The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 25, 1930, Page 4

Page Four = square. New York City, N. Published by the Comprodally Publishing Co. Y. Telephone Stuy: Addrese and mail all checks to the Daily Worker. 26: Inc., daily t 1696-7-8. Cable: except Sunday, at 26-28 Union “DAIWORK.” 8 Union Square. New York N ¥ Central Organ oi ine « Daily [2 SUBSCRIPTION RATES: everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of ttan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign. which ai re: One vear $8: six months $4.50 CHICAGO JOBLESS COUNCIL PRESENTS DEMANDS TO CITY GOVERNMENT Se delegation of unemployed workers from the Unemployed Council of Chicago ap- peared before the Judiciary Committee of the City. Council of Chicago on Tuesday, June 17. Oscar Nelson, of the Chicago Federation of Labor, is the chairman of this committee, and in that capacity explained to the fellow mem- bers of the committee that the Unemployed Council] had made several attempts to inter- view them. He finally read off the demands that were presented to them on March 6. The Judiciary Committee then proceeded to ques- tien the delegation of the unemployed as to where they born, where they came from, and why. In this connection they attempted to make a big noise against the foreign-born, saying that Kjar, chairman of the Committee of Unemployed, should be deported and tried to play a friendly role towards the Negro workers, saying that they were all right and good fello At this point, the delegation of the unem- ployed interrupted and refused to submit to an inquisition. The Judiciary Committee then whade a big show of the fact that Kjar was not a citizen, but when Kjar offered to explain why he is not a citizen, they were not so anxious to hear him. Then the secretary of the delegation, Steve Nelson, was given the floor to present the de- mands of the unemployed. He emphasized the severity of unemployment and its constant “rowth and effect upon the working class. He cited cases where corporations were mak- ing billions of dollars in profits—especially the U. S. Steel Corporation with its profits of $197,000,000 of which they received back $30,- 000,000 from the government. At this mo- ment, several of the aldermen interrupted by saying that the city administration had noth- ing to do about it. Steve Nelson demanded to know why it is that the government can per- mit the eviction of unemployed workers for non-payment of rent, and wanted to know why the government cannot pass a law pre- venting the eviction of unemployed workers who cannot pay rent on their homes. The aldermen wanted to know why the Unem- ployed Council did not go to Washington about it, and learned from Comrade Nelson that they were going everywhere until the unemployed get relief. Steve Nelson then pointed out that another function of the Unemployed Council was to fight racketeer employment agencies. The aldermen declared that workers were not nec- essarily victims of such agencies since there was a free employment bureau, but the com- mittee of unemployed pointed out that these erencies have no jobs to offer because the whole business is a graft between the employ- ers and agencies. When confronted with the question of the employment of children, the Judiciary Com- mittee demanded that instances be cited; but when the committee of unemployed began to enumerate a long list of such places by name, the whole matter was hushed up. In desperation, and claiming that the Un- employed Council had nothing to propose, the Judiciary Committee asked for concrete pro- posals. They were given the list of demands. A list of corporations earning millions of. dol- lars in profits was given with the demand that they be taxed for the benefit of the un- employed. To this Alderman Bowler reacted by violently declaring that if he had his way all foreigners would go back where they came from, and he would throw Steve Nelson out of the window. Nelson replied that even this would not feed the unemployed and the prob- lem of unemployment would continue in spite of such fascist measures, pointing out that the only thing the city administration has given the unemployed so far is three hundred arrests and brutal beatings, especially of the Negro workers, who were manhandled, by the infamous Chicago detective bureau by Commissioner Stege, who is part of the admin- istration. W. Breen, corporation counsel, interrupted to e that no beatings and arrests had tak place since April 30. Steve Nelson stated that only .a week ago when the city started its fake drive against the gangsters (which is really a smoke screen under which to attack the working class once more) it raided a meeting of unemployed at 900 S. Paulina St., sending 50 police to tear down charters, intimidate workers, especially Ne- groes, and break up the meeting. Then Nels Kjar reiterated what Nelson had previously stated: that there would be unem- loyment as long as_ this pitalist system