The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 30, 1930, Page 4

By I. (Written in jail.) ee Thesis of the Seventh Convention of our AMTER. Party and the Communist International warn us against the relying on the spontaneity of the masses. Lenin continuously emphasized the basic need of organizing our work in every field. Reliance on spontaneity is wiidespread in the Party. This must be overcome, and the.Cen- tral Committee, District Committees, Section Committees; Unit Bureaus and every member must have a definite task to carry out—tasks which must be checked up and controlled. Election Campaign Major Actions. This applies with complete force to the elec- tion campaign. The Central Committee has pointed out that the election campaign will be a major activity of the Party. This does not mean that the Party has gone back to the so cial-democratic point of view of expecting to activize the Proletarian Revolution through the ballot. The election campaign affords us an opportunity of connecting up all the struggles of the workers and poor farmers with the ques tion of g ment—in direct opposition to the capite 1d social-fascist parties. It fernishes us with a chance very effectively to show up the connection of the fas of the A. F. of L. Railroad Brotherhoods and Amalgamated Clothing Workers with these anti-working class parties—thus helping to win away the workers from the control of these parties. Therefore the election campaign must be utilized to the full to expose these parties and place the Communist Party forward as the leader of the working class in all struggles. Organization Versus Spontaneity. The splendid demonstrations that the Party led on March 6 and May 1, the response of the masses to our propaganda because of the econ- omic crisis and the sharpening struggle, have led the Party membership to rely upon the spontaneous support of the masses for our campaign. Nothing could be more fatal for our work.. The Party must organize itself and organize the masses for all working class ac- tions. If, as stated, the election campaign is a major campaign, then it must be conducted di- rectly by the District Bureaus, who shall be responsible, with the District Secretariat con- ducting the daily work. To create district and section campaign committees means to divorce .the campaign from the other activities of the Party, to make it a subordinate and not a lead- ing campaign, linking up all other campaigns. A Task for Every Member. Therefore organizing our Districts and See- tions properly, we must detail particular ac- tivities to the nuclei and the nuclei assign definite day by day tasks for each and every member, for which he must be held responsible. The District, Section and Nucleus must check up on all activities at regular periods—prefer- ably every week. i Draw Non-Communists Into Work. To get on the ballot conventions are required in some states. In all districts the Party is , holding conventions whether required by state Jaw or not. | where forces are 1i a ete ee Saily vee Morker ) A By mail "everywhere: One year 8 Unies uare, New York N Sees, eh : x iy s Sentral Organ of the Communist Party of the 0, S.A.~ uae F FOR O ENTER HERE CAMPAIGN forts to draw s athetic non-Communists into the T.U.U.L. and the Party. Particular efforts must be made among the Negro work ers who are showing growing faith in th Party. Outside larger cities where the Section Com- mittees are conducting the campaign work, we must try to set up committees of sympathetic workers who will carry on the work. Merely to collect signatures withont organization— campaign committees, shop committees, U.L. groups, Party recruits—although fru ful for our campaig n that it enables us to get on the ballot—is a decided organizational failure of great political importance. The Shop—Our Basis. How shall the campaign be conducted? There remains in our Pz 6 a wire extent oppc tunism in practice in the election work—an- other remnant of social democracy. The social- ist party is organized for the purpose and on the basis only of election campaigns. Their work is concentrated in the districts in which they put up candidates. Street corner and hall meetings are their method. Our concentration point is the shop and union and that must predominate in the coming election campaign —with special stress on the shop. In every shop with a shop committee, one its main ta: must be campaign work, Where there is none, an election campaign committee composed of all militant workers must be formed. Shop gate meetings must be our strong point. Shop papers must be regularly by the Party. The Daily Worker must be sold, leaflets be distributed, ete. Although we should also