The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 18, 1930, Page 4

Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNSWAY, JONT 38, W950 Che ‘Socialists’ and India| By VERN SMITH. T is evidently a little risky for a a mild criticism. If the workers should desert the labor party in a body, Maxton, with a new labor Thomas becomes a little more de- finite, and now is advising the labor party cabinet to declare for (not capitalist system to put a socialist party in power. Not that there y danger of socialist governments stablishing socialism! When and| where has there been even a whisper] of that? From Noske, Zoergiebel and their superiors? From Vander- a labor and veldt the friend of k of Bel-| being, on the whole made up of} gium? From MacDonald? It is to] those who have either found or ex-| laugh. ix | pect soon to find themselves in the} But the function of a socialist] position of MacDonald, have a real| party in our modern world is not| problem, and straddle the fence. to establish socialism. It is to make} They do not criticize MacDonald’s the workers k that if they are| blood letting in India very much, good boys, socialisny can be estab-|for they have either themselves lished in some distant future, with- out any revolution; if they think that they won’t turn Communists.| masters. Its usefulness to it party, beginning where the old one| did years ago, can prepare them | for fresh betrayals*in the future. The iftternational executive of the international | | (the revised Second International),| socialist done exactly the same, or expect to do it, for their own capitalist] But, as representatives of| s capitalist mas-| other than British imperialism, they] ters would be much interfered with| have their duty to criticize a little, if the workers begin to realize that} and they also take the opportunity it is the third (or in Europe the|to placate their own honest rank 14th So wh tion tide tion tion 9e) party of capitalism. a sociali in to check the rising , a certain contradic- not a contradic- s labor fakers government, agents, and so, even more were his majesty : themselv hen they ¢ on. MacDonald, confronted x he problem of openly and f itly violating every principle u , his party to win workers, 0 failing in the slightest detail the interests of British unhesitatingly sides h imperialism. If this re- he effciency to capitalism of par well, it is the 0 evil: r and file, by pointing out that social- administra-| ism after all has objected in the past to imperialism of a ruthless sort. They then advise MacDonald, from the wealth of their own ex- periences in Africa, Indo-China, etc., that more use can be made of Gand- hi, as a camouflage for imperialist policies. Would Like To Betray. Then we come to the socialist par- ty of America, one of the most un- fortunate of all the socialist parties. | It is doing its best to serve cap- italism, but has not the mass basis of the European parties. It is in| the position of a vendor of stolen) goods, who has not yet stolen the goods. It hopes to win members. Capitalists are, the recent election campaign shows, ready, with cau- tion and within reason, to help it. Yonald can broadcast a mes-| Things looked better for it before British Rulers Starve Miners a workers’ government in India, of course!) but for more leniency, for including Gandhi in a round table conference, for amnesty, etc. Since Thomas serves American, not Brit- ish imperialism, he cautiously puts forward the idea of dominion status as an ideal solution, “even if it ousts the labor government” though, evid- ently he would be satisfied with less. But the editors of the New Leader can not go as far as that. They remember the Hoover official posi- tion; however much we hate our rival British imperialism, we must not enourage the idea of revolts by the colonial peoples. We have col- onies too.” Double Bookkeeping. So, though even the Milwaukee leader can dare to.ask MacDonald breathlessly, “for a little more idealism in India,” the New Leader, official organ of the American so-| cialist party, must straddle, as does| the international socialist executive. | It lets Thomas talk, unofficially on the front page—that may catch a few workers’ votes. But inside, for the benefit of interested capitalist allies of the socialist party, it lets others talk, in quite a different strain. For example, Edmund Seidel,| in the New Leader of June 14: “It would seem to me that it behooves every socialist to familiarize him- self with these factors with a view to appreciating the situation on both sides rather than to pass off hand judgments on the British labor