lasts, since the only interest profit making, not the betterment of the conditions of work- ers. He pointed out that the question con- cerning where the delegates were born was ply an attempt to side track the issue. In wer to the question of one of the alder- rning whether Kjar believes in a he said he did only form of government al men conce Soviet form of government, et is which red mployment, while in all other s it is on the increase. When asked whether he would go to the Soviet Union, K id he would if he had the means. The members of the Judiciary committee were on the verge of taking a collection to get id of him when one of them inquired whether x would come back, and when he answered he very likely would, they withdrew the jar then asked the members of the Ju- diciary Committee if they favored a system in which there was starvation because of too much wheat, too much food, too much cloth- ing. Alderman Bowler threatened to throw Kjar out of the window. that was exactly the answer he expected from a representative of this capitalist system to the question of unemployment. Kjar denounced Oscar Nelson, vice president of the Chicago Federation of Labor, as an enemy of the working class movement, he. cause he secured an injunction against the left win. movement in the needle trades. Then a Negro worker took the floor and explained the acuteness of the situation among members of his race, stating that he did not ask the city for charity but for a job. He mentioned the corruption in the city administration, cit- ing bootleg joints, gambling dens, brothels. etc., under the protection of the police and the city administration. They interrupted by stating that after next week there will be no more. Then another Negro worker spoke, ating that he had been out of work for ht months and had come to demand work. When asked whether he favored the Russian form of government he stated that he was born here in the U. S. and was calling upon the U. S. for a living. An attempt at bribery was made when jobs were offered to Nelson and Kjar and an at- tempt was later made to separate the Negro and white workers by offering jobs to the Negro workers, two of whom accepted. Steve Nelson spoke again, pointing out that the attempt to bribe the Negro workers was an attempt to catch their votes in the coming elections. He stated that the Committee of the Unemployed had no illusions that the city would do anything for the unemployed work- ers until the workers themselves forced them. He mentioned the July 4 and 5 National Un- employed Convention, and Bowler threatened to stop the convention. Steve Nelson demanded to have an imme- diate answer on what the administration in- tended to do, and Bowler said Nelson should be shipped back to New York which city he accused of having given Chicago plenty of trouble. Nelson pointed out that the same corruption existed in New York as in Chi- cago. The alderman retaliated by declaring Nelson a racketeer, but when Nelson declared that it was the alderman who was the rack- eteer, he blushed and shut up. Join the International Workers Order qe International Workers Order has now ob- tained a permanent Charter. The Interna- tional Workers Order can function as a frat- ernal insurance organization. The National Office is already paying benefits and other aid to which the membership is entitled. We now appeal to every class conscious working man and working women with our ap- peal to join one International Workers Order. Our order is a fraternal Organization. It provides the membership with sick benefit, death benefit, medical aid and other means of mutual aid. At the same time, however, it does not close its eyes to the fundamental interests of the working class, It is intimately connected with all the workers’ struggles. It is, itself, part of the Proletarian Class Front. The International Workers Order is vitally interested in the political struggles of the working class against Capitalism. It supports pea h political undertaking that mobilizes the ing class against Capitalism. “The International Workers Order is not an economic organization in the strict sense of the word. Its direct task is insurance work. At the same time, however, it is vitally in- terested in the economic struggles of the work- ing ‘class against its exploiters, and it sup- ports the organizations and ihe workers, econo- mic struggles aiming at improving the situa- tion of the workers and finally freeing the working class from capitalist rule. Sick and Death Benefits. The International Workers Order is a frat- _ ernal organization for sick and death benefits, at the same time, however, it cares extensively for the cultural interests of its members. * The International Workers Order conducts cultural activities among its members and nches on a broad scale. The Order is or- a publishing house, it begins the pub of a magazine, it organizes study gr it sends out written lectures and out- lines for