The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 26, 1930, Page 4

SCRIPTION RATES! 23 Union Worker aily 2 ily Publishing Co., Inc., Gatly except Sunday, at % y 1 18 er than a year ago. portation, anc successfully see! twice as high as last y ures of the number of wor Page F Published by the Comproda 1 ent Sun: 26-28 Unte 3 age Four Souare. New York City elephun Vesant 1898-7-8. Cable: “DAIWORK." By mail everywhere: One vest $0, six mouths $2: two months $1; excepting Boroughs of Address ane mail @ ecks te the Daily Worker 26-28 Unian Sonare New York NY ae : Ma tocvan and Bronx New smu City and foreign which are: Ope vear $8: xix months $4.60 Central Oran ob the Commusist fares ai the tos A ’ r T YA TTS Pe Re crt ecopee si ( O ww { | By E. G. ) seribed as having their floors completely cov- | ALCUTTA boasts the honor of being “the | ered with sleeping forms and as having in ad- = | second city of the Empire.” Such “honors” | dition, beds hanging from the roof into which NEMPLOYMENT in New \« the “ric es already published for a few New usually have to be paid for, and the Calcutta | people were crowded for whom there was no ite dni the vichest nation of the world in the recent unemployment | workers pay for it by the most fearful ov ; room on the floor. One instance was quoted eantinne: Optimistic ¢ ee Ses show an unprecedented number out of crowding—overcrowding which directly causes | of “a room 15 by 12 feet, in which no less than Ree Syhyiors’ dikcoritent Kolnedives For six of the city’s 23 assembly dis- the death of thousands every year. Calcutta | six families were living—making in all no less little. » total reported as unemployed was has still another “honor’—an “honor” which | than thirty persons, including children. Three Tw almost every 5 his was 5.47 per cent of all persons it never has to yield except to another Indian | out of the women were expecting shortly Gh gGtkers apoiyn caunted in’ thesextiatricts: “Thertipure sisted city, such as Bombay, Madras, ete.—the honor | to be delivered, and the district nurse pointed at the state public emp nitted to be “unusually high.” “On the same of having the highest death rate of any city | out a space three feet by four which was applying fox every 100 jobs available are: Ind Apr., 1929 Agriculture ee hs) Building and construction.178 Casual workers Common labor Clerical . ees Dom. and personal service Hotels, restaurants . Manufacturing . Transportation: . Trade . Miscellaneous Total + tee 1 On the last day of April, conditions in the state were so bad that Governor Roosevelt was forced to admit, in a letter to Se of Commerce Lamont: “There is now more than the usual unem- ployment in New York State, and such indi- cations as we have are to the effect that such unemployment has increased rather than di- minished since the middle of January.” Spring has failed to bring the much herald- ed increase in building operations. Estimated cost of new building projects in the 23 lead- ing cities of the state amounted to only $155,- 000,000 for the first four months of this year, compared with $656,000,000 for the same months last year and $433,000,000 the year before. This is a drop of more than 75 per cent below last year, and nearly 60 per cent below 1928. The drop in building operation: sharply reflected in the suffering of building trades workers. In February from 40 to 50 per cent of the 115,000 building trades mechanics in New York City were idle. Adding to these the unemployed helpers and auxiliary worker: tary the actual number of jobless building workers | in New York was nearly 70,000. C. G. Norman, head of the governors of the Building Trades | Employers’ Association, said toward the end | of February: “In 1921 there was not more than 20 per cent unemployment. The present slump fs much greater than that. It is almost as bad as 1913, when between 50 and 60 per cent of the mechanics were looking for work.” About the same time the secretary of the Albany A. F. of L. carpenters’ district council de- clared: “Our men are 30 per cent unemployed. There is no building of homes whatesoever. If it weren't for the few office and public buildings now going up, we could all fold our tents and quit for the winter.” Factory Employment Slipping. Factory employment, the mainstay of one- third of the 3,500,000 wage earners in the state, is steadily slipping. It has decreased American capitalism was crumbling. In April, the latest month for which the figures have been published, the index of factory employ- | ment in New York stood at 89.8. This is even below the low figure of July, 1928. Comparing | this year with last year, the index numbers | Month 1929 1930 January . -94.8 92.1 February 97.4 91.6 March . -99.2 91.4 April .. 