party. “I do not think that the labor government could or would act dif- ferently under the circumstances if it had a government majority.” Then he quotes Reynolds, Gandhi’s secretary, as saying that Gandhi | was forced into his present position by “unscrupulous people and hot- heads” (quite evidently by the pres- | sure of the masses among his own followers, and those greater masses he wished to win away from the | desire for a revolution). Then, for another example, we have Brailsford, New Leader, May (1%: | “But when all is said, it (the labor party government in Eng- | land), has the ordinary duty of every | j administration. It must preserve | : order. It must maintain the usual | xg a at services of civilization which in | The workers of England have no cause to, love their imperialist | turn, demand revenue. It short, it | government. While it kills Hindus who fight against starvation wages, | must govern.” it supports the mine owners in their speed up and long hour system “Must Govern.” incorporated in a law passed by parliament after the great coal strike, | Here, I think, you find the true Picture shows a few of the $00,000 unemployed miners in England. sage from Holyrood Palace (as he did on May 19) and advocate “the white man’s burden” slogan of im- i MacDonald “ on that “In the course of imperial expansion, we have not only planted colonies and founded nations, but we have undertaken the care of people | who could not take care of them- selv They were doomed to* civil war or systems of government which cut them off from the bene- fits of civil civilization. duties regarding them. ; see, far as we are able, them, so that they relapse into the conditions from which our interven-| tion rescued them.” | So MacDonald bombs kills men, women and children, im- prisons, beats, tortures, and sends} more and more troops sto India to preserve capitalist imperialism there—the 20 cent wage and the 12 hour day. ship on free and equal terms’— sometime a little capitalist govern- ment of its own for India, but not even that just now. The lower ranks of the labor par- ty bureaucracy in England, then finds its position very uncomfort- able, and the Maxtons, etc., start We have} We must) that} weakness on our part or a too ready| withdrawal from the guardianship} We have assumed does not abandon} <ilfewes: | much upset. BES, political difficulties being aroused | pointed this out. the Indian situation came along. The Socialist Party had identified itself completely with the labor par- ty rule in. England. Circular cam- paign letters (one was published recently in the Daily Worker) tell of “our comrades who rule the greatest empire in the world,” ete. But to win votes from the work- ers, the brutal slaughter in India, MacDonald’s police firing point blank into crowds of pickets, pick- eting itself declared illegal by Mac- Donald’s viceroy there, and more and more troops sent by MacDonald to support the police, is not a good argument. Thomas Is Embarrassed. Norman Thomas, who has a cor- rect Musteite approach, is very He quickly saw the by the “socialist” order to shoot In- dian workers and peasants. In the New Leader (April 26) he After telling of J. H. Thomas advocacy of capitalist “ | rationalization as bad for the pro- All he finds it necessary to do} is to promise “an ultimate partner-| paganda of the socialist party, he states: “But none of these things seems to me to be so serious in their possible effect on international socialism as the government’s pol- iey, or lack of policy, in India.” And he too boosts for Gandhi—the per- fect camouflage of Empire. As the situation grows worse, from a propaganda point of view, policy of the American socialist party, such a policy as it would use against Filipinos or Nicaraguans, if it were called to the government in a time of capitalist difficulty. Even the fact that American social- ist leaders serve, not just any im- perialism, but American imperial- ism, as MacDonald serves British imperialism, fails to do more than to divide the voices. There are many who have a great fellow feel- ing for the murderérs of the Indian workers. It is their misfortune that they can not officially speak plainly what they think, but have to leave it to individuals. It is a great nuisance that their honest imperial- ist aims are such horribly bad pro- paganda material for building a so- cialist party. They have to just make the best | they can of it, and meanwhile be jas non-commital as possible. The last state convention of the socialist party, held in Reading, Pa., recent- |ly, did not vote congratulations to | MacDonald for his efficient