discussions on social topics; it mo- i a squad of lecturers to tour the country, : it establishes connections with the non-partisan ‘workers’ schools and it plans to unite under its hog every cultural organization, proceeding ys if | along- the line of the class struggle. The International Workers Order is a friend to everything that is vital, militant, brave and hopeful in the labor world. It is an outspoken opponent of the Labor misleaders, the Com- pany Unionists, the Socialists who have be- trayed their socialism, the Laborists who help Capitalism suppress the labor masses. It is a friend of the Soviet Union where the work- ers are building up Socialism. At the samé, however, there is room in the International Workers Order for every worker who recognizes the necessity for the working class to defend its interests against Capit- alism. There are close to 7,000 members now in the International Workers Order who have passed the doctor’s examinations. The Order has made it its task to have no less than 10,000 mem- bers by the 20th of July. The International Wor’:ers Order now func- cons as a legally recognizea Fraternal Insur- ance Organization. The International Workers Order appeals to all working men and work- ing women to join it and help build up the new Workers Stronghold. Admits Workers of All Nations. The International Workers Order admits workers of all languages, of every national origin. It is not a specific Jewish organization. It is what it’s name implies: an organization where every branch may use its own language, but where all are bound together by the In- trenational Unity of the working class. . Amidst the hard and bitter struggles con- ducted by the working class in every realm; at the time of unemployment, misery, starva- tion, and severe persecutions fo the Labor Movement; at the time when one Wall Street crash follows another and the whole founda- tion of capitalism is weakened and shaken, at the time of a sharpened conflicts between the capitalist states and of the broad mass strug- gles of the colonial peoples for their liberation from imperialism—at such a time the Inter- national Workers Order steps into the labor world as a friend, and aid, a co-worker on the line of the class struggle. i hi Kjar stated that | —By FRED ELLIS Masking the Preparations for Imperialist War! Fight Against Garveyistn By B. D. AMIS. HE masses of Negro workers in the U.S.A. | the and other colonial countries who have been super-exploited for centuries by the white rul ing class, readily gave an ear to the “fluent” and “eloquent” phrases of Marcus Garvey about ten years ago. Garvey came at a time when the masses were seething with discon- tent. The Negro workers, fooled into entering inte the world waz, gave their blood to help: main tain capitalism. But the effect of going to other imperialist countries had its reaction among the Negro workers. Treated and adored as heroes abroad because they were loyal fight ers, fighting for what they knew not, the Ne gro workers expected upon their return home to be given better consideration. Because they had helped to maintain capitalist democracy, they expected to be served as true sons of a supposed democratic republic. But instead, sez regation, the worst forms of race hatred, lynch ings and open insults (while still in uniform) greeted them. The result was that the labor hating bosses who breed lynchings, segregation. ete., to keep the workers divided laid the fire for race riots which occur throughout the country. Close to these events came Garvey with his visionary plans to establish a nation in Africa to protect Negro workers and to build large Negro enterprises to giye employment to Ne groes. How could this dream come true? Only through an extensive collection of millions of dollars. At first Garvey aroused the militant spirit in the masses; he planted the seed of revolution. , But when he began to organize seg- regated visions, put on a dues paying basis with he and his sub officials receiving a major- ity of the finances, he changed the revolution- ary program. In place of a program of struggle he svbetitnted one to make peace. He became reactionary. Preachers Fleece Workers. Jack-leg preachers and many worthless char- acters with smooth-flowing tongues were given an opportunity to fleece the rank and file workers. All kinds of illusions were advanced. Property must be bought, business enterprises started and trade with oppressed colonial coun- tries for which ships were purchased, had to be established. .Not to be excluded were the enormous salaries of the newly-created offi- cials. The entire machinery was oiled and set in motion. Two hundred million dollars was collected and squandered by the crooks. Today the lead- ers of the organization are asking for the vast sum of $600,000,000. The result is that the members ‘have become dissatisfied. Split after split has occurred. At the convention last summer in Jamaica many attended with