The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 27, 1930, Page 4

~. x Published be the Comprodatiy Publishing Co. Inc, datly except Sunday Page Four Bouare New York City, N. ¥. Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cable aay ce u all checks to the Daily Worker 8 Un Suuare RISING TIDE OF WORLD REVOLUTION By WM. Z. FOSTER. (Written in Jail.) news has piled up ating a great the toiling capitalism. gr F varying de- of development in the various countries, s to take on more sharply the character of a counter-off the whole capi- nifestation of the n and the rapid the proletarian rely in accord of the world t system. It world with the is tremendous , |e the splendid tered from month to workers in building in constructing zing the land 's workers but where. It under- st system and enor- ranks of the world revolutions achiever month by is the vast upheaval in China. The indor se workers and peasants recovered rapidly from the counter-revolution- ary treachery of Chiang Kai-shek, and or- ganizing under the leadership of the Chinese Co ist Party and the Communist Inter- forward to the China’s count- lutionary march. Indian revolution. y not the guns of Ramsay MacDonald government can prevent India’s masses of revolutionary work- ers from finding organization and leadership in the Communist movement nor from strik- ing a mortal blow to British imperialism and its allies, Indian capitalism and feudalism. Even if not yet at so high a stage of struggle, the myriads of Indian producers go rapidly into revolution battle. These great movements in the Soviet Union, in China and in India (to say nothing of the vital struggles in the various colonial coun- tries) show the tremendous volume the world revolutionary movement is now taking on. The vast E counting about half of the human race, is increasingly ablaze with revolt against world imperialism and the whole sy: tem. Sooner, perhaps, than we realize, So- viet China and Soviet India will be solidly united with Soviet Russia in a still greater Soviet Union. Let the capitalists tremble at these awak- ; let the social-fascists lead the F forces against them, let the rene- gades of the Trotsky-Cannon-Lovestone-Brand- ler stripe minimize and slander them—they will nevertheless ge ahead irresistibly in the face of a maze of obstacles. They are begin- ning the writing on the wall for the capitalist system. World capitalism faces ever-sharpening dif- ficulties—economic crises, danger of imperial- ist war, seething colonial revolts, ete.—and its troubles intensify on all sides. Before long it will also have to confront its common enemy, the proletariat in its industrial coun- tries, unshakably determined upon revolution. For the past several years the workers in the industrial countries of Europe and Amer- ica have been relatively quiet, following their unsuccessful post-war struggles, which were betrayed to defeat by the social-democrats. They have distinctly lagged behind the colonial now g Imperial Valley, the largest agricultural the mellon season has arrived, from } Centro and other small towns. ich comprises the Valley— train loads of cantaloupes are being shipped to all parts of the U. S. The mellon season means work to short 13,- 000 workers every year. Mexican, Filipinos, Hindus, Americans, Negroes, fill the pool halls, restaurants and jungles looking for work— thousands are working and thousands are look- ing for work. Those who are working will be able to pay the debts they incurred while waiting for the mellons to ripen. The others will be living on the rejected cantaloupes, which they get from sheds. The Americans are most- ly working in the packing sheds, from four- teen to 18 hours a day; they are making big money and push themselves to the limit, while hundreds are laying around i nthe jungles, living on rotten cantaloupes. The Mexicans, Filipinoes, Hindus, with their families, are working in the field under intense heat—be- tween 100 and 120 in the shade—between 12 and 14 hours a day and longer—and are mak- ing $5 to $6 - day, working piece work, at a tate of 13 to 15 cents a crate—and the foreman is the one that counts the number of crates— and in most of the cases he gyps them out. There is no drinking water in the fields. The workers are forced to drink water from the irrigation ditches. Many of the wokers are dying in the fields due to intense heat and rot- ten conditions. 