98.7 89.8 The high degree of unemployment among tlerical workers has already been mentioned. Emphasizing this point is the statement of James Gray, of the National Employment Ex- change, in New York City. Said Gray: “Un- employment is especially severe among white collar workers. Demand for men in January, 1930, was 60 per cent of the demand last year.” Vast unemployment among women is also to be noted.. The demand for women, accord- mg to Gray, dropped 50 per cent from last year. A similar story is told by the Wood Employment Service, also in New York: “The office was swamped with applications for some time. It was estimated that there were three times as many applicants as at the same time last year. We have never seen so many girls ooking for jobs.” Food Is Dumped-—Millions Face | wage workers | sion have never been published. Its records, 10 per cent, since the stock market crash of | last October let the whole world know that | ’ declared the reactionary Heral@ Tri- “there would be more than 6,500,000 un- employed in the United States, and more than ” All these figures s underestimations by for capitalism. »f unemployment on the health and New Yorkers are admitted by y and social work organizations in h with conditions. a meeting at the on Guild on We th Street, on June presic of the Guild stated: e effects of unemployment among the population served by the Guild are taxing its yesources to the utmost. They are especially evident in the condition of many people in Chelsea district. Cases of serious illness in which the mother hesitates to call the doc- tor because of the $2 fee are conspicuous. Ef- fects of malnutrition are becoming obvious to Guild workers in weighing and nursing chil- dren.” Private Ownership Reason for Joblessness. The basic reason for the immense wave of joblessness which is now engulfing the Amer- ican workers is the private ownership of the factories, land, and other means of production. Under such conditions, the more machinery is improved, the more unemployment and suffer- ing there is, instead of higher wages and more leisure for the workers. Even Frances Per- ki Commissioner of Labor in New York State, told the House Judiciary Committee in Washington on June 10, “The improvements in machinery which have been going on so rapidly for the last ten years are undoubtedly creating a surplus of skilled labor.” How that surplus of labor grows, along with higher profits for the bosses, is shown by the United States Census of Manufacturers for 1925. Comparing that year with only two years before, the census shows that in New York State the number of factories went down from 38,000 to 33,000, a drop of 5,000. Factory decreased from 1,149,000 to 1,066,000, a drop of 83,000. Wages dropped from $1,580,000,000 to $1,534,000,000, a loss of $46,000,000, But at the same time, the value of the goods. turned out by these fewer work- ers in fewer factories, getting $46,000,000 less wages, increased from $8,913,000,000 to $8,969,- 000,000, or no less than $56,000,000! Where can these workers who are continu- ously pushed out of industry turn, to find out about such jobs as may still be left for them? The state of New York, with 3,500,000 wage workers, maintains only eleven public employ- ment bureaus. Instead, there are hundreds of private job agencies, each seeking to skin the jobless worker before the boss gets a chance to skin him. Findings of Commission Never Published. Last year the Industrial Survey Commission probed into the dealings of these private em- ployment sharks. The findings of the commis- however, teem with examples of vicious prac- tices pursued by the job agents. Many witnesses before the commission tes- tified that after paying fees they had been sent to jobs which they could not fill and for which they had not applied. Others swore that they had been sent to “permanent positions” which turned out to be only temporary. Some were even sent to distant cities for jobs that did not exist. Frequently the wages paid on the job were much lower than the agency had represented, Theft of fees collected in advance for jobs, but not returned when no jobs were found, as the law requires, was also charged against the private agencies. One witness told of hav- ing seen men thrown down the stairs and beaten up when they demanded their money back. The struggle against unemployment and starvation, the demand for work or wages is the central demand of the Communist election platform, Workers! Rally to the struggle against un- employment, speed-up, wage cuts, and the whole system of wage slavery! Vote Commu- nist in the coming elections. ‘A workers’ and farmers’ government, operat- ing the land and the industries collectively, is the only way to end unemployment and the _abuses that go with it. Build the Communist Party. —By FRED ELLIS THE MINERS COME OUT AGAIN England’s Hunger Marchers By FELIX HOLT. iB the early part of 1929 the Communist Party of Great Britain organized a “national hun- ger march on London.” Its purpose was to bring to the attention of the working class of Great Britain the growing unemployment in that country and the inability of the Baldwin conservative government to solve the problem of unemployment. Through the National Un- employed Workers Committee Movement, “Hun- ger Marchers” began from different parts of | Britain, to march to London to present to the government their program of immediate de- mands, and also to arouse the entire working class in support of these demands. Along a half-dozen different routes, through coal fields, through textile sections, through working class towns and hamlets, these Hun- ger Marchers marched militantly and deter minedly, despite the bitter cold and frost of an unusually severe winter and despite the attacks of the’ police and the beating up of the leaders of some of the contingents. They carried the message of Communist organization against unemployment along their routes of march. They received enthusiastic welcomes from rank and file workers, despite the oppo- sition from both