conduct street ral- lies and hall meetings, these must be snbordin- ate to our main task of rallying the workers in the shops in an organized manner. Street corner rallies must also be arranged supple- mentary to the shop work. At places, however, ited all activity should be concentrated on the shops. Build Eleetion Machinery. To go into the election campaign without the Party machinery organized, without ex- plaining to the sections, nuclei and members | the significance of the election campaign— In both cases, the Party must | make the convention a real mobilization—not | merely of delegates from Party units, the revo- ?lutionary unions and fraternal organizations, -but directly from groups of workers in the «shops, from. A. F. of L. unions, etc. These feonventions must not merely talk, but create real committees for carrying on the campaign. One of the tests of our work will be our ability to draw non-Party elements actively into cam- paign work. Build Party and T. U. U. L. In states where signatures must be collected, this work must be done in a Comniunist man- ner, linking it up with propaganda, with ef- which is underestimated by the Party member+ ship—explaining the tasks and laying them down, signifies to attempt to organize the masses without the machinery with which to do it. There must be regular organizational contact between the district and section, sec- tion and nuclei. No lengthy instructions but personal contact. Conferences of district, sec- tion and uncleus campaign managers, of chair- men, of union campaign managers, of shop election campaign managers. This must be our method of check up and control. Election This Year Very Important. There will probably be an inclination to re- gard the time of four months till election day as abondant, and to take matters easy. This must not be allowed. The election campaign this year is of tremendous importance to the Party. It will enable us to capitalize organ- izationally in building up the Party, T.U.U.L. and our other revolutionary organizations; in mobilizing the workers for the struggle; in piling up a vote and support for the Party which will be an answer to the attempts to outlaw the Party in the South, California, Pennsylvania, ete.—and through the Fish in- vestigating committee throughout the country. Same Tasks for Y. C. L. What has been said about the Party applies also to the Young Communist League which | should have joint committees with the Party— from top to bottom, and which should conduct activities jointly with the Party and separately, this requiring from case to case. To accomplish these results, our slogans must be: Organize the election campaign! Organize the Party and Young Communist League forces at once! On to work! Who's Who in Bolivia By ARMANDO GUERRA. eee we await news direct from Bolivia, explaining the present armed struggle, the scope and meaning of which is certainly misrepresented by the capitalist press, we give the following general explana- tion concerning the present struggle. Arising from a student strike that broke out about two months ago, a Strike Committee was formed composed of three students and two workers, the latter representing the Com- | mittee of Relations (with other bodies) of the trade unions. One of the workers was Chumacero, an In- dian miner of the capital city, La Paz. comrade was a delegate to the Constituent Congress of the Latin American Trade Union Confederation at Montevideo, Uruguay, in May, 1929. He was also a delegate to the first Latin American Communist Conference in Buenos Aires last year. moment there appears in the dispatches a man known as “Blanco,” one of the other dele- gates at Montevideo and at present occupying the post of General Secretary of the Bolivian Federation of Labor, affiliated to the Latin American Trade Union Confederation. Reberte HinoJosa, mentioned to the reverts, was in 1927 a consul of Bolivia in Rio de Sssielro, during the time Abdulio Saavedra, ageix of Britisn imperialism, was in pewer in Bolivia. Because of attacks made against Hinojosa for attacking Yankee imperialism in order to defend British imperialism, he re- signed his post (declaring to the Brazilian Communists that he had not previously under- stood the anti-imperialist struggle from the Communist viewpoint). He joined the Anti- Imperialist League and affiliated as a mem- ber of the Communist Party of Bolivia, only then being formed. When in December, 1927, a Students’ Dele- gation from Argentina, Brazil and Paraguay went to Bolivia to protest among workers and Indians, against the tyranny of the dictator Hernando Siles, Hinojosa was expelled from Bolivia with the others. Deported to Argentina, he made a