3 In Brawley alone, between four and five thousand workers and their families exist clostered together in tin and wooden shacks, tents or anything to shelter themselves, have lived year in and year out with no chance for bettering their conditions. They are segregat- ed in what is called “Mexican town.” Their whole life is like the Negroes in the South. They are parked together in those areas like sheep in a stock car, families of six and seven living in one room, evil smelling, stinking kerosine lamps and stoves, no bathing facili- ties, no toilets. And in that intense heat which prevails in the Valley, the workers are forced under these rotten conditions to slave their lives away. Last winter the conditions got so bad, that the workers couldn't stand it any longer. All over the Valley a spontaneous strike broke out against the rotten conditions, but the workers were unorganized and without the right leadership. The Mexican Mutual Aid Association, headed by the reformist leader- shin from the CROM, working hand in hand with the fruit growers association, succeeded in breoking the strike and made the workers »back te work under a jjtions. Bs center in the w ‘nion Unity Lea, Jt was countries, but now they begin to awaken and to go into action. Many related factors are now bringing about the radicalization and or- : ion of the workers in these lands. The most basic of these is the world eri at 26-28 Onion DAIWORK.” sew Vouk NOY of capitalism which, as it deepens, radicalizes | class by worsening their living and worki conditions, through unemploy- ment, wage-cuts, speed-up, ete. Secondly, there is the growing disillusionment of the workers regarding the “revolutionary” pre- tensions of the socialist parties, which as they get into power, thoroughly expose their capi- talist character. The British labor government is doing marvels in this direction—and which tends rapidly to weaken the powerful and deadly influence they have wielded for two generations upon the workers through their political organizations, unions, cooperatives, ete. A further tremendous factor in arousing the proletariat in these countries is the very rapid growth of soci: m in the Soviet Union, iking object lesson which comes as a ry inspiration to the workers, and finally, there is the growth of the Communist Inter- national and its parties in the various coun- tries which are giving real organization and leadership to the workers. All these great forces are irresistibly draw- ing the masses of workers in the industrial countries into struggle against the capitalist | class. Before long world capitalism will con- { front not only the victorious Soviet Union and the vast upheavals in the colonial countries, but also a militantly revolutionary proletariat in the imperialist home-lands, Then the de- caying world capitalist system, d efforts of the capitalists and sc prop it up, will indeed begin to totter pre- paratory to its overthrow. We live in great times, in the period of the breakdown of the capitalis and the be- ginning of socialism. And we, living in the the work social drama. The great task of our Party is | at the very heart of world capitalism, Amer- | ican imperialism. | The situation becomes increasingly favor- able for our Party’s work of organization, edu- cation and leadership. American capitalism goes deeper and deeper into crisis, disillusion- ing millions of workers and poor farmers and worsening their conditions. These toilers will follow our revolutionary lead provided we know how to make our first approach to them through the T.U.U.L., revolutionary unions and other mass organizations on the basis of struggle for their pressing demands. Histor- ically important was the great March 6th demonstration, with 1,250,000 workers openly accepting Communist leadership. It was a | signal of the coming mass organization and leadership of our Party. Now is the time for every class conscious worker to join the Communist Party. The per- jod immediately ahead of us, with an intensi- fication of the crisis, the further swelling of the huge army of the unemployed, the whole- sale slashing of wages, etc., will be one of keenly sharpening class struggles. In these fights, our Party, confronted with the hostile triple alliances of employers, government, and treacherous union and socialist leaders, will need the active support of every militant worker. Let the workers in this country do their full share to further the world attack against capitalism now developing rapidly under the leadership of the Communist Inter- national. late in coming into the strike field, played a part in that strike. It gained the confidence _amongst some pf the workers and to some extent the leadership of the strike among the Philipinos. A month later, about one thousand | Shed_workers (Americans) struck under the | leadership of the A. F. of L. The strike was | /led in a typical A. F. of L, way. Workers were | told to stay home or in the pool halls, no | mass picketing was done, while the scabs were working in the sheds, with the result that the | strike was lost once more, due to the treach- erous policy of the A. F. of L. and the rest of | the misleaders in the Valley. Since than the T.U.U.L. has been in the field organizing the workers in the Agricultural Workers Indus- trial League and preparing for a general strike in the cantalope season. A union hall was opened in Brawley, mass meetings were held, some farm committees established and our organization work went ahead very rap- idly. The fruit growers noted the growing power of the A.W.I.L. in the Valley and were determined to stop the organized power of the workers. With the aid of stool pigeons, which have penetrated the A.W.LL, they have ar- rested 100 