the idea that a general house cleaning would take place. supported the crooks by keeping them in office. Garvey Takes Advantage of Exploited People. How plainly does this reveal that Garvey is a petty bourgeois adventurer, taking advantage of exploited people. The theory of establish- ing a black republic as well as the opportunism of Garvey must be exposed by our Party. Some But Garvey | | of his followers are sincere in: believing that blishing of Africa as a home to tect Negro workers, would bring freedom. This is not true. If the Negro masses did overthrow the imperialists who at present occupy Africa what would be the result? The establishment of a proletarian dictatorship as.in the Soviet Union? No! But the establishing of a na tion such as Liberia or Cuba. These republics are directly dominated by American imperial- ism. The masses are bitterly exploited to sup- port the American bankers and industrialists, who have connived with the treacherons home leaders to acquire large tracts of land thereby robbing the natives. In return the natives vust wor on these lands at starvation wages. In Cuba the native misleaders have agreed ~with the American imperialists to hunt down and kill all those who attempt to organize the peasants into militant organizations, such as the Communists. The most severe oppression, just as sharp as now, if not sharper, would come and the Negro workers would awaken to find themselves forced to fight against a newly formed Negro bourgeoisie. Garveyism is a retreat away from the struggle for liberty of the Negro masses. lt proposes to find a way to compromise with the imperialists. It is reactionary and not re- volutionary and has given up the fight for the national aspiration of the Negro masses. Lib- erty.cannot come through such channels, it can only come through struggle. To quote Marx: “Labor in the white skin cannot free itself as long as labor in the black skin is branded.” This means that the uniting of the exploited Negro and white workers to fight against their common enemy, the capitalist class, is the only solution for liberty. Not one section of labor can free itself as long as another section re- mains in chains. You must figts also to free your brother worker. Garveyism preaches hatred ‘of white work- ers by Negro workers. It teaches the sepa- rate division of the working class. To an- tagonize Negro ‘workers against white work- ers is wrong. An educational and enlighten- ment campaign must be waged among the Negro and white workers to teach them soli- darity. The ignorant white workers must be taught that they must unite with the exploit- ed black workers to break the chains of capi- talist exploitation. They must be taught that the hatred which they have for one another is created by the bosses’ policy to perpetuate the enslaving of the exploited masses, The slogan put forth by our Party of Self- Determination for the oppressed Négro masses in Africa, Southern U. S. A., the colonial countries, ete., should be popularized among the Garveyites. This slogan is an immediate demand upon the imperialist nations for the Negro masses to set up their own government wherever they form the majority of the popu- lation, An outstanding example where the oppressed minorities under the building of so- cialism have their own government is the Soviet Union. The masses of Negro and white workers must join the Communist Party and the revolutionary Trade Union Unity League and fight shoulder to shoulder for the com- plete emancipation of the entire working class. Workers and Bourgeois Sports By A. HARRIS MASY comrades who accept the idea that the class struggle is reflected in sport activities remain in doubt as to the truth of the line. But the fact that the bourgeoisie sponsors, de- velops and subsidizes sport activities contains more than a reflection of the class struggle. For the capitalist, under the guise of being in- terested in the physical well-being of his em- ployees, succeeds in regimenting large groups of workers into athletic groups for no other purpose than ideologically and physically pre- paring them to slaughter their fellow workers of other countries in the coming imperialist war. Among workers who still have some illusions about capitalism, bourgeois sports provide a barren field in which they may experience the feeling of “winning” and “rising’—the sym- bolic fulfilment of the individualistic hopes of many backward American workers. By na- ture of being picked for teams, or athletic groups, such workers may feel that they have been lifted into a special category which, al- though in relation to the industry that exploits them, is in direct contrast to the monotonous manner in which they must slave for a living. Bourgeois sports are an attempt to create a “good feeling,” “a social atmosphere,” between employer and employee, which may temporarily obscure the fact that the boss and the worker are enemies, They divide the energies of the