murder regime in India, but it did vote down the usual resolution for freedom of colonial peoples. That resolution was all right in normal times, but now it might be, as Delegate Cohen of Philadelphia argued, construed as an attack on the colonial policy of the British labor party leaders. Only the Commupist Party stands unreservedly against capitalist im- perialism, in India, or in the Philip- pines, and rouses the workers of capitalist countries to support the struggles of the colonial masses. {MacDonald Reaches a “Friendly Hand” to! India ThoseWhoSupport Blood Bath in India By J. W. FORD (Vice-Chairman, Amer. Section League Against Imperialism). gains speed and. force every day. Class lines are sharply drawn. | Workers are being shot down by} the hundreds. All imperialists, and those definitely lined against the movement of the workers and pea- sants, are in the same camp. Just at the time when we find that the movement is being pushed forward by the Indian working mas- ses, we find the following in the Revolutionary Age, the counter-re- volutionary sheet of the Lovestone- ites: “Gandhi is the symbol of the revolutionary, uprising in India — the arrest of Gandhi is the symbol of the oppressiye hand of British imperialism.” They deem it of ex- treme importance that the “Saint” be liberated. A London dispatch to the New York Times on May 26 says: “Gandhi and others were not put into jail for their political views.” And this is correct. Gandhi was unable to stop the movement of the workers and le was therefore put in jail to enable the government to do the job—with bullets. Gandhi is not the symbol of the revolution. But the workers and peasants are. The Lovestoneite renegades maintain that the revolution is a democratic peoples’ alliance of the workers, peasants, city petty-bour- geoisie, and intellectuals, in which the workers must strive for and achieve leadership. This last is precisely what the workers and pea- sants have done; they are taking the leadership away from the petty- bourgeoisie and’ the intellectuals. “The Government (the MacDonald Labor Government) came through on the Indian debate with cologs flying, declaring the disturbances (!) in India anarchy and not any public upris- ing or revolt.” (Emphasis mine). Mass Revolts Called “Anarchy.” Imperialist sophistry calls these mass revolts “sporadic anarchy!” Sporadic anarchy must be crushed, MacDonald proceeds to fill indian workers with lead bullets. The following head, lines appear in the same issue of the New York Times: “15 Dead, 250 Hurt in Rangoon Strike.” “9 Dead, Scores Hurt in Indian clashes.” “2 Killed, 19 Hurt in 4 Indian clashes.” “50 Hurt in Cloth Mill Strike.” Now I want to take the liberty) to give the viewpoint of Mr. Roger Baldwin stated in a recent meet- ing of the Executive of the League Against Imperialism. Mr. Baldwin declared, as I remember, that the mass movement’ of the workers and peasants cannot be supported be- cause it has no organized character. TheFirst of Me in India By V. CATTOPADHYAYA. ymarked by the stronz particij om, the workers of the town was Held HE fact that all cable lines be-|of the workers of the cit and the first item of the programe tween India and the outside | most active interest was di |was the hoisting of the red flag. world are absolutely controlled by by the railway wo Resolutions were passed conveying British imperialist agencies is being Western lway) who fraternal’ greetings to the workers conspicuously brought home notin full force. Speeches were of the world on the celebration of only to the labor press but even to /explaining the significance of May Day, and \demanding the re- the bourgeois press of Europe and Day, condemning capitalism a lease of the Meerut and other class America in connection with the|calling upon the workers to unite | war prisoners in India. But before present revolutionary mass move- | for the overthrow of capitalism and the resolutions were passed the ment in India, The MacDonald gov-| imperialism. The first resolution | president of the labor union, Ra- ernment is determined to isolate In- | unanimously passed was one expres-| maswami Aiyengar, declared that dia as far as possible, so that no |sing solida with impr 1 Com-j|in the existing circumstances the help or stimulus from outside should | munist workers all over the world only way open to India to achieve be given to the great mass revolt |/and welcoming the international independence was by following the of the Indian people for their inde- | brotherhood of workers and p rinciples of Gandhi and fully imbi« pendence, and also that the world | sants. bing the spirit of non-violence! proletariat should be kept ignorant | In Amritsar. ground had After the meeting a procession was of the regime of terror with which | well prepared by the ijawan | formed which marched through the the revolt of the Indian masses is| Bharat Sabha as well as by the principal streets of the town, care being met. This deliberate isola-| Workers’ and Peasants’ Party. | rying the red flag but nevertheless Propaganda for*) Day } tion was very clearly shown by the | and “Gandhi ki jai” (victory to post | in India? 