campaign both British and Yankee imperialism s gained the interest of the whole-country. two months ago he declared his loy- the Communist International in a After the student demonstyations in Bolivia, ‘above noted, came a angered strike. General “ This | At the present | Kundt, a technical military - instructor from Germany, acting at present as Minister of War, by order really of Siles who had “re- signed” as a maneuver in the elections in or- der to be re-elected “legally,” but who was really governing through an “illegal” ar- rangement with his cabinet, massacred 34 (so many are admitted) workers and students in a demonstration carried out in La Paz during the strike. Oruro, mentioned in the dispatches, is the capital of the province of the same name. In Oruro there exists a rebel force distinct from the really revolutionary forces of workers, peasants and students. This Oruro militarist group supports the candidature of Bautista Saavedra, a brother of the exiled former vice president, Abdulio Saavedra, an agent of Bri- tish imperialist interests. ‘ But these militarist rebels are localized only in Oruro, meanwhile the leaders of the revo- lutionary forces, Blanco, Chumacero, Hinojosa, hold the three largest states of the republic. Due to the deliberate obscurity of the capi- talist press (and even the chief agency of this, the Associated Press, declares the Bolivian capital is cut off from the outside world), we await authentic news from the South Ameri- can Secretariat of the Communist Internation- al on the details of the Holivian events. which must interest all workers in the United States. Siles, said to be seeking refuge in flight from the country, was an agent of American imperialism, taking orders from a “financial commission” of the Dillon Read Bank of New York approved by the Washington govern- ment. The “opposition” movement in Oruro represents a militarist force supporting under the mask of “nationalism” the interests of Great Britain. We await confirmation and details of the apparent struggle of a third force, the insurrection of workers and peas- ants of Bolivia, which may herald other move- mers of the same kind in Latin America. J> La Paz, the capital, the government f and the revolutionaries are fighting in { zets at the moment this is written. Demand the release of Fos- ter, Minor, Amter and Kay- mond, in prison for fighting for unemployment insurance. sued | ize into the revolutionary Ty 0 Trade cagrenmany VEE SUBSCRIPTION .RATES: $6; six months $3; two months $1; Sos tian and Bronx, New York Gity, and foreign, which are: One year $8; Boroughs of fx months $4.50 2 rade Unions, under the leadership of the nion Unity League, to fight waze-cuts, speed-up and unemployment. --By FRED ELLIS By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL. | ight for the lives of the six workers | | * facing the electric ch Atlanta, Georgia, enters a new pb Just as in year ago, in the fa of labor, so in Atl lynchers feel the pres: Atlan hi a as great and grave a danger for the working In the Gas. tonia struggle, the protest subsisted when it became certain that the sixteen strikers and organizers of the National Textile Workers Union had been saved from the electric chair of the mill owners and their Manville-Jenckes leadership. It b courts operating in Meck! under the directicn of the suave and cultured Judge Barnhill to impose liv death s talling to 117; mprisonment, 0 . en Gastonia prisoners. These practical death sentences are now on appeal to the “North Carolina state supreme courts and before the American and the international working The death threats of the Atlanta lynchers, however, must be defeated completely by the aroused toiling masses. No death sentences! Not even prison sentences! Do not be misled by the fact that the ar- rogant Assistant Solicitor General John Hud- | son, who threatens y the electric chair ev militant worker coming into Georgia, hesitates in pushing for immediate trials of M. H. Pow- ers, Joseph Carr, Ann Burlak, Herbert Newton, Henry Story and Mary Dalto More workers were sent to “the chair” in Georgia last year than were done to death by capitalist class justice in the executioners’ chambers of any other state in the nation. These were all Ne- gro workers. The prosecutor, Hudson, who has issued his warning to all militant labor organizers “study the excellent laws of Georgia” (for the ruling class), thought he had “a perfect case” in the fact that he had been able to arrest Ann Burlak, the organizer of the International Labor Defense, and Mary Da i 1 Textile Wor meeting of the American Congress at which the to worker, Story, was the chairman, and Herbert Newton, the organizer