worker, divert his attention from the revolu- tionary problems Wei confront his class. They strengthen the development of’ groups which, in the few hours the worker is away from his job, is an effort to make him function in organic harmony with the factory or indus- try that exploits him during his working time. The worker sees some underhand tactic in every friendly advance which the boss makes in his direction. But this “smelling a rat” process is not enough. It must stimulate his curiosity for the purpose of being able to ex- plain to his fellow worker the real nature of the destructive monster which lies in wait be- hind the smoke-screen gesture of -the boss’ “good will!” Aside from baseball, football, and other teams connected with the various industries, there are city and national bourgeois sport groups such as the Y.M.C.A., the Amateur Athletic Association, the Intercollegiate Asso- ciation. One has merely to consult the man- uals of these organizations in order to learn the names of the “fat angels” which subsidize them and form their directorates. By bourg- eoisie sports we mean all phases of athletic activity sanctioned by the boss and that bureau of capitalism, the State, which furnishes him with gunboats, labor sluggers, police forces, forgers and A. F. of L. labor traitors, Bourgeois sports are military training groups which drill without guns. They develop mass obedience—the kind that is favorable to the war-plans of the boss. They make for quick mobilization when the hugle sounds, (Leading Article of the Prayda of Jun 7.) 'HE Second Moscow District Conference has been the Yirst of the conferences sitting at the present time in the federal republics, prov- inces and districts to pass a resolution on the report of the Central Committee of the Party. On behalf of the 280,000 Moscow Bolshevists, in the name of the tried and tested select corps of the Bolshevist two million army, the Moscow District Conference has expressed its complete approval of the political line and the practical work of the Central Committee. There can be no doubt that after the Moscow Conference all the other Conferences of the Leninist Bolshe- vist Party in the federal republics, provinces and districts will pass similar resolutions. Our enemies, who before the Party Congress again cherished hopes, if not of a split, at least of a revival and reappearance of the old opposition and the springing up of a new op- position, are once more disappointed. The general line of the Party, directed toward the building up of socialism in our country and the victory of the proletarian revolution all the path laid down by Lenin. «The Party lead- ership, the Leninist Central Committee, stands firmly in its fighting position, upheld by the unlimited confidence and unreserved support of the Party masses. The unity of the ranks of the Party is unshakeable. The Party firmly welded together under the leadership of the Leninist Central Committee is ready to fulfil its fresh tasks in the struggle for socialism. The work of building up socialism has been going on in our country for almost years the October victory. Nine Party Congre in succession have drawn the balance of re- construction. During this period the Party has never before taken such an enormous stride forward as in the time between che Fif- teenth and Sixteenth Party Congres: During this time our socialized industry has almost doubled. Private capital has been com- pletely supplanted in large scale trade, and re- tains a foothold only in some few branches of small trade. In agriculture, hitherto back- ward and scattered, where two or three years ago Soviet farms and collectives only formed small oases, a mighty socialist sector has sprung up over night, and will already in this year be responsible for over one half of the market grain produced. In the regions of decisive importance for grain, where the kulak—the most firm ly rooted and tenacious capitalist element in the coun- try—-has been strongest, his economic foun la- tions are undermined. The million masses of the small peasant farms have decided reso- lutely for socialism. Can anyone maintain today, before the Six- teenth Party Congress, as the Trotskyists did before the fifteenth, that capitalism is grow- ing everywhere in our country, that its growth is outstripping ours, that in the city the pri- vate business man is master of the situation, in the village the kulak? This slanderous lie, statistical material, etc., at that time, would now sound like the fevered imaginings of a Junatic. Not even the Trotskyists veniure to” repeat this lie now. These are the mighty achievements of our Party, under the leadership of the Leninist’ Central Committee, in the last two and one-half years, These are the reasons moving the Party masses to immediate and determined self-de- fense against the open or concealed attacks on the Leninist line of the Party and its Leninist leaders. Does this mean that we have no more