the Labor Party. and the trade union officials. The solidarity of the employed workers with the unemployed work- ers made the success of this demonstratior possible. On Feb. 24, 1929, eight hundred Hunger Marchers marched into London and at Trafalgar Square were greeted by over 25,000 London workers in one of the most enthusiastic working class demonstrations ever known there. The Hunger Marchers of 1929 forced the Baldwin government to continue the unemploy- ment relief under the provisions of the Unem- ployment Insurance Scheme, which relief the government was threatening to withdraw. The continuance of this relief to one-quarter of a million workers may be attributed to the suc- cess of this demonstration. These Hunger Starvation By E, A. SCHACHNER. “Great Stationary Engineer” who now occupies the White House has had wide ex- perience in matters connected with the handl- ing of food. So much so, in fact, that he has been called a thief on the senate floor for his close collaboration with the packers’ trust when it pocketed so many millions while he was food’ administrator. His knowledge. of the problems of food administration will, fur- thermore, never be forgotten by those thou- sands of starving European workers whom he refused to give food when he discovered that they were “radical” and in danger of being “Bolshevized.” ‘This “expertness” as a food administrator— aided by the most gigantic publicity ever in- “stituted by an American politician—finally landed him the presidency. But is the food ‘problem among more than 7,000,000 unemploy- ed and as many more employed workers en- gag his attention? A close study of his ‘releases to the press—his latest one was such 4 mess of lies that it was called “mis- by a capitalist newspaper whose own- y is one of his closest friends—discloses not word. .: Dumping Necessary to Capitalism. ‘Hundreds of thousands of pounds of perfect- good vegetables and fruit are allowed to the docks of New York every week. only of food, but of all mer- andis an integral part of capitalism, and mo more be separated from #, than the but last week such enormous amounts of food were dumped in New York that even some of the capitalist newspapers were mildly hor- rified. There was no indication, of course, that dumping was the normal method employ- ed to keep prices high. The same week that New Yerk’s starving unemployed read that 3,000,000 pounds of food were being destroyed, the Journal of Com- merce reported that the total of recorded div- idends and interest payments in May, 1930, was a good deal larger than in May, 1929: about $570,300,000 as against $490,400,000. In- dustrial dividends for the five months, Jan- uary to to May, 1930, totalled $1,356,000,000 as against 1,055,700,000 for the same period of “prosperous”1929: almost twice as much as the $697,100,000 paid in the like months of equally “prosperous” 1928, That is to say, while more and more millions are sent into the streets to starve, while a health-breaking speed-up in being introduced into more and more factories, while the average wages, ac- cording to government statistics, is $20 a week Jess than these same government statistics de- clare a minimum living wage ought to be, and while even these inhumanly low wages are be- ing slashed everywhere as the army of the unemployed grows, the parasitical classes were donated $1,356,000,000 for a five-month period —almost twice as much as they received only two years ago. Capitalists “See No Remedy.” food dealers interviewed by a reporter from a capitalist paper “bemoaned the inefficiency | of a system” that permitted enormous amounts of food to be dumped’ while the underfed and the unemployed had to submit on the lying statistics offered. by their multi-millionaire “prooving” that the “depression” had already passed. These dealers, according to the report, “eould offer no remedy” for the situation. Well, we too bemoan a system that permits dividends to double while unemployment triples, and embarks on imperialist wars to further increase these dividends. But we have an excellent remedy. And that is to destroy the system that has always per- mitted it and will always permit it until class- conscious and organized workers realize that dumping and. starvation, unemployment and wars are lock, stock, and barrel, a part of capi- talism. And when they realize that the sys- tem cannot be destroyed by talking about it, | but by consciously and deliberately going about the task of organizing and radicalizing and educating their fellow workers into a realiza- tion of their class-conscious solidarity. In Russia no food is dumped and there are no dividends in the form of coupons. But there are many dividends in the form of a con- stantly increasing standard of living; in the creation of tractors rather than tanks; in the building of freight ships rather than battle- ships; in the building of workers’ rest camps rather than million-dollar yachts; in educating rather than in awarding college degrees to pale morons who later become “great” en- gineers, and in erasing the paralyzing fear of unemployment that is used as a club over the heads of the workers subjected to capitalist slavery. Tariff Will Cause More Dumping. The “Great Stationary Engineer and Food Administrator” offers no solvtion for the dumping problem—except -the highest tariff in America’s history; which will ultimately make dumping