workers. Eleven of them were placed on $15,000 bail, charged with criminal syndi- calism, but this did not stop the work of the A.W.LL. New organizers were sent in and with more vigor and determination to organize— the organization in the Valley proceeded. While the A.W.LL. can register many gains in the organization drive, yet it is absolutely neces- sary to analyze our shortcomings, this will guide us in our future work, 1, Although our orientation for a strike during the cantalope season was correct, the comrades were hasty in talking about dates for calling a strike, without adequate prepara- tions. They were influenced too much by the possibility of a spontaneons strike, and they based their preparations on the idea “that the workers will strike anyway.” 2, We did not study accurately enough the conditions and the movement of the cantalope crop so that we could hit the bosses harder at the opportune time. (Several dates were pro- posed due to lack of understanding of condi- tions in the Valley.) 3. Not sufficient study was made of strat- egy in an agricultural strike which due to area, migratory workers, seasonal work, etc. en- volves a different approach. 4.—We did not establish an underground ap- paratus to take care of the organization dur- ing an attack, which proved disastrous after the arrest of the leadership of the A.W.LL. 5. Not sufficient attention was paid to the tenant farmers who are, in itm eof strike, used by the bosses as strikebreakers, sherrifs, etc. 6. Not sufficient preparations were made oe | y to mobilize our huge working class, together | with the poor farmers, to strike a mortal blow | U. S., have a vital role to play in this vast | Daily > Central Organ ot the Cooma: On to the July 4th Unemployed Convention! eI oe Rn eR Social Fascist Leaders of Workers Gymnastic and Sport Alliance By WALTER BURKE. ACCORDING to the report printed in the June 14th issue of the New Leader, the socialis party held a “labor sports parley” on June 7. where they discussed the building of a“labor” sports organization. The purpose of the con ference as stated by Louis Stanley, who is in charge of cultural and sports activities of the socialist party, was, “to bring together or- ganizations and individuals engaging in labor sports so that they might arrive at a common basis of action.” Among those present at this conference were Emil Hertzog and Karl Keinath secretary and chairman, respectively, of the Workers Gymnastic and Sport Aliance. What is this “common basis of action,” for which the social fascists gathered? To unite with the bourgeoisie in a struggle against the Labor Sports Union of America, a section of the Red Sports International, and the revolu- tionary opposition within the Alliance. The socialist party, through its agents in | the social fascist party, wants to divert the the workers sports movement, endeavored to unite its few scattered sport clubs last January at the convention of the Workers Gymnastic and Sport Alliance, by sending there their rep- mea cneroe me Worker Mavhet | —By FRED ELLIS resentative, a renegade from the Labor Sports | Union of America, R. G. Palm, member of the Chicago district committee of the socialist | party. But their scheme was frustrated by the fact that the worker delegates at this con- vention were informed in time of the trick which their leaders intended to pull off on them. Palm was there representing the non- existant Labor Sports Union of United State: an organization formed in opposition to the Labor Sports Union of America, section of Red Sports International. Failing in this attempt to consolidate their forces, the social fascist leaders of the Work ers Gymnastic and Sport Alliance decided to call another convention this August where they will again make an attempt to force the Work- ers Gymnastic and Sport Alliance to join the Palm “Labor Sports Union” of the United States. In order to prepare against the eventuality of being in the minor'ty at this convention, th socialist party is organizing for “common basi of action”—th> building up of an apparatus for the establishment of an open social fascist sports movement in the United States. The membership of the Workers Gymnastic and Sport -illiance consists mostly of German in the fields and in the sheds. Concentration was mostly on the towns. 1. considering their abilities and capabilities. The result was that some of them were absolutely useless. 8. Not quick enough response from the T.U.U.L. to the comrades in the field. 9. Considering discussion of the issue of a strike call two weeks ahead of the time it | was called, this gave the fruit growers and the state ample time to prepare to break the | strike. 10, The calling of a political strike to re- lease the comrades in jail would have proved a disastrous move for the T.U.U.L. and the Party. 