of the A.N.L.C. was speaking Negro bor when the police attack took place. Hudsen had forgotten the concession wrung from “Southern chivalry” in the Gastonia case that, “We do not fry women in North Carolina.” Hudson demanded that the death-dealing electrie cur: rent be shot through the bodies of Ann Bur- lak and Mary Dalton, as well as the Negro and white workers, Newton, Story, Powers and Carr. This is still the demand of Georgia lynch law “justice” speaking through its pros- ecutor, Hudson, who carefully mobilizes every possible bit of Southern ruling class prejudice, studies all militant working class literature for seditious phrases and insurrectionary ut- terances, while the Ku Klux Klan, that has its home offices in Atlanta, does its part to | whip into action the lynching fever again the growing unity of Negro and white worker in the South. Hudson still believes he has his “perfect case” against the audacity of Negro white workers meeting together and plan- @ unite action, the basis of the capital of- fense of “attempting to incite insurrection” and “distributing insurrectionary literature.” This remains a struggle against death sen- tences. The Atlanta courts at first demanded that the prisoners be held in the infamous Fulton Tower Prison without bail. Here these work- ers are submitted to the worst persecutions. Joseph Carr, the 19-year-old West Virginia coal miner, was put in a death cell on “Mur- derers’ Row,” and kept there in spite of all protests. The court evidently believed that. young Carr’s spirit could be broken through grim association with three convicted slayers already awaiting their day of doom, and with alleged killers facing trial for murder. Twice have I penetrated with great diffi- culty to the dungeons of this Georgia bastille. The two Negroes, Newton and Story, were not only isolated from the white, but also from the prisoners of their own race. A “blind door” shuts off their cell from the other cell blocks. Reports received state that even food sent in to them by the International Labor Defense conveniently disappears. Powers is kept by himself. Ann Burlak and Mary Dalton are denied even the meager priv- No Death Sentences! No Prison Sentences! ileges allowed the other women prisoners. Lit- erature is not allowed the prisoners, even the New York Times and the Saturday Evening Post being denied them. They are held incom- municado, not being allowed to receive visitors according to the usual prison rules. It was under the cutting lash of this barbarous prison regime that Atlanta lynch law justice planned to hold the prisoners until the court machinery had turned out its death, they had been made ready for the electric chair. But let no one be deceived by the apparent retreat of the capitalist court in finally agreeing to fix bail. Originally $10,000 was demanded for each pris- oner. This (0,000 in all, an impossible sum. The International Labor Defense fought for a reduction in this huge ransom, pointing out it meant no bail at all for workers. At this writing bail has been fixed at $10,000 each for Powers and Carr, $4,000 each for Burlak, Newton and Dalton, and $1,000 for Story. This amount totals $33,000. The International La- bor Defense fights to have this amount still further reduced. The capitalist court knows that labor in Georgia is propertyless, the ex- cessive bail means no bail for workers. This apparent change of front on the part of the courts must not be misconstrued. Let it only be an urge to greater protest by all labor against the proposed death sentences, not a lessening of the struggle. The militancy of Georgia’s working masses in this crucial situation is reflected in the ac- tion taken by even the Atlanta Federation of Trades, and by its official organ, the Journal of Labor, edited by Jerome Jones, in hypo- critically demanding “a fair trial” for the pris- oner Thus these agencies of the American eration of Labor try to create the illusion before the masses that “a fair trial” is pos- sible in Georgia, thus hoping to maintain the fiction of “fairness” for the courts of the boss class in the state where lynching and the chain gang are the favored instruments of oppres- sion, Workers know that it is impossible to secure justice in the courts of the boss class. They ave probably fewer illusions about “the, law” in the South than anywhere else in the nation. They will not be fooled by appeals to the “fair- ness” of the courts, whether it is made by leading A. F. of L. officials, fearing for the growing resistance by the oppressed masses to capitalist law and order,” by some section of the capitalist press, or by liberals, whether college professors, churchmen or other middle