also be devel- oped among the agricultural workers as well. From what information we already have to | hand it is not to be seen that this part of the findings taken by the Sixth Session of our Central Council in regard to the Fifth Con- gress preparations has been given proper con- sideration and applied in practice. Yet this is a job that acquires the greatest conceivable icance at the present day when the imperialists are making feverish pre- parations for an armed attack upon the USSR for the purpose of crushing the first country inthe world to know the dictatorship of the prolétariat. The land workers happen to be that huge reserve on which the bourgeoisie will draw to ll up draft after draft of soldiers for their imperialist armies. More: today the workers on the land are being subjected to a perfect spate of fascist agitation and propagandag It is from their midst, too, that the fascists are recruiting fighters for their semi-military bands, For this reason, our preparations campaign must be made the jumping off point for en- deavors and rally wholehearted efforts to rope in the enormous mass of the organized and unorganized land workers, to get them brought within the orbit of the influence wielded by the revolutionary trade union organizations, and to stamp out what influence is held among the rural workers by the fascists and the so- cial-fas of the world sig! Link City to Farm Workers. It would be a good idea, and most advisable, to organize special workers’ “brigades” from the industrial workers which could be sent to the countryside to establish contact with the farm workers, hold mass meetings there, re- cruit new members and supporters for the revolutionary minority movement, organize the election of delegates, and so on. Again, we may ask whether it is possible | effectively to develop political and organiza- | tional preparations on a broad basis for the coming congress of the R.I.L.U.’s tenth anni- v ry unless something done to mobilize your revolutionary trade union press and your shop papers to this end and the fullest use made of them. As far as can be judged from the revolu- tionary trade union papers and factory papers we receive, barring “La Vie Ouvri and | the illegal organ of the Italian G.C.L., the | “Battaglie Sindacali,” our press has failed so | far to begin any broad campaign of prepara- tions for the congress. More, has not thrown anything like a real strong light on the most outstanding decisions of the Sixth Session of the R.LL.U. Central Council. What About It—Labor Unity? Surely it might be taken for granted that the first thing the revolutionary trade union press ought to have undertaken without fail was the jeb of effecting a broad mobilization of working class publie opinion around the Fifth Congress, to set discussion going in its columns, to get the workers at large to take part in this discussion, and to get the men and women workers correspondents of the movement to contribute their items on the subject. None of the different papers of the revolu- tionary trade union movement have yet shown any real activity in this direction and are tak- ing a long time to get moving—neither the press of the trade union opposition of Ger- many, more particularly the “Betrieb und Ge- werkschaft,” “The Worker” of the National Minority Movement, “Labor Unity” of the Trade Union Unity League of the U.S. A,, nor the organs of the revolutionary trade union press of Czechoslovakia and other countries. Re it also edded that both the work and | ficdings of the Sixth Session of the R.L.L.U, Trying to Put Salt on the Tail of the Lightning - Central Council have been dealt with in noth- ing like adequate fashion so far and over them most unsatisfactorily. We are entitled to demand that the Com- munist Party and its press should also give every assistance to promote the development of a broad campaign of preparations for the Fifth Congress and the tenth anniversary of the R.LL.U. : uf Eee Comintern Presidium,” reads the resolu- tion of the enlarged presidium of the E.C.C.I. dealing with the preparations of the Fifth Congress of the Red International of Labor Unions, attaches the greatest importance to the work of thoroughly preparing the ground for the Fifth R.I.L.U, Congress and in- structs all sections to carry out this work on the basis of international revolutionary compe- tition.” The Communist Parties everywhere have failed so far, however, to get really down to this job and carry out this plain instruction. What happened with the findings of the Sixth Session of the R.ILL.U, Central Council? Most of the Party papers not even printing its decisions and the majority of the Party organ- izations doing nothing to gite them wide pub- licity among the masses, may very easily hap- pen once again in the case of this Congress. The resolution passed by the E.C.C.I. Presi- dium instructs all Communist Parties to verify how the decisions of the Fourth R.I.L.U. Con- gress and its Sixth Session have been imple- mented, to ascertain what is the state of the activities conducted by the Communist frac- tions, to extend and improve the work of the independent revolutionary trade unions, to verify the work