'HE revolution in India, pushed) forward by the mass movement! of the Indian workers and peasants, | represented sporadic: support it and Gandhi, he declares. Now just what is the situation What is the basis of the revolution? What organized force represents the interests of| the masses of the Indian people? | The workers and peasants — they) | say ‘to hell with Gandhi and his salt} parade’! The mass movement moves forward, gaining control over the | revolutionary movement. “What are the facts? It was over two years ago at the| “8th session of the Indian Trade Union Congress* that the left wing formed itself and began their pre-| parations for the kicking out: of the Trade Union movement the pet- ty bourgeois lawyers, and reformist intellectuals. Since the 9th session of the All Indian Trade Union Congress — despite repressions—the Girni Kam- gar Union (the Red Trade Union) | began its activity, gained influence} and took definite forms towards} giving leadership to the movement! of the workers and peasants. At the same time the left wing in the! Railwaymen’s Union won victory in| the union and assumed greater lead- ership. At the 10th Session of the All} Indian Trade Union Congress, which! has just closed, the left wing fin- ally kicked the briefless lawyers out of the Congress. These rene-| | gades bolted the Congress rather) than give up their seats on the Brit- ish National Commission. Now just whois the basis of the! Red Trade Unions and the left) wing? It is the expression of the) mood of the workers represented by strikes. over a period of two years—strike of 100,000 textile workers at Bombay, strike of the Jute »workers, the great strike at Calcutta involving thousands of workers, wide spread peasant re-| volts which have during this time) penetrated deeper and deeper, into} the countryside. Behind them stand | 300,000,000" Indians, 70% of whom | stand hovering always between starvation and death. Where do the “organized” In- dian National Congress, the na- tional city bourgeoisie and intel- lectuals stand? They stand tremb- ling for fear of being swept away by the same force that will sweep British imperialism and British, ex- ploiters away. | At the executive session of the |truth about the actual happenings | | ternational proletariat on May Day. | In Calcutta the partial strikes and | street demonstrations took place in | class and youth organizations. | offices of the trade unions (jute | | workers, textile workers, etc.), of | | of the youth and students’ organ- | | izations were constantly raided by League Against Imperialism, held | at Koln, Germany, in June, 1929, | A. J. Cook, former betrayer of the not follow the line of the executive which was orientating more to the | workers and peasants in the anti- imperialist struggle. Today Cook is out of the League.»He is in the The only movement in India that has organized character is the In- dian National Congress. We must League for the same reason. No sooner had the second world con- | | miners strike in India, had one foot | J sabes out of the League because he would| Youth League) was particularly suppression of all news regarding | made by leaf the May Day celebrations in India. | Urdu and Gurmukhi (the lan There was just one telegram of 11 of the Panje lines in the Times of May 2 in which | ary monthly the following was reported: b) 1 published at Am na onstrations took place in Bombay, ity of the revolutionary textile rs, of the most “May Day passed quietly in Cal- | number in both lang he Indian pro- cutta. By leaflet and street |ing splendid’ articles on May riat. ring the whole day propaganda efforts had been ‘on Marx, Lenin, Liebknecht there were several processions of made to promote a complete har- | A mass mp ‘d and unemployed workers, tal. Although shops and bazaars | was y the Naujd 1 by the recently organized Work. in the native quarters closed their | Bharat ha, ‘and n * Volunteer Corps, wearing red | then fo the prir doors and there was a deficiency of omnibuses and taxicabs, the city was quiet, a full service of tramcars was run and the streets less crowded than usual. | workers and ned which r pal stre |the park Jalianwala I | of the unforgette h the emblem of Hams Sickle, In the evening % attended mass meeting and from thert hed in processior were pez Extra police were stationed in all | by General Dyer on » : The special May dangerous areas, and their pres- |At the place the i number of the “Worker? ence discouraged demonstra- | hoisted, and Comrade Ajit agh eekly,” the organ of the militam tions. .