class elements. Workers remember the whole liberal clamor in the Gastonia case over the “fairness” of the judicial harlot, Barnhill, that spread for a time like a paralyzing poison and had to be energetically combatted. The lessons of Gas- tonia will profit the workers in their struggles against the Atlanta persecution. Beneath the smug veneer of the Atlanta Journal of Labor there is to be found the open appeal to violence against all militant workers that appears week- ly in every issue of the Birmingham Labor Advocate, that has already resulted in the dynamiting of the home of the worker, Giglio, in this “Pittsburgh of the South.” Workers will remember that it was A. Steve Nance, President of the Atlanta Federation of Labor, who ordered the arrest of Mary Dalton , when she attempted to ask a question at a mass meeting addressed by President William Green, of the A, F. of L., and who is now revealed as the “assistant secretary” of the grand jury that indicted Dalton, Burlak, Newton and Story. Workers will remember that Louis F. Marquadt, the secretary of the Georgia Federa- tion of Labor, is an “assistant” in the office of the prosecutor, Solicitor General John A. Boykin, whose name is signed to the indict- ment, and in whose office Assistant Solicitor General Hudson prepares the prosecution. Unemployment is increasing in the South, Pellagra—the disease that grows out of mal- nutricion, an alias for starvation—is taking a death toll that mounts continually. Charity —bread lines—are actually being organized in the effort to keep down the discontent of the landless farmers. - The Southern ruling class tries desperately to meet this situation by imprisoning and sending to the electric chair the leading spokes- men of labor. All labor must throw its best efforts into the breach on this important class struggle front. No death sentences for Powers, Carr, Burlak, Newton, Story, Dalton! No prison sentences! Defeat the infamous Gastonia ver- dict and all living death sentences! Release all the class war prisoners! Defeat the lynch- ers! Abolish the chain gang system! Defend the struggles of Southern labor to organize, WAR ON THE NORTH-WEST FRONTIER OF INDIA A Prelude to the War Against the Soviet Union. | By V. CHATTOPADHYAYA Te savage war that is being waged by the MacDonald Government against the inde- pendent tribes of the North-West Frontier of India deserves the closest attention of the workers of the world. European imperialism has conducted a number of such wars during the last twelve years, e. g., the French and Spanish wars against the Moroccans, the French war against the Druses in Syria, the Italian war in Tripoli, the British attack on the Arabs of Palestine and on the Nubar tribes in the Sudan. But the present campaign on | | the North-West Frontier of India is of even | greater importance because of its immediate connection with the coming war that is being planned by British imperialism against the Soviet Union, Wars on that frontier are nothing new in the history of British imperialist aggression. Between 1858 and 1922, according to the Simon Commission’s Report just issued, there have been no less than 72 “military expeditions,” i. e., an average of one war every year, against those freedom-loving tribes, whom British im- perialist propaganda has systematically stig- matised as “wild,” “unruly” and “barbarous,” in order to create moral justification for its wanton attacks on their liberay. As far as the tribes themselves are concerned, they have hitherto successfully resisted every attempt to reduce them to subjection, although regiments recruited from among them have taken part in Britain's wars abroad and they have often made themselves feared during their raids into India by plundering Indian peasants and shop- keepers. But the general revolt of the tribes that is now in progress shows three new character- istics that were entirely absent in previous wars with the British. Firstly, the offensive of the tribes aims at the overthrow of British imperialism altogether and not merely at pre- serving their own liberty. Secondly, the tribes are acting for the first time in solidarity with the Indian masses, as is shown by the com- plete absence of looting and by their armed support of the Indian revolutionaries in Pesha- war, Kohat and other towns of the Panjab frontier. Thirdly, there are for the first time signs of a revolutionary movement among the tribes themselves, as is shown by the organ- ization of their youth in the “Red Shirts.” While this remarkable development is due to their miserable economic condition and to the growing agrarian discontent throughout the North-West, it has undoubtedly been stim- ulated