of the minority movement generally and test its working methods, to initiate discussions from all angles in the Party columns of the main problems confront- ing the world trade union movement, and to allocate special pages in their press to deal with the Fifth R.LL.U. Congress. What news we already have, indicates that the different Communist Parties are still stick- ing to their attitude of passivity towards the Fifth Congress preparations and really have done nothing so far. Party Initiative Needed. The resolution adopted by the E.C.C.I. en- larged Presidium makes it incumbent on the Communist Parties “to take the initiative to secure discussion among the masses of all questions connected with the Fifth Congress, and to do so not only at trade union confer- ences and congresses, but also directly at the point of production as well.” Yet, what Communist Party has lifted that resolution up off the paper it was written on and applied it actually, has taken “the initi- ative to secure discussion among the masses” on all the problems of the Congress? What, we may ask, has been the concrete shape taken by the activities of the different Comintern sections to train contingents of active militants for the R.LL.U.? Again, what papers of the Party press have already made a serious start to implement the decisions of the E.C.C.I. enlarged Plenum? How are we to explain the slow pace at which this campaign is being developed? Finally, when are they really going to get down to the actual preparations for the Fifth Congress and the tenth anniversary of the R.ILL.U.? These are all questions that await their answer ‘and must be answered here and now. It searecely requires to be added that the Red International of Labor Unions and its dif>. ferent sections will only be able to carry out the extremely complicated and most militant tasks facing them at the present stage of the class struggle, that the trade unions and min- ority movements will only be able to develop into really mass, fighting organizations guid- ing the workers in the process of mass econ- omic struggles and consistently apply the policy that calls for the indenendent leadership of | economic fights, when they get real and tan- gible active support in all their work not only from the Communist International, but also from the Communist Parties in the different countries. ac WAS already pointed out at the Sixth Comintern Congress that everything possible had to be done to further streng’fAen the RI, L.U. Shortly afterwards it was recorded. that at the Tenth E.C.C.I. Plenum that “the Com- intern and its sections must give every pos- sible support to the work of enlarging the R.LL.U., by popularizing its decisions and steadily strengthening the International and its affiliated organizations.” It will do no harm to remind all Communist Parties of these most authoritative decisions precisely at this juncture when, in the course of the campaign of preparations, stock is be- ing taken of the R.LL.U.’s activities in ‘he interval since it held its Fourth Congress, when the work of its sections is being verifie1, when a searching criticism and self-criticism is be- | ing used to bring to light the weak points and gaps in our work, to seek out ways and means of imnvoving that work, and to build up our oreanizations anew both in respect of the inner content of their activities and their organiza- tional forms and working methods, nist Party. Step On It! Time and tide wait no man! Not a moment must be lost. All members of the revolutionary trade unions, every supporter of the minority movement, all who stand for the consistent prosecution of the class struggle, all who are fired with a will and readiness to fight the fresh pressure the capitalists are bringing to bear on the working class, to fight the new way of capitalist ration: ion and unemploy- ment, who are against the Young Plan and against both social-fascism and fascism, and who are in favor of the seven-hour working day, of state unemployment insuranca, and who stand for the workingclass revolution, must be got to bear their share in this mass political and organizing campaign of prepara- tions for the Fifth Congiess and tenth anni- versary of the R.I.L.U. Preparations for the Con; must be the focal point of all our organizations’ considera- tion and attention. They must rouse the mass of their members to an activity greater than they have ever displayed before, must awaken the interest of the unorganized working class in our movement, and transform the passive membe:s of our organizations into active re- cruiters, agitators and fighting militanis, The preparations for the Congress will show to what extent our organizations are in touch with the masses, are able to set them in move- ment, to draw out their creative initiative and guide and develop their independent self-ac- tivity. They will show how far the members of the revolutionary unions or supperters of the min- ority movement have direct contact with their own organizations, are really interested in their fate, are anxious to see them develop, feel themselves part of the bigger team that is pulling in the one direction, are enthused and live by and for