11. Proposition to call a strike at the date of the trial (by the writer) losing sight of the entire objective situation which prevailed in the Valley at that time. The lessons in Imperial Valley must serve us as a guide for our future work in organ- izing the agricultural workers not only in the Imperial Valley, but all over the country. And with the proper guidance of the T.U.U.L, and revolutionary self-criticism we will build a strong A.W.LI ¥ workers, many of them former members of the Red Front and other revolutionary organ- izations in Germany. Until the present econ- s they were content with their social- | vist leadership which provided them with sports for sports sake. But the crisis has also affected them, with the result that many of them are unemployed, the wages of those still working are being reduced, ete. This is fore- ing them into a position of struggle for the defense of their interests. Consequently they are demanding not only sports, but also to take part in the every day struggles of the workers in economic and political life. With this process of radicalization taking place among them, the members are demand- ing a revolutionary leadership and sports con- nection with the Labor Sports Union of Amer- ica. But the leadership of the Workers Gymnastic and Sport Alliance, being part.and parcel of revolutionary energies of these workers into harmless channels. It hopes to do this better with the official support of the socialist party. But it will fail asthe members are seeing more cle: ach day the social fascist face of their leaders, and they will throw them into the discard where they belong. i The tasks of the revolutionary workers with- in the Alliance now is to consolidate their op- position ranks; explain clearer to all the work- er-members of the alliance the significance and meaning of this maneuver on the part of their leaders; to use this case as an example of the fact that the Workers Gymnastie and Sport Alliance is no more an independent sport organization but an organization of the social- ist party. They must explain to these workers the connection between the present acts of their leadership and the mass expulsions of the revolutionary workers sportsmen from the Lu- cerne sections, particularly of the German sec- tion. Tuey must also point out the connection | between this social fascist disruption of the workers sports movement and the danger of an imperialist attack upon the Soviet Union. _ The only workers sports organization in the United States that follows a real militant working class line in sports is the Labor Sports Union of America. All worker sportsmen should belong to this organization of class struggle in st orts. Down with the social fascist disrupters of the workers sports movement! Forward to a united workers sports move- & | t throughout the world under the 1 Many comrades were sent into the fields | 7) eas Ba just because they were willing to go, without | shin ot the Red Sports Internbtionall Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A, | 43 Kast 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to foin the Commu- nist Party, Send me more information, Name Pere eee Serre ee rer teers seeeeeeuueees Ulty. cecceees Address ..++. Occupation ...cccccecscnccccccves ARC. ssues Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St.. New York, N. ¥- By mail everywhere: One year $v ian and Bronx. New York } the business trend. SUBSCRIPTION RAT months $3: two onths $1; excepting Boroughs of y, and foreign, which are; One year $8; six months $4.60 \t \\ CHARITY AND By I. AMTER. (Written in Jail.) EONARD P, AYRES, vice president of the nd Trust Company, and a recog- nized He paints a bright picture of the future, and admits, “there i@not much statistical evidence of improvement, but there are some symptoms of betterment which are hopeful.” (We wonder if Ayres has read of innumerable cases of starvation.) Ayres admits that “reliable (from capital- ist standpoint—I. A.) indexes of industry show that industry during December, January, February and March remained at 8 or 9 per cent below its theoretical normal.” He further admits that easy credit of itself will not cause business to improve. That is | at least one admission borne out by correct theory and fact, for credit has been easy dur- ing these months and yet there is not only not much evidence of improvement, but on the contrary, the situation is becoming more acute. Farm Federation Board Demands Reduction. The Farm Federation Board demands that | agricultural production be reduced 20 per cent, since even today there is a surplus of grain not only on the American but also the international market. Wheat and corn are de- clining in price. The reasons are obvious— over-production on a universal scale and pov- erty of the masses. Cotton is overproduced. With the consumption of cotton during the first quarter 362,000 bales behind last year, with only 28,898,464 spindles operating as against 31,102,784 in 1929, it is obvious that the decline in cotton manufacture in the United States and throughout the world is having a serious repercussion. There are some basic indications, which, when taken together with steel, auto, build- ing construction, demonstrate how justified capitalist economists are in being “optimistic” and Hoover in stating on April 