also by the ideological influence exer- cised by the very existence of the Soviet Union, Lie About “Russian Menace.” Before the war, the enormous military and secret service expenditure, the unproductive and costly network of strategic railways in the North-West, the numerous wars and military expeditions against Afghanistan and the in- dependent tribes, were all justified by the Bri- tish imperialists on the ground of the “Rus- sian menace,” i. e., the imperialist expansion of ezarist Russia into India. The clash be- tween the two rival imperialist powers was averted by robber agreements in 1907 re- garding “spheres of influence” in Persia, Afghanistan and Tibet. But war and revolu- tion swept czarist Russia out of existence, and its place has been taken by a free Russia that is a standing warning to all imperialist oppressors and a message of liberty to the op- pressed nations. To this free Russia of the wrokers and peasants, enslaved India is a dan- ger. It is the British menace to Soviet Russia that has to be realized and fought against by the workers of the world, and they must there- fore not only give their most active support to the Indian revolution but make special ef- forts to paralyze the whole military apparatus that is being set in motion on the North- West Frontier. The British imperialists, however, still con- tinue their cry of the “Russian menace,” so as to mobilize support for their war plans among the Indian propertied class. How far this imperialist propaganda has effected the thought of the “educated” Indian is shown by the following statement made by Professor B, G. Sapre in discussing the question of the “defense” of India on the North-West Fron- tier in his recent book on the Indian Constitu- tion: ‘ “The danger of Soviet Bussia beyend Afghanistan is as immineut as ewe. he agents and emissaries of that government have been continually busy and it is diffie cult to foresee what the ultimate consequences will be of their revolutionary and mischievous propaganda.” As a matter of fact, every effort is being made by British imperialism to show that the movement of the tribes has been directly en- gineered by the Soviet Government. The sug- gestion was made in the proclamation of May 12 of the Chief Commissioner of the North- West Frontier Province to the tribal chiefs. And the thought was uppermost in the mind of the Liberal M. P., Dr. Burgin, when in the debate on Soviet Russia on June 6th in the House of Commons he declared: “If Moscow, in spite of being aware of the feeling in the House of Commons and in the country, systematically attempts to spread dis- content among the tribes and the peasants on the North-West Frontier of India, the British Foreign Minister must take steps to find a remedy.” i Pretext For War. It is clear that the “forward school” of im- perialists are seeking a pretext for their war preparations against the Soviet Union, and the present campaign against the tribes has ‘ given them the opportunity of using their Air Force and bombing planes as a training and a rehearsal for the coming war. That the “epoch-making changes” to be in- troduced in the Indian Army by the new com- mander-in-chief, Sir Philip Chetwode, who is succeeding Sir William Birdwood, are directed against Soviet Russia, is frankly asserted by Wilson, formerly editor of the semi-official “Pioneer” of Allahabad and now editor of the “Indian Daily Mail” of Bombay, who is known to have very close connections with authori- tative men in military circles. The new com- mander-in-chief is said to represent a more “modern school” than the retiring chief. He and his staff are of the opinion that “the danger to India (!) from beyond the North- Western Frontier can no longer be met in the old way.” In the issue of April 4th, Wilson writes: “The idea of mobile columns penetrat- ing into the passes and supported with var- ious lines of defense does not find ‘favor with the new type of soldier. The plan which will be put into operation will have as its main feature a flanking base at Karachi, with a light extremely mobile fringe of defense troops on the edge of the passes while the principal method of defense will be an attack on the communications of the enemy in Af- ghanistan and beyond from the air. This is of course assuming that Russia is the enemy.” Practicing Now. In addition to this, arrangements are to be made for efficient gas drilling and for hot- ing gas in large quantities on the Frontier, r, as Wilson writes, “if ever there was a place which could be bottled up with gas, it is the Frontier.” In view of the fact that the, principal weapon employed against the Soviet Union will be at- tacks from the air not only