still more necessary and the increasing radicalization of the workers stil! more inevitable. Decaying food in the markets, mounting div- idends, and workers’ demonstrations of 100,000 and more, spell but one thing—revolution. And the imprisonment of militant workers, the club- bing of the unemployed; the attempts to mur- der the leaders of the class-conscious white | and Negro workers in the South; the Con- gre.sional investigation of Communist Party “secrets” that may be read any day in any of the Party publications, cannot prevent the revolution that will result in the creation of a it where dividends. and not | officials. Marchers, in arousing and organizing the op- position of the working class against the Bald- win government, played an extremely import ant part in helping to sweep that government oo office in the general elections of May, 929, Labor Party Takes Control. The Labor Party took control of the British capitalist government in June, 1929. Since that time the world-wide economic crisis in all capitalist countries has inereased the number of unemployed. The Labor government, like all other capitalist governments, has been unable to prevent the growing increase of the un- employed. And today, after one year in power, there are 2% million unemployed workers in England. The great response of the British masses to the Unemployed Demonstrations of March 6 has shown that the working class has developed a sense of solidarity and militancy, that makes it possible to continue, in a most active fashion, a revolutionary fight against British capitalism and its present ally, the social-fascist Labor Party. And so to continue these militant demonstrations against the la- bor government and to link this activity with the international significance of May Day, the C. P. of Great Britain, immediately after March 6@arranged for another great national Hunger March on London. From various parts of Great Britain these Hunger marchers began their trek to London. The Scottish contingent left Glasgow on March 30. They were the first to start as their route measured 400 miles to London. From Newcastle, Plymouth, Yorkshire, Lancaster and other points, Hunger Marchers left on different dates, all scheduled to reach London on May 1. This year’s march included women dele- gations from the textile districts of - Lan- chashire and Yorkshire. This was done primar- ily as a protest against the strike-breaking activities of a woman Minister of Labor. The W.LR. furnished motor kitchens, and W.LR. committees throughout the country raised funds to feed and clothe the marchers. The solidarity of the working class, now suffering under in- ; creased rationalization, reduced wages and’ beatings from the “socialist” police, manifested itself in the wonderful support given the marchers. Stool Pigeons Precede Line of March. As soon as the first group of marchers took the road, the Scottish Labor Party found. it necessary to send out one of its agents to dis- -credit the march. This stool-pigeon preceded the line of march by two days, and carried out a systematic campaign to persuade workers not to feed and support the marchers. In this she was supported by the “socialist” Labor Party branches and the “Labor” trades union In the town of Auchinleck the Labor Party branch was responsible for the refusal of the Town Hall, as a place of lodging for the marchers. In New Cumock the L, P. branch fraudulently withheld half the funds raised for the support of the marchers. The L. P. branches of Carlisle, Grantham, Northampton officially and publicly refused support to the marching representatives of the unemployed. The Trades and Labor Councils in the towns of Bath, Petersborough, Altrincham, “realizing full well the terrible state of unemployment,” refused to help on the grounds that they could not do anything that could be construed as be- ing against their labor government. In the town of Sheffield the women’s contingent of the Hunger Marchers were forced to spend an entire night parading the streets of the town, as they had been denied the use of the town workhouse for sleeping purposes. Despite all this opposition, but carried along by their revolutionary enthusiasm and by the leadership of the Communist Party, the Hun- ger Marchers, one thousand strong, entered London on May 1 to lead the May Day demon- stration, They left behind them a splendid record of revolutionary agitation against un- employment and against the Labor Party in practically every town or village of any size throughout the entire country. In many towns where no open-air meetings had been held since the time of the war, the Hunger Marchers suc- ceeded in holding demonstrations of the work- ing class in support of their struggle. The Hunger Marchers indicted the labor govern- ment before the entire British working class, bringing with them the message of the Com- munist Party to tens of thous of workers. aren cramaaonct in the world. Let us see what this means. No one would call London a specially healthful city. On an | average, 11.7 people out of every thousand in London die every year. But in Calcutta (in 1926) the death rate was 34.7 per thousand! And in many years, the Calcutta death-rate is surp: 1 by other Indian cities, Thus in 1925, to take a few examples, the death rate of Benares was 46.1, Poona had 34.4, Bom- bay 27.5 (it rose again next year to 32.7), and Madras