its interests. They will show, further, to what extent a direct part is taken in gur revolutionary acti- vities not only by the active militants but also by the broad masses of the workers generally, how far they value their organization, how far their direct participation in the everyday work of their organization determines the di- rection of their activities, to what degree our organizations have reorganized themselves, got rid of their lack of contact with the outer world of labor, lifted themselves out of the rut, shed the routine of trade-unionistic out- look, and made a break with what are often bureaucratic methods of working. Both here in the center and outside in the different sections, every bolt and lever of our machine must be examined and studied by the masses themselves in this mass campaign. This is the meaning behind and the real job of this broad mass campaign of Congress pre- parations. It is essential to explain and lay bare, to go over again and again, the aims and objects of the R.LL.U. and its organizations to every worker, no matter how backward, to explain to him and his fellow toilers the leading role of the International and its sections in the economie battles of their class. Every report submitted, every speech deliv- ered, that deals with the Fifth Congress must be linked up with the vital issues of the given national or local organization, must be con- nected with the local question affecting the broad masses of the working class at any given moment which bear any relation to their needs and the interests of the struggle. Every article, every item, every leaflet, we print in connection with the Congress must speak to the workers in a plain and simple language they can understand. What we want, then, are top-pressure speeds in our work of developing the drive towards the Fifth Congress and the tenth’ anniversary of the R.I.L.U., a development of that cam- paign. on a broader scale and with a bolder’ sweep. OOOO Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party UO S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. 1, the nndersigned want to join the Conmu Send me more information Name ..... | forms to his majesty’s government. eeceovrcoemeess ity Address Cecupation ..cssecesccrececeeess ABE cere. Mail this to the Central Office. Communist Party, 43 Hast 125th St, New York, N. ¥ COMMISSION | By V. CHATTOPADHYAYA. HENEVER British imperialism finds itself in difficulties in any of the areas exploited and plundered by it, or whenever it is forced to expand the social basis of imperialist rule in order to obtain wider native cooperation | in its wars of aggression, it resorts to the ap- | pointment of “Royal Commissions” which go | | | A Cynical Imperialist Document. | out to “investigate” the situation “impartial- ly” and then make “recommendations” of re- | During the last three years we have witnessed the sending out of many important commissions whose findings have meant more oppression and more intensive exploitation to the natives of the colonies. We need only mention the Hilton-Young Commission of East Africa and the recent Palestine Commission among the most important besides the various commis- sions sent to India. In India British imperialist rule rests mainly on the support of the feudal princes, the great landowners, the industrial and commercial bourgeoisie, and the upper strata of the pro- fessional and educated sections (lawyers, jour- nalists, university teachers, etc.) who represent the interests of the bourgeoisie and the land- lords and who supply the leaders in their poli- tical agitation. Four separate commissions were appointed to deal with each category, but their work was to be closely coordinated in order to secure the best results for the stability of imperialist domination. The Butler Committee examined the “grievances” of the Indian princes (of whom there are said to be no less than 680) and the object of the com- mittee was to separate the area administered by the princes, constituting one-third of India, from any political or administrative connection with the new reformed India that was to be created. The Indian princes are now to be placed directly under the crown. The interests of the landowners were protected by the “Agri- cultural Commission” whose terms of reference omitted any mention of land tenure and whose object was to examine how agriculture was to be improved, and the peasant given more faci- lities in order to raise his purchasing power and make him a better customer for British manufactured goods and a better tax payer for British imperialist wars. The interests of the industrialists are being protected by the so-called Whitley Commission on Labor, whose report is expected shortly and whose investi- gation on the conditions of labor are deliber- ately aimed at destroying the revolutionary trade union movement and the independence of the Indian working class. And for the poli- tical representatives of the bourgeoisie whose agitation was growing dangerous in so far as they had succeeded in drawing in the masses, the Simon Commission was appointed in No- vem r, 1927. The outstanding fact about the Commission was that its seven