from the Indian frontier with Karachi as the air-base, but from the Western Border States, Finland, Esthonia, Latvia, Poland and Rumania, the present war on the Frontier where hundreds of airplanes have been bombing the tribes with thousands of pounds of explosives is of more than usual significance. The workers of the world and particularly the British workers should hinder the manufacture and transport not only of guns, warships and troops to India, but also of airplanes, airplane payts and gas which are to play so deadly a part in the plan for the destruction of the Workers’ and Peas- ants’ Republic. Reign of Terror in Southern California By WM. SCHNEIDERMAN. IX of our comrades, Clark, Hariuchi, Frick- sen, Spector, Roxas, and Emery, have just started serving their 42-year sentences in the murderous jute-mills of San Quentin and Fol- som prisons, convicted on three counts of the California Criminal Syndicalist law. Follow- ing closely upon their conviction and savage sentences, the Party headquarters in Los An- geles were riaded and demolished, and addi- tional prosecutions loom on charges of “crim- inal syndicalism.” These events, on the background of the Im- perial Valley struggles, the increasing activi- ties and influence of the Party and the T.U. U.L., and the growing prosecutions through- out the state, bring out more sharply than ever the possibility of the Party in California being driven into illegality. The vicious terror let loose by the authorities is directed to this end, particularly, since the Party and T.U.U.L. became active in organizing the agricultural workers and building an Agricultural Workers Industrial League. Such an attempt to outlaw the Party has been, and must be still more, vigorously combatted, not only in territories where the bosses’ attacks appear in their sharpest form, as in the South, in Imperial Valley, and Los Angeles, but by the entire Party and the. working class throughout the country. Only recently a letter came to light written by the chief of police in Los Angeles, declar- ing that all meetings of the Communist Party are in violation of the Criminal Syndicalist law, that even membership in the Party con- stitutes “criminal syndicalism,” and that no Communist meetings would be permitted. This policy has been already put into effect by the police and the Department of Justice by repeated raids on the headquarters of the Par- ty, the T.U.U.L. and various auxiliary organ- to picket, to strike, to build the unity of the Negro and white workers under the Trade Union Unity League and its affiliated or- ganizations. Struggle for the right to legal existence of the Communist Party and all mili- tant labor organizations, th auem and Folsom prisons, ' izations, by attacks on all demonstrations and street meetings, and by a wave of wholesale arrests unequalled anywhere in the U. S. In the past four months, about 250 arrests took place in Los Angeles, These attacks are a part of the general at- tacks on the Party throughout the U. S., but have a special significance as well, in that (1)° issue of organizing the agricultural workers is directly involved; (2) the problem of organ- izing these workers, the majority of whom are of colonial origin (Mexican, Filipino, Chinese and Hindu), is linked up closely with our anti- imperialist work; (3) the linking up of the struggles of these workers with those of the American workers generally must be accom- plished. The present congressional investigation is undoubtedly the prelude to a further drive - against the Party and the revolutionary unions on a national scale. It is imperative that » widespread campaign be developed by the Par~ ty and the I.L.D. on the three outstanding ¢lass war cases, t#e jailing of the Unemployed Dele- gation in New York, the Atlanta case where our comrades face a death sentence, and the -- 42-year sentences handed out in the Valley case. 1, Proetst demonstrations r meetings must be arranged in a number of leading centers throughout the country. 2. The fight against, and for the of, the Criminal Syndicalist, criminal chy, and sedition laws must be initiated as a ofthe — present election campaign, Nie | 8. While guarding against any panicky ten- dencies, the Party must take more sale t the necessity of preparing our apparatus our methods of work against repressive meas- ures. ni Finally, the development of struggles on the Pacific Coast and the vicious attacks on the Party and T.U.U.L. there, require greater at- tention to the west coast on the, part of bes entire Party, and greater support from workers throughout the country, in the campaign to free the latest the class war, our six comrades in and mass ~~ | | 4 y \¢ }