diffi- culties to face? Of course there are difficul- ties, They are adequately discussed in the resolution of the Moscow District Conference on the report of the C. C. The rapid growth of heavy industry, giving us the means of production, has not only ren- dered possible the tremendous reorganization of agriculture, but at the same time the rapid growth of the light industry producing goods for mass consumption. The Party, however, continues to be of the opinion that the decisive basis of socialist reconstruction, and conse- quently of the rapid growth of the finished goods industry, is that emancipation from in- dependence upon the capitalist world which is insured by our heavy industry. Our finished goods industry (light industry) is developing considerably more rapidly under the present policy of the Party, whatever the Right opportunists may say to the contrary, than a finished goods industry has ever de- veloped in any capitalist country. And yet its growth lags behind the demands of the masses. The result is a shortage of products, a some- what acute goods famine, which furnishes a certain foothold for the speculations of private business enterprises, especially in wiew of the bureaucratic rigidity of our co-operative ap- paratus, which throws difficulties in the way of the realization of the Party directives re- specting the lowering of prices and the raising of real wages. One of the chief obstacles in the way of an intensified development of light industry, and therewith of the goods famine, is the shortage of raw materials. It is pre- cisely for this reason that the Moscow District Conference, in its resolution, draws such seri- ous attention to the raw materials problem, and to the relative problem of live stock breed- ing. It may already be safely stated that the accomplishment of the prescribed plan for the extension of cotton and sugar beet growing guarantees for the coming year a considerable growth of the textile and sugar industries, If the Party succeeds in a like accomplishment of the plan with respect to maize, Soya beans and sunflowers then a corresponding growth of important foodstuffs industries is insured. The socialist reconstruction of agriculture by means of mechanization and tractorization creates the basis for a radical solution of the raw material and live stock problem, and there- with the basis for a degree of progress in light industry making it possible to overcome the existing shortage of goods within a very short time. The resolution of the Moscow District Con- ference on the report of the C. C, states very rightly: “It is solely upon the basis of the successes achieved by heavy industry that ghe condi- tions arise which are necessary for a still more rapid tempo in the development of light branches of industry producing foodstuffs, and their ever increasing adaptation to the, growing needs of the working class and peasantry.” i The difficulties of supplying the working class with goods and food, difficulties orig- inating in the economic backwardness of our country, can only be overcome by a firm and determined policy on the part of the Party, and only on the basis of a Bolshevist tempo in this reconstruction, over the world, will not deviate one inch from , whose refutation cost us much time, paper, | DIFFICULTIES OVERCOME We shall secure this tempo by mobilizing, under the leadership of the Party and its Len- inist Central Committee, the broadest masses of the proletariat and the working class. Among these difficulties the problem of the | apparatus and the cadres plays a considerable Bureaucratism and sabotage in the state, emie and co-operative apparatus rend breaches in some sections of the front of social- r exertion and further means are required to mend these breaches, © wcseots in the provisioning of the ‘ evs are not due to lack of the products required, but to the bureaucratic procedure in the supply organizations, especially the co- operatives, Enormous sums are expended un- productively, for lack of firmly established and experienced cadres, devoted to the cause of socialist reconstructin. This lack of cadres t vers the utilizetion of the whole of the advantages of planned socialist economics, and is a decided obstacle in the road of socialist reconstruction. Here is the weak point, and it is imperative that it be removed. The strug- gle for the improvement of the apparatus, the struggle for the cadres, are among the main tasks of the Party at the present stage. The Moscow District Conference was not only characterized by determination and unan- | imity in the question of the general line of i the Party and its Central Committee, but by }) its insistence on’ the mobilization of the masses 4 for overcoming the difficulties of socialist con- ruction, It is characteristic that the oppottunist’ ele- ments in the ranks of the Party today fre- quently de not venture to come forward openly against the general line of the Party, or to openly