The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 14, 1930, Page 6

\ Published by 6. New Addrese at York City the Comprodaily ity, N. ¥. Telephone Stuy’ 1 all checks to the Daily Worke Publishing Co. Inc. sant | 1696-7-8. $ Union Square, New York - THE WORLD CRIS IS AND THE NEGRO WORKERS By the Interr We inter s to vent of vast s labor movement. A new general struggle agair ism. Fresh millions of toile by capital, brutaly oppre Negroes, are awaken The conference w and organizati the new, powe great internat tion of the t M. RUBINSTE Conference , July Ist) ational c held in July of (For Negro nce of Negro is year, is an nfe first ance for the entire world army in the nd imperial- oubly exploited kers and The pec € situation make the 2 of the confer ence, and I Negro Wor ers’ movement r. The world ecor me is spr alist ecunty d the thr tion are concer where there a ng through a yment is ram- where hundreds Negroes work at the factories, the ever-deepening industrial mpts by capital to great- ation of labor. The Ne mn the first victims of un- speed-up. And as, on the one hand, their working conditions former- ly were considerably worse than those of the white worker: d on the other hand, it is absolutely hopeless them to think of going back to the farms in the South, they have nothing else to do, no other hope for ridding themselves of the unbearable oppression, than the determined, heroic class struggle. The Ne- groes in the South, where the greater part of to another, States, , and unempl rn states, is pas: E pant. I of thousand, plants and r isi le: employment, wat the Negro population of the U. S. A. is con- centrated, in the overwhelming majority are tenant farmers, share croppers and agricul- tural workers. Their existence depends chiefly upon cotton cultivation. The world economic ¢ , however, has given rise to an acute “over-production” of cotton, to decreased de- mand, lowered costs. The Federal Reserve Bureau is carrying out a campaign to restrict the area under cotton cultivation. Both the cotton crisis and all the measures taken by the government to overcome it affect first and foremost the Negro population of the South. Negro Movement Powerful Revolutionary Factor. The cutting down of the area under cotton, ‘the transfer of the basic cotton districts to the West—in Texas and Oklahoma, the commence- ment of widespread mechanization of the work- ing up of cotton—all this threatens to squeeze out completely the millions of Negro tenant farmers, share croppers and agricultural work- ers, and portends unheard of intensification by the exploitation for those who remain on the farms. culture in the Southern states lived even before the crisis in semi-slave conditions. The slave owners and finance capital, the cotton specu- lators, the middlemen, the merchants, govern- ment officials, etc., suck the life blood of the Negro workers like leeches. The greatly wor- sened position of the Southern Negroes, re- sultant upon the crisis, is overfilling their cup of patience, and bringing the oppressién and exploitation to the limit, beyond which there inevitably commences the spontaneous protest and desperate struggle. Thus, despite the thousands of obstacles, despite the veritable “white terror” against all attempts at action on the part of the toiling Negroes, the “legal’”’ punishment and lynchings, despite the corrupt- ing influence of the church, the press and a considerable section of the Negro intellectuals, the Negro movement in the United States is becoming a powerful revolutionary factor. Another region of concentration for Negroes —the West Indies—has likewise been ver strongly affected by the world economic cri: The “overproduction” of sugar, coffee, and a number of other colonial products is a veritable catastrophe of the entire economy of Cuba, Jamaica, Porto Rico, and other islands in the Millions of Negroes employed in agri-. | the Asiatic colonies, with the international or- is throwing hundreds of thousands of Negroes out of the plantations, | and they have nowhere to go to. Those who | remain, on the most unbearable conditions, working 12 hours a day under the scorching | tropical sun, have to suffer cuts in their al- ready low wages, which do not suffice to make | ends meet. Predatory American imperialism, as though in compensation for its limited col- nial possessions, is not satisfied with the stupendous dividends, and demands more and nore contributions, Bribing the local bourg- ie and the mock-presidents with crumbs off table. American imperialism is striving to transfer the entire burden of the crisis onto the shoulders of the workers, The uprisings in Haiti and San Domingo, the mass strike in Caribbeans, The cr Cuba, were replies of the toilers of the West | Indies to the capitalist offensive. The Negro workers played a most prominent part in these rst moves in the heroic struggle. Finally, Africa—the “Black Continent,” thich during the world war supplied echelons of cannon fodder for its British and French | masters. But a few years ago the very idea of a labor | movement in Africa and action of the Negro | s against imperialism seemed to the Eu- | pean bourgeoisie to be a joke. Times have | changed, however. The submissive Negro slave | ould be treated formerly worse than cattle, | they could be driven far from home into com- | pounds surrounded by barbed-wire barriers, wney could be forced to work from morn to | night for nothing, under the whip of the over- j | | seers, and they were exterminated by the thou- sands, each mile of new railway being bedded with human bones, all in tne name of civil- @ation and progress. These slaves, however, have awakened, and desire no longer to remain slaves. The uprisings and unrest in South Africa and Nigeria, in the Belgian Congo and in French Equatorial Africa, are but the first’ gathering of the clouds for the storm that is brewing. The ground in Africa too is beginning to burn under the feet of the imperialists. The economic crisis is greatly hastening the awaken- ing ®f the Negro masses of Africa, From Cairo to Cape Town, from Sierra Leone and Matadi to Uganda and Durban, the entire | Black Continent at the present time is feeling the effects of the crisis. The mining industry | in South Africa is being restricted, stocks of unsold agricultural products and wool are pil- ing ap. The Belgian Congo