members, all Englishmen, represented all the three British capitalist-im- perialist parties, the Tories, the Liberals and the social-fascists, and the report they have now published after two and a half years of “work” is ostentatiously declared to be “unani- mous on all fundamental matters” and “will be found to be without dissenting minute.” In other words, the two “Labor” members of the imperialist commission are in absolute agree- ment with this most cynical expression of imperialist arrogance and hypocrisy, with the proposals for continuing the stranglehold of, British capital on the Indian masses, while their chief, Ramsay MacDonald, is giving the Indian masses practical demonstrations every day of bombing planes, t-nks and machine- guns as instruments for the “progressive real- ization of reasonable government in India.” The Simon Commission's report distinctly points out in its introduction that the “gov- erning conditions” for all schemes for India were laid down in the pronouncement made on August 20, 1917, by Montagu, then secre- tary of state for India. That pronouncement was made under the direct pressure of the war, and “no challenge was issued by any party in the state.” And what were the “gov- erning conditions” laid down by Montagu with the full support of the Labor Party? He de- clared: “The policy of his majesty’s government, \ with which the government of India are in complete agreement, is that of increasing as- sociation of Indians in‘every branch of the ad- ration with a view to the progressive realization of responsible government in India a> 4 intesral part of the British empire.” This policy laid down by a liberal imperial minister in 1917 is exactly the policy adopted at the Labor Party conferences, and it is of interest here to point out how even the lan- guage of that imperialist pronouncement has been reproduced in the resolution on India re- cently passed at the Berlin session of the executive committee of the Second Interna- tional on May 12. The policy assumes firstly, that the British empire is the iast word in human development and that it is eternal and indestructable; sec- ondly, that In lia is doomed to remain an in- tegral part of that eternal empire; thirdly, that by the “increasing association of Indians” in the “administration,” i. e., in the machinery of exploitation and oppression, responsible government will be progressively realized in that integral part of that eternal empire. Ridiculous as these statements are, they form the basis of the Simon report. And the docu- ment that has now been published has not even the merit of saying anything new or original, or even of supplying any arguments that have not been the stock-in-trade of the imperialist bandits during the last fifty years whenever the question of Indian freedom has been raised. There is not a single chapter which has not been more or less copied from the publications of the government or been drawn up by the permanent officials of the im- perialist administration. The report is being issued in two volumes. Volume I was issued on June 10 and studies “the conditions of the Indian problem,” while Volume II, which is to be issued on June 24 | [this article was written June 12.—Editor] . vill contain the commission’s conclusions and , recommendations. The first volume just is- | sued contains the whole imperialist poison needed to create the impression that India is unfit for freedom arfd therefore nee ts British rule, Two weeks are allowed for this poison to soak into the minds of the “British people,” that is, especially the British workers, in order to prepare them for the scheme of imperialist stabilization evolved in Volume II. It is impossible in the course of a short article to expose all the lies of vhieh the | report is made un, though there is nothing new j in these lies and they have been answered in every detail by the widespread revolt of the Indian masses and the solidarity fight for in- dependence. But it is necessary to point out that the “statistics” quoted by the report, mainly from the census report of 1921, are deliberately used for misleading the ignorant. This is the statistical picture of India, as pre- sented by imperialism: A False: Picture. Population, 320,000,000 divided into numer- ous races and religious communities always at war, viz., 220,000,000 Hindus, 70,000,000 Mo- hammedans, 3,000,000 Sikhs, 3,000,000 chris- tians, ete. of the Hindus 50,000,000 pariahs suffer from the social tyranny of the remain- der under the domination of 14,000,000 Brah- mans; there are 680 princes; there are 222 languages; 2,300 different castes; only 14.4 per cent of men and two per cent of women are literate; etc. ete. Conclusion: it is a crime to withdraw the British army and let the poor people tear each other to pieces, for the Pan- jabis who supply 62 per cent of the imperial ist army would destroy the “peaceful unity of a self-governing India” by attacking the “non-martial” races. Now, it can easily be shown that the census statistics are wrong and the method of pre- senting them deliberately misleading. For instance, the census states that there are 222 languages and this figure is repeated by most