14 in his ad- dress before the Daughters of the American Revolution such bunk as “there is showered upon us as a people the blessings of general well-being.” On the other hand, the National Unemploy- ment League, a bourgeois organization, de- clares that conditions today have improved but little, if any, since October. The League ad- mits that there is a minimum of 6,600,000 un- employed. Truly these people should be put on the Pope’s Index, on the outcast, disloyal list of the Daughters of the American Revolu- tion! We should also suggest that the Vet- erans of the Foreign Wars and the police dem- onstrate in front of their headquarters at 420 Madison Ave., New York City, on May Day. What does the National Unemployment League recommend and propose to do with the 6,600,000 unemployed, who actually number 8,000,000, according to calculations based upon the present census? It is true it does not see the rosy picture of Colonel Ayres, but charac- terizes the situation as “acute and menacing.” Unemployment Sunday. The National Unemployment League pro- poses an “Unemployment Sunday” on April 27. The church is to be the chief battle field— so reminiscent of March 16, when American nlist economist, is optimistic about | UNEMPLOYED Protestant Churches and Jewish synagogues | prayed for the soul of Bolshevik Russia! The | League asks that resolutions be passed at churches and meetings on that day appealing | to President Hoover to start public works— after Hoover spoke about the “blessings of well-being!” Whom does the National Unemployment League wish to enlist in this work? The church, governors of 48 states, mayors of 250 principal cities, chambers of commerce, social | welfare bodies, civie groups, prominent citi- zens and labor and industrial organizations. This sounds familiar. Last November, these people—including labor organizations repre- sented by the fascist leaders of the American Federation of Labor, Green and others went | to Washington at the call of Hoover and | formed the>National Business Council with its | “labor” appendage. This council took charge | of the unemployment situation and then de- | nied the existence of serious unemployment, as did Hoover on April 14th, in his speech be- fore the D. A. R. Later it is true, the fascist Green stated before a Senate Commission that there are | 8,750,000 unemployed and there must be re- lief for them or revolution! All this sham for a very good reason. Just as these same people—the imperialist govern- ment and the fascists—used the church on March 16th to “frighten” the Soviet govern- ment in its campaign to liquidate the kulak and bring enlightenment to the masses on re- ligion, they plan to “frighten” the masses from the leadership of the Communist Party and the Trade Union Unity League. In vain! Since October, all these people have shown their attitude regarding Work or Wages for the unemployed, reduction of hours and improving the conditions of the employed. They have disregarded the unemployed, call- ing them “seasonly unemployed.” They have wantonly cut wages and worsened conditions for the employed—despite their “pledge” to Hoover. They have done this with the support of the fascist leadership of the A. F. of L., who | pledged to conduct no movement for wage in- | creases; with the support of the social-fascist socialist party and Musteites, who looked to Hoover te tackle the situation; with the sup- port of the renegade Lovestone'.s and Trot- skyites, who have openly acted as police agents against every militant action of the unem- ployed and employed workers led by the Com~- munist Party and Trade Union Unity League. March 6, International Unemployment Day, placed the question of Work or Wages, Unem- ployment Insurance, 7-hour day, 5-day week, struggle against imperialist war preparations and for defense of the Soviet Union, squarely before the masses, and in the United States they rallied 1,250,000 strong to the call of the Communist Party and the Trade Union Unity League. What does the National Unemployment League propose to do on “Unemployment Sun- day,” April 27th? It proposes to “appeal” for funds to replenish the depleted treasuries of “charitable agencies” and to appeal to Hoover. Significance of Imperial Valley ase By REGGIE CARSON. HE nine workers, section and field organ- izers for the Party, T.U.U.L.; and A.W.LL., on trial in El Centro on charges of Criminal Syndicalism were sentenced this week to 42 years each in San Quentin and Folsom. Bail has been denied these workers and hey are al- ready serving time in the “big house.” The crime for which they shall now pay with a sentence equal to “life” is that of organizing and leading the agricultural laborers of Imper- ial Valley in their struggle against wage-cuts, for better conditions, against the contract sys- tem, and against child labor. The Imperial Valley trial and its result is of major importance to our Party as a whole and to California in particular. The proceduze at the trial, the verdict, the sentence and the refusal of bail, is directly and clearly a “warn- ing” to