had 47.9! Captain Wedgwood Benn, the “Labor” Par- ty’s } er of Imperialism for India, in an interview given to the press a few days ago, was good enough to admit that some of the | conditions of the Indian masses are pretty bad, but pointed to the “great progress” that has been made under British rule—in health and sanitation among other things. check up on this “great progress” by taking the figures for Calcutta for the last forty years. In 1889, the death rate was 28.7; in 1897, 36.1; in 1914, 28.3; in 1918, 35.0; in 1926, 34.7. Thus after forty years of British “progress” the death rate of the Calcutta workers is worse than before. Needless to say, the death rate in the European quarters of the Indian cities is only about one-third or one-fourth as high as in the native quarters. Worst Slums in the World. Bombay has long been famous for possess- ing “the worst slums in the world.” But this phrase conveys nothing compared to an ac- tual description of the conditions under which the workers are forced to live. ing is taken from a report of a British sani- tation commission: “Large areas of Byculla (a section of Bombay) are without drains, and buildings in other portions of the city where there are no drains, are on such low ground that they cannot be drained. More than half of Khetwadi has buildings that heavy rains leave standing in sewage and water. “The worst descr’ industrial areas, typical chawl is a narrow central passage running the entire length of the building. At one end is the opening into the street, at the other is a latrine common to the floor on one side and the fresh water cistern on the other. | From this central passage doors open on each side into smal] cubicles (cell-like rooms). The floor of the cubicles is of mud, the partitions of wood or small sticks plastered with mud. There is no window, no chimney, no light or ventilation, save such as penetrate through the doorway from the dimly-lighted central passage. The interior was reported as pitch dark at midday. “The cubicles were normally ten feet square, and eight to ten feet high. The* number of persons who sleep in them is usually limited only by the floor space, for on a rainy night, sleeping out of doors being impossible, they are like sardines in a tin. The central pas- sages of many of the chawls that were visited were nearly dark and were filthy with moist mud and human excrement—and the sole means for admission of the air into the small dwellings was through these passages. Over these passages in many chawls there is a con- stant flow of fluid containing excreta. No less than 80 per cent of the chawls in this neighborhood were in a similarly bad condi- tion.” In another chawl, the dwellings were de- | miserable Let us | The follow- | tions apply perhaps to | the great chawls (workers’ tenements) in the On the ground floor of a | usually screened off for the purpose,” What conclusions do these British benefac- tors of India, draw from a study of these con- ditions? “Observations have proved,” says a British woman doctor, “that the hours spent in the mills were healthier and more hygienic for the women industrial workers, than those spent in their own chawls.” This is by no means an unfamiliar tric Workers are forced by the capitalists to live under the most disease-breeding conditions, and then, out of lofty moral considerations of so- cial health, the capitalists are good enough to lengthen the working day in the “healthy” mills, In the city of Karachi, the commission found: “The foundations of the houses are saturated with sewage and filth of every description. There is generally a cesspool bee low the house which has not been emptied since the house was built—probably close to a well. The neighborhood is honeycombed with rat holes.” ‘ In Bombay, “the water supply tends to fail in the hot weather in the poorer quarters of the town and is frequently off except during certain very limited periods of the day. Sew- ers have not yet been laid in some of the poorer quarters. Open drains run down the gullies separating the adjoining buildings. Often the cesspools overflow into the gullies. Often the drains are not flushed with water for months on end.” « The Heavy Death Rate. L Under such conditions, is it any wonder that in Bombay (in 1921) infant mortality reached a rate of 667 per thousand?—which means that out of every three children born, two died! When the influenza epidemic struck India in 1918-19, it swept away over 12 mil- lion lives—more than the total number of deaths in all the armies during the whole four years of the World War! Any cattle-owner would be considered insane who allowed his herds to die off at the appalling rate at which British “progress” kills off the Indian work- ers. In England the average expectancy of life is 51 years, in Germany 47, in France 45. In India, it is only 22 years! Of course, the British empire-builders have been making “progress” in sanitation. The true imperialist always believes that natives live under these fearful conditions merely be- cause of innate ignorance and love of filth. So, during the war, “broad roadways were opened up in Bombay, tenements were cleared of their surplus population, and buildings were condemned but” (the commission reports vith a mixture of naive disappointment and helplessness) “the expelled population had to live somewhere, and they settled in neighbor- ng