-.'.”" |hoisting the Flag, exhorted the working class, published in Bon This telegram suppresses the | large mass of assembled y boy, issued a stirring appeal to tht in Calcutta, while it does not even | all costs. mention the magnificent demon- strations in all industrial areas. We are in a position today to give a few facts to show how the class- conscious proletariat of India gave proof of its solidarity with the in- the face of the terror initiated by the government against the working | The the Workers’ and Peasants’ Party, the police and the officials and sev- eral workers arrested just a few days before May 1. P. K. Mojum- der, manager of the Jugabarta Press, was arrested on April 30 be- cause he had published an account of the May Day celebration, and | Nipendranath Choudhuri was ar-/ rested on the same day as publisher | of the May Day Bulletin. The Times reporter did nof mention the fact (reported by the Nationalist “Free Press” of India) that the om-| nibuses and taxis did not run in spite, of the fact that the police had} threatened to cancel the licenses of the drivers if they did not turn up on duty as usual. Not only the | regular police but military pickets were stationed at road crossings, | and special military and police forces ‘were concentrated in the | Bhowanipare quarter, where the re- cent violent conflicts had taken place between’ the masses of demon- strators and the police. In Lahore, where British imper- ialism had often succeeded in set- ting up religious riots between Hin- dus and Mohammedans, remarkable solidarity and revolutionary enthusi- asm was displayed by the workers. According to the repoft in the Tri- bune of Lahore, the mass meeting convened on May Day by the Nau- jawan Bharat Sabha (Revolutionary carts. \for strictly lence!!! strators, | violent) fun These British police, are he attempt to break a strike of ¢ They are obeying ment” which represents the Britis dt In Coimbatore, dustrial centr maintain the honor of the flag < The reports of the celebrati South India show the influence that | i MacDonald’s tri is-sti exercised by the religious- | reformist labor lea Giri & Co., who are doing their hesi to keep down the revolutiona: per of the work to hand of the very well atten and successful at Gondia under the auspices of |B. NR. (Bengal-Nagpur Labor Union. At the spec’ organized by the Perambur Br: of the M. S. M. (Madras, Sou Mahratta) Railway Employ the chairman, Govindrajula made a speech on the presen’ | tion in the country and on adhering to Resolutions | condemning the police for rescrt to shooting and disper rd but also | tributions to the &: demonstration held al a impe ; rs Shiva F No detail. an impor meeting ed masses of India to make the nbol of the fight iperialism, against cap: talism, against international refor: ke Breakers in India + » troops, including some ‘native ar away barricades as part of. their, s who had blocked streets with their of MacDonaldis “Labor Govern 888, ism and social fascism. While the above-mentioned facts how to some extent the solidarity, was displayed by the Indian workers with the international revs olutionary working class, it should be remembered that solidarity vith the Indian workers constituted ) one of the central features of the ‘ay Day demonstrations of the European and American proletariat, n One of the outstanding slogans of rion | the mass demonstrations in London and New York was “for the Inde pendence of India and support fo1 Indian Revolution.” It is the most important immediate task of the workers of the world to carry slogans into action and t« zanize the widest possible moral d material support for the workj and peasants of India in thei sroie struggle against foreign ané ative enemies for their national d social emancipation. tem- | that are n were pa 1-vio- ——S ———— gress of the League Against Im-;can only against the Independence of Egypt. see | India? Kick the re |trayers of the + This is the road of all those who! labor movement. Support the ¥ “organized” p. perialism closed than Mr. James} bourgeois elements in the ¢ Maxton of the Independent Labor | perialist struggle, who Party had to be expelled from the | lif service to the workers an 1S- Amsterdam International. Long be-| League, because he would also not | ants movement. fore this Lansbury of the British | follow the line of the congress in} | Labor Patty, who so afféctionately | orientating to*the mass movement {embraced the struggling Chinese of the workers and peasants, be- comrades at the Brussels Congress | cause he would not oppose the bru- gards to the present .of the League ha® deserted the | tal hand of the British Labor Party What are the lesson: jof the American workers movement of the Indian worker and peasants. Build the T.U.U.U Follow the line of the Second Worll Congress ,of the League Agains liiperialism, which based its pra ,. gram for struggle against imperi *’alism on the movements of thj re- \vorkers and peasants in the cola nial countries. Give your support to the “Ame1 ican section of the League Again: ‘Imperialism! tty | ituation: dt ad be-| the out of seo) umes =a Conditions of Indian Workers “> A. GLYN EVANS (As stant Secretary, Workers’ Welfare League of India) Bombay City f Sholapur ... Baroda State . By DAVID DWOFSKY ss strikes taking place in India at the nt moment can only be understood by into consideration the terrible conditions of the Indian workers, Great Indian Peninsular railway strike, vn ruthlessly by police repression and ed by the sabotage of the professional ders,” was Caused by rationalization and specding-up schemes, which meant cutting of woges and mass dismissals. It is stated that about 29,000 are out.of employment after the What ave the wages of railwafmen. The following are the rates paid, with those paid to “Europeans” doing the same work: MONTHLY WAGES (approximately) Grade Europeans Indians Foremen ....... asecees $168.75 None Stationmasters ....... + 75.00 $19.50 Assist. Staiionmasters .. 105.00 15.00 Drivers +2. ....+.++40+. 60.00 16.75 Anglo-Indians Ticket Collectors .. 75 11.25 “Guards ...... 38.75 16,75 Clerks in Sub-offices. aed 10.50 Firemen ....... + 87.50 6.25 Cleaners .... — 3.00 In the textile industry, to quote what should be an authoritative source, the British T, U. C. (Purcell) Report, the daily wages to the workers in 1923 were as Ss _ the 1830 period in Men Women Average The average daily wages paid are as follows: aS a - Hewers Loaders Women 40c 25e 32¢ | dharia Coalfield .... 28¢ 2le —18¢ Ranijang Coalfield .. 25c 20c 16¢ Junjah Coalfield .... 30¢ 24 - Here again rationalization has been intro- duced, increasing the number of looms in the charge of the workers and a terrific speeding- up, and reduction of wages has occurred since, for Purcell and Hallswortlt say, after a few per- sonal inquiries in the woollen mills, that “At one fairly large mill a strike was in progress, conducted by a Union formed a few months previously, and it was stated that daily wages ruling there were, for men, from 17 to 23 cents women, 12 cents, and children, 6 cents. In the jute industry, of which India has prac- tically a monopoly, the jute workers obtain the following rate of wages: Men, from 22 to about. 45 cents; women, from 13 to 27 cents and boys, 13 cents per day. The jute lords increased the hours of work last July from 54 per week to 60. This has produced a chronic crisis in the industry; as at Dundee, short time and loss of time has been experienced. In March about 50,000 struck work against the 60-hour week and the leaders were refused permission to address meetings. At the same time Maggie Bondfield, the Minister of Labor, “decided that she would not be justified in declining to confirm the decision of the Jute Trade Board to reduce rates in the trade by about 4 per cent. An order making the reduction will be made forthwith.” A-nice way of saying that the Dundee jute workers were to have a 4 per cent cut in wages. x In the,coal mines a most terrible method of family work is sti] employed, reminiscent of Britair * SAR ~~ Since the publication of the above figures in a later report it is stated that “there has been a small decline in wages, the amount being 5 per cent in the Jharia Coalfield, 2 per cent in the Ranijang, and 8 per cent in the Punjab.” “In the building trades women laborers are being employed on similar work to that done by men in Great Britain.” (I am again quoting from Purcell.) “Their wages in certain places average about 12 cents a day; those of male laborers 18 to 21 cents per day, while masons and bricklayers get from 38 to 83 cents a day of about 10 hours.” On the tramways the monthly rate paid to conductors and drivers range from $9 in the first year to $10.50 after eight years’ service. The pay of the Indian seamen is on the