the revolutionary movement of the country and especially of the state that the boss class is out to persecute and crush, if he can, every attempt at organization and militant activity. It is not these nine individual work- ers who have been on trial these three weeks and have been found guilty, but it is the Com- munist Party, the T.U.U.L., and all revolu-; tionary organizations that have been tried in the capitalist courts of California and have been meted out the verdict of “guilty.” Owners Fear the T. U. U. L. The vegetable and fruit growers of Imperial Valley and the finance capitalists of California as a whole fear the growing prestige and in- fluence of the Party and T.U.U.L. and hope by persecution to crush it, The Party in California now is facing the situation where it finds itself being forced un- derground, The resurrection of the Criminal Syndicalism law at this time—after being prac- tically obsolete for these many years since the world war—is a definite beginning of a vicious campaign against the entire Party. Los Angeles has always had the police in- terference and persecution to reckon with but never to such an extent as at present. With the Imperial Valley verdict as a precedent, we may now expect the widespread use of the C. S. law to convict to 14 years or more any worker who admits membership in the Party, is found with “seditious” literature (the Daily Worker, etc.), or who puts up a militant sf gle against existing working conditions, etc., etc. Mass raids and arrests with brief trials, hasty convictions and no bail will now be the regular procedure. The ferocious persecution here in Los An- geles is an integral part of the intensified at- tack against the entire American working class as is seen in the mass arrests and convictions all over the country. This complete.disregard of even a pretense at “American justice” and workers’ “rights” and the very decisive and crude manner of dealing with militant. workers (Gastonia, N. Y¥. Unemployed Delegation, Powers and Carr, Imperial Valley, etc.) is a, significant result of the present economic and Political of Bee of capitalism, j And in the situation of worsening crisis, mass unemployment, preparations for war, etc., the workers are becoming radicalized. They are meeting the offensive of the bosses with an effective counter-offensive. They are learning the importance of united mass action. The Commtnist Party and T.U.U.L. are guiding this revolutionary force into effective struggle. The Party co-ordinates and leads the activities of all workers’ organizations and centralizes the workers’ struggle into an organized strug- gle against the entire capitalist system and its defensive body—the state. Capitalists Attempt to Intimidate Leaders. The capitalist class, realizing its inability to solve the situation, and also recognizing the growing revolutionary mood of the American workers, attempts, by force and intimida- tion of the leaders to frighten the workers into submission. But the working class—ex- ploited and persecuted—meets blow with blow. And it is for this time that our Party must prepare. Internally, through an intensified process of bolshevization and a tightening of the Party’s disciplinary apparatus, and ex- ternally through rooting into the basic indus- tries, can the Party prepare to carry out its role of being leader and organizer of the toil- ing masses. Just as Gastonia, the case and the defend- ants, has come to symbolize to the American revolutionary movement the rooting of the Party in the South; just as it signifies the “crossing of the Mason-Dixon line” and the radicalization of the exploited Negroes; just as it has succeeded in bringing Negroes and whites together in the coming struggle, so does the Imperial Valley case and the nine convicted workers now serving 42 years stand out in the struggles of the American working class with great significance. We can record the rooting of the Party in one of the nation’s most basic industries—agri- culture and among one of the most exploited and discriminated against sections of the work- ing class—the Mexicans, In the Imperial Val- ley where there are thousands of Mexicans, Japanese, Hindu, Filipino, and American work- ers working and struggling together against the great agricultural and railroad trusts the Party has great tasks to perform. Conviction Symbol of Class Struggle, The conviction of these nine workers sym bolizes the sharpening of the class struggle; and the extent of the increased persecution by» the State. The use of the C. S. law at this time is of great political’ significance to Party and to the American working class as a whole, States which have dormant C, S. laws, on their books will now begin to use i States which have no such vicious law, as yet, will sory shortly pass them. We are facing the beginning of a vicious drive to force the entire Party underground/and to attempt to completely annihilate it. Only intensified activity, a strengthening of our ranks and the mobilization of the entire working class can crush this attack of the ruling class. j