ist trickery to enhance the impression of diver- sity in order to show that no “unity” can be possible in India—except united slavery to British rule. We quote this example of lan- guages as a typical instance of the use of statistics by imperialism to justify jts exist- ence. But the Indian masses are learning ho such problems as languages and national mii orities have been solved by the proletari: dictatorship. The main “arguments” presented by the Simon report are: Hindu-Moslem religious riots; rigid caste system; the “untouchables;” the religious minorities; general illiteracy; princes; external enemies; internal disorder; terrible condition of women, etc. We cannot go into these questions here. But a few quotations may prove interesting. With regard to the Hindu-Moslem riots, the report confesses that things have become worse since the system of separate electorates for the two religious communities was introduced for the municipal, provincial and central legislatures by the “reforms” of 1919. “The true cause,” says the report, “is the struggle for political power and for the opportunities which political power confers.” When it is remembered that only 2.2 per cent of the population, represent- ing only the propertied class, have a vote, it js obvious that imperialist policy has deliber- ately created this system to encourage strife, aided by the machinations of the police. But in unguarded moments the report tells the truth. It shows that the “operations of large- scale industry” bring together men of different castes and religions “in the mills and the mines,” where these differences do not exist. Similarly, regarding the 260 great landowners of Oudh who belong to both communities, the report admits that “their common interests cut across the communal divisions.” In other words, in spite of imperialist intrigue, the horizon class line is cutting across the vertical caste and religious lines, as has been amply shown during the present mass revolt. The report deals with illiteracy and refers to urban and rural conditions, to the terrible housing conditions of the workers in Bombay and other cities, to the indebtedness of the peasant, etc., ete. But not even the “Labor” members of the commission mention a single word to show the connection between these facts and imperialism. When they state that “any quickening of general political judgement ... of the average Indian villager is bound to come very slowly indeed,” they seem never to have heard of the October Revolution. The most unblushing part of the report deals with the army in India. In speaking of the “defense and security” of India, the authors say: “India has to carry a constant burden of anxiety and provide against actual danger on her north-west frontier which are wholly without parallel in the case of the self- gov- erning dominions. India throughout history has had to endure a series of incursions by foreign invaders, who have forced their way through the defiles in the north-west and at other points where a gap was ‘ound in the immense mountain barrier which cuts off India from the rest of Asia.” So the imperialist bandits that came by sea are now remaining there to “protect” India against “foreign invaders.” Incidentally, of course, those gaps and defiles in the moun- tains of the north-west are useful to these bandits for the reverse process of making in- eursions into Afghanistan and the Soviet Union. As far as the reception of the report India is concerned, it is described by the na- tionalist press as an insult and it may be taken for granted that it will be rejected by the nationalist leaders as a basis of negotiations with the government. Not only the National Congress but a number of moderate leaders not belonging to the congress had’ boycotted the Simo Commission when it was collecting “evidence” in India, and it is not likely that they will today openly accept the Simon re- port. They will demand that the round table conference be called without reference to the report. The main proposals contained in Volume II are likely to be: abolition of dyarchy in its present form; provincial autonomy for most provinces; administrative separation of Burma from India; placing of the princes di- rectly under the crown; retention of finance, army, police, foreign affairs, and the north- west frontier proyince in the hands of the central government; some form of separate electorates for the different religious commu- nities; ght enlargement of the franchise. But no word of “dominion status, [When the second vuiume was printed over a week after this article was wriiten it contained all the provisions foreseen by Chatto othayaya ex- cept that certain princes are brought into feleral assembly.—Editor.] ( These reforms may satisfy the moderates, liberals and some congress leaders, but fail to receive support from the rank a of the National Congress. An intensificati their activities, especially among the iy, may theiefore be expected during the few months, people without studying the census report. As a mater of fact, there are no more than 18 languages «in India, if the subject is to be politically considered, and it is just imperial- / © : i 4 i : : 2