aver- age not more than $10 per month, The conditions upon the slave plantations of the Assam tea “gardens” is almost indescrib- able. Even Purcell comments that “the story of the poor laborers in the tea gardens of Assam is about as sordid a one as could possibly be related.” The official statement on wages it clude many “extras,” and even then make a most miserable show. If the highest figure is taken, including all the items named (they are “given” plots of id, free fuel, collected by them<elves, etc.), “the combined labor of*hus- band, wife and child brings this human érinity only 31 cents per day.” WEBS With the attacks against foreign-born work- ers assuming ever more vicious, diversified and +| fascist forms, the campaign for the protection of the foreign-born must be raised to a higher political level, and made one of the major tasks of the party as well as one of the major issues in the forthcoming election campaign. In the past this work was generally undertaken by auxiliary organizations such as the W. I. R. or the I. L. D., without:a general mobilization of the Party as a whole. This practical under- estimation of work among the foreign-born was fostered by the Lovestone leadership of the Party, who in their various theses created an artificial distinction between American and foreign-born workers. Government Attacks The attacks of the government and hosses occur along political and economic lines. Econo- mically, the f#teign-born workers employed by the municipal governments are struck the hard- est. The action of the Detroit municipality in discharging all foreign-born workers is already well known. In Syracuse the same action was WORK AMONG THE FOR- EIGN BORN spies and provocateurs. In the city of Syracuse, a patriotic organization with the deceptive namefot the “United Order of Mechanics’’ has been circularizing the middie class and the pro- | | fessionals as well as employers, boasting of their work against the foreign-born, citing the recent discharge of 38 workers from the city, and urging employers to emulate the city. ‘The Party must come to the fore as the champion of the foreign born more vigorously than ever before, developing special forms of approach, activizing the language fractions, ete. Work Among the Languege Orga The other phase of work is work language organizations, and es close to the Party. If the conditio inian Workers Alliance in Sy: the entire country then sharp re ures must be undertaken ato: nizations mong the ay p the Ukra- is true of taken by the Mayor, who discharged three weeks ago, thirty eight foreign-born workers. Some of these workers had been employed as long as 25 years, One worker, Spanish, lost three fingers a few weeks before he was discharged, while laying a sewer for the city. This policy of economic discrimination is gradually being extended from the city governments to the shops. Various patriotic organizations are as- sisting in collecting the information, acting as an tdi bite. hae es find all of the classical opport to the campaigns of the Pari Party fraction, once as high as 2 bers has been cut to four beesuse of x to shop work, (nuclei and sher eomrmitices resistance to efforts to break the narrow tul- tural activities of the organization and to draw the workers into the fundamental tasks of the revolutionary movement * ib ln ae hn at tent In the organization there are for children and youths. Efforts to bring the! children into the Pioneers have met with strenud ous objection from the members of the ch The club as a whole voted down the last vention call of the Party and refused to | a delegate to Schenectady with the excuse, | they had too many concerts to attend to. Si a state of affairs can be considered strous, These organizations instead a reserve to the Party, and a to the large masses of foreign-born worké | serve as a buffer to reaching the masses, ~ Steps to Overcome These Weaknesses »s to overcome these waeknesses! rime he following lines: f Vigorous campaign for protect! foreign-born through united front e U mass demonstrations against alien regish and deportation laws, linking the ¢ with the building of the T. U. UL, Overhauling the work of the Nattonall age Buros and the language paper ®. And above all, make the fractions, ratonal committees down to the unit, 1 ‘ooms of organizational approach to the for« born workers, Time after time field worke i the various national language commit. © come through without informing the executive and the consequent result standpoint of benefit to the party ‘The 7th Convention of the Party must clearly sek opportunist estimation under the foreign orn,