deny our great achievements. But all open and concealed attacks are against the leadership of the Party, against the C. C., which is alleged to commit errors in carrying out the general line, which is alleged to have issued f: instructions and to have promoted super-tensions in collective economic construc- tive work. ete. Here the Right opportunists and the semi-Trotskyists approach one another very neatly. Only recently the Trotskyists (ard after them the semi-Trotskyist elements in the Party) reproached the Party with carry- ing on a pseudo-fight against the Right, whilst in reality pursuing a Right policy. The Right for their part declared that the Party was slip- | ping down into Trotskyism. | ‘The incontestable fact of an ideological and itieal rapproachment between Right and is made the subject, very rightly, of a passage in the resolution of the Moscow Dis- trict Conference, which draws the attention of the whole Party to this fact: “It demands special watchfulness from the Party, and de- termination in the struggle on two fronts. ...” The Rights are now trying on one side nf the semi-Trotskyists on the other (these apai from the open Trotskyists), by means of rele: gating to the background their various differ. ences of opinion, to find means for the forma- tion of a united front against the Party and the Central Committee. To cast discredit on the Party leaders is the first task which, they set themselves. The Moscow District Confer- ence, in its resolution, deals a powerful blow against these anti-Party maneuvers of the Right and “Left.” A point of extreme political importand, on the eve of the Sixteenth Party Congress, is | that passage in tke resolution of the Moscow District Conference which “Demands of the former leaders of the Right opportunists a. thorough Bolshevist criticism of their opportunist errors, and at the same time a determined and active combating of all attempts on the part of the Right to revise the Leninist general line, and against aspersions, and discrediting the Leninist Party leaders, or of the Central Committee and its policy.” Up to the present the Party has observed no sign of such criticism or active combating. It is no normal state of affairs when, for instance, the renegade groups around Brand- ler and Thalheimer in Germany, and around Lovestone in America, refer constantly to the Bucharin theory of “organized capitalism” in confirmation of their anti-Communist views, and that Comrade Bucharin, who, it may be observed in passing, has not yet renounced this theory, deems it possible not to react at all to this use of his theory. The group which jug- gles most cynically with Bucharin’s name is the Lovestone group, which has notoriously sunk so low that it makes bandit attacks on the premises of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the United States. This group of American renegades formed Bucha- rin’s most faithful bodyguard at the Sixth World Congress. The Party is entitled to learn whether Bu- charin has renounced his opportunist views in Comintern questions, his theory of “organized capitalism,” or not. The Party is entitled to. learn what stand Comrade Bucharin takes i the matter of the struggle of the Comin’ against the Right renegades. The Party i. entitled to learn the attitude of the former Jeaders of the Right opposition towards that campaign for the discrediting of the Central Committee, which the Right and “Left” are now striving to organize in the questions of collective economic reconstruction, and which is encountering the united resistance of the Party. Clarity is needful. The Party, is entitled to demand of the former leaders of the Right opposition an un- conditional criticism of their errors, and an unreserved fight for the general line. The whole Party joins unanimously in this demand of the Moscow District Conference, “The Right danger is now as ever the chief danger in the Party”—the reso™tion of the Moscow Distriet Conference states this on the eve of the Sixteenth Party Congress, The fight must be determined on both fronts—but the fire wards the Right. The struggle cannot otherwise during the present stage of struggle, now that we have entered the period of the liquidation of the kulak as class, and the Rights have become a kulak agency sup- ported and upheld by the despairing resistance of the kulaks. The determined struggle against the devia- tions requires an equally resolute of both conciliation towards “left” opportun- ism and conciliation against the main Right danger. The Moscow District organization, which takes its stand unanimously and determinedly wth the Leninist Central Committee, ready to accomplish the fresh tasks imposed by the struggle, to overcome all difficulties, to com- bat relentlessly all deviations and vacillations, all tends towards demobilization—the Moscow | District organization marches in the foremost , ranks of the Leninist Bolshevist Party, ward to fresh victories 4 ai | \!