areas, taking with them their overcrowd- ing, dirt and disease.” Nothing could show more clearly that it is not backwardness but poverty that is at the root of these terrific conditions. Naturally the rents for the improved tenements were in- finitely above what the workers were able to pay. Life in a pesthole is all that the Indian worker can buy with his terzible poverty— the crushing poverty that from the cradle to the grave never lets him raise his head in cleanliness and health, that from the cradle to the grave never lets him know what it is to be free from the gnawings of hunger. Bri- tish imperialism, feudalism, capitalism, these are the three deadly diseases that make a pesthole out of India! U.S. Army and the Working Class By JOHN PORTER. pone to go to work at the age of fifteen to help support the family, deprived of an education, I went in search of work. But no matter where I went the wages that the young worker received were always the same—a measly three to five dollars for a fifty-four hour week, for the same work and output that the adult worker would get from twenty to thirty dollars. Tired and hungry I arrived in Manchester, N. H., on the 11th of July, 1925, after spend- ing many days looking for work that would pay. Shattered were my dreams of becoming a president, or returning home a millionaire— as we were told in school by our teachers. It was on this day that the recruiting of- ficer of the U. S. Army approached me and told me fairy tales about the U. S. Army. So I enlisted at the age of sixteen, thinking that I was going into fairyland. Becomes “Real Soldier.” However, upon arriving at the detachment at Ft. Williams, Me., I found conditions con- trary to those depicted by the recruiting of- ficer. I was compelled to sleep in a squad room that was overcrowded and to eat food that was not fit for a dog. Then the day came! At last I was to be- come a real soldier! I was assigned to the Fifth Infantry and sent to the drill detach- ment for training. We were taught how to use our bayonets. That was sufficient military knowledge tem- porarily. We were read, at the command of the master, to slaughter slaves whé revolted against the tyranny of capitalism. One day, we were given a lecture on “How to be a Good Soldier and a Good American Citizen.” It was a statement uttered by the seargent who was lecturing that awakened me from my deep slumber. Ordered To Shoot Mother. It was a statement I shall never forget as long as I live: “Whenever ordered to quell a riot or a dis- turbance of any kind, or to protect private property, and when ordered to shoot or charge with bayonets fixed you must do so regard- less of whether your father, mother, brother or sister is your target. Failure to carry out such an order will result in a general court martial and a severe punishment.” What army was I in? Would I shoot at my mother? No, of course not. But being only sixteen years of age I did not think much about it until two years later: On the 17th of July, 1927, I got into a con- versatitn with a seargent who had served many years in the U. S. Army He told me stories of his activities in the Philippine Islands and Panama, How they were merely there to protect the capital in- vested by American capitalists. To see that the slaves were contented with what they re- ceived as a pittance in exchange for their labor. He related stories of the various strikes that he participated in, that he aided in break- ing up. He was no enemy of the workers. He too, was a worker who was forced to remain in the army because of the miserable working conditions and small wages in civilian life. He was not a Communist. Just one of the thou- sands of class conscious workers who are in the army today. Like myself, he did not know anything about the existence of the Commu- nist Party. Seeing that I listened attentively he flung the following question at me: “Young man, suppose your mother was in- volved in a strike which occurred in the vi- cinity of your home, would you if called out to break the strike, under the guise of protecting private property, carry out an order to fire into the midst of the workers?” “What Are You Doing in the Army?” I replied: “Of course, I wouldn’t!” Then he said: “What the hell are you doing in the U. S. Army then?” That was enough, The next day I was gone. ) However, today I am sorry that I deserted the U. S. Army. Had I known the program of the Young Communist League I would have remained in the U. S, Army to win the work- ers in uniform over to the side of the work- ing class. Soldiers Are Also Workers, Comrades in uniform! You, too, are work- ers who were forced into the army because of unemployment, miserable working conditions and low wages. Long enough have we been fooled in such a petty way! We have merely been used as tools of the bosses against our own class, the working class, The bosses are preparing for another world war, to see which one can horde in more territory and more slaves. When this wat comes we must turn the end that spits lead, not against the workers of foreign countries— but against the bosses. No longer let our bullets still the bodies of other workers who, like ourselves, must slave for a living. Turn the coming imperialist war into a wat of the workers against the bosses! It not be a war which will benefit the bosses who use us as “saps” to slaughter the ers of other countries.