is passing through | a deep going crisis; the British colonies in | Western Africa, Kenya, and Uganda are in the | same position. The upheaval on the world | market has spread even to the most far-flun¢e parts of Equatorial Africa. Everywhere it results in the ruin of the Negro population and sharp intensification of imperialist oppres- sion, and in the spontaneous movements among the natives. No efforts of the imperialists, no attempts to drown the first movements of the Negro masses in rivers of blood, will be able to stop the development of their struggle. On the con- trary, this will only pour oil onto the fire, which will burn up still more brightly and | strongly. In this setting the International Con- ference of Negro workers will be of world- wide importance. For the first time, under its auspices, the representatives of the toiling Ne- gro workers from all corners of the earth will be brought together, it will draw up the tasks, methods of organization, objects; it will link up the struggle of the Negro toilers with the struggle of the toilers in Europe, America, and ganizations of the revolutionary proletariat. The disunited outbreaks of the spontaneous | struggle will develop into class conscious, stub- | born, systematic work to organize the Negro masses against capital, against race oppression, against imperialist wars. Already now con- siderable strata of Negro workers are becom- ing the vanguard of still greater sections of the black agricultural population who are ex- ploited by capital to a no less extent than the workers. The tasks and perspectives of the conference are colossal. A new fire will burn up from this small spark, which in the very near future will make itself felt for world imperialism. Wage Cuts in the Mining Fields By V. KEMENOVICH. (Penna. N.M.U. District Sec’y.) 6 N June 1 wage cut notices greeted miners in the Rockefeller controlled mines in northern West Virginia, United States Steel subsidiary mines in Western Pennsylvania; one mine of the powerful Taplin interests— the Pittsburgh Terminal Coal Company low- ering the day work scale to $4.50 a day in Pennsylvania and to $3.50 in West Virginia and lowering the tonnage scale to 45 cents a ton in Pennsylvania and about 35 cents a ton in West Virginia. This is new low level reached since the 1917 scale signed with U. M. W. A. and is an opening for a country-wide wage cut in the mining fields. The maneuver of the coal companies is obvious, They cut wages in only one mine, or as the Consolida- tion Coal in one section, thus making it im- possible for the miners to act simultaneously. The Pittsburgh Terminal has mines 2, 8, 4, 7, 8, about 12 miles out of Pittsburgh, employ- ing over 3,000 miners, yet they cut wages only in mine No. 10 which employs 70 men. Next will be mine 2, then 3, until all will have cut. The United States Steel through its various Subsidiaries is doing the same. Now they only cut in the Duquesne mine, next it will probably be in a mine on the Monongahela River, and so on, until all will receive a cut; in the mean time the one that received the cut first will be ready for a new cut. The tactics of the coal companies are dangerous for the miners, and these tactics must be countered. 5 What Are the Unions Doing? The U. M. W. A. in the West Virginia field under the leadership of the admirable Van A. Bittner, who came into the field in 1925 to represent Lewis, and told the miners—of whom there was over 25,000 working under an agreement—that he would not leave the field until the whole West Virginia is organ- ized. He succeeded to organize it, in the good Lewis style, and today there is not a man working under an agreement in the West Vir- ginia fields. Today he is still telling the ©iners the same thing, only not at the mass meeting of miners but through the Watson- Rockefeller owned Fairmont Times and other of the bosses. The miners refuse to | have anything to do with Bittners, but he persists in doing something for the miners. He is doing it through his thugs, spys, stools, and he says it with black-jack, pop bottles and knives, Thugs Beat Lucy Sass. Under this leadership the thugs beat up Lucy Sass, N. M. U. organizer; Charley Close and another one of the N. M. U. men was‘ stabbed. Hundreds of N.M.U. members and sympathizers were blacklisted and driven out of the field. The former good leaders like Frank Kinney are tied up with the newest recruits in the camp of the coal companies— Farrington-Fishwick-Howat gang. He is using his former prestige and record of sham fight against Lewis to again fool the miners. How- ever, he is not having any success as the W. Virginia miners have his as well as Van A. Bittner’s record. In the Pennsylvania fields the Lewis-Fagan gang has stooped to the lowest type of stool pigeoning. They are too weak to use the Bitt- ner “strong arm” methods, so they simply go to the bosses and superintendents houses to . tell them who is a N.M.U. member or sym- pathizer, and if a man ~efuses to give them a drink or a chicken dinner he is denounced as a N.M.U. Communist, and certainly dis- charge follows. The Farrington-Fishwick-How- at gang is represented by the “socialist,” Rev. Thomas, who are entrenched in some of the fraternal organizations. Browbeat Members of Party. Browbeating the rank and file by petty poli- tician tricks and Roberts rules of order, and thus keeping the discussion on the problems of the miners from the floor of these organ- izations. To weaken the N.M.U. afairs they organize counter affairs. And to make it im- possible to hold meetings they refuse to rent the N.M.U. the lodge halls, or if they rent the halls, they spy upon the members of the N.M. U. and get them discharged. The I. W. W. which has some influence over 'the Italian and Hungarian miners, make united fronts with any one and every one using all the petty. tricks to weaken the N.M.U. They talk about organizing one big industrial union of all the miners, but they say it with glasses of red wine in the clubs, and the bosses do not even ! | | ee Gally, except Sunday, at 26-28 Union Cable: “DAIWORK.” ” Baily = N.Y. Fi AND ORDER = Worker u, By mail everywhere: One yeor $ Mavhattan and Bronx, New York SUBSCRIPTION Yorrmst 6; six months $3; two months $2; excepting Boroughs of City, and foreign, which are: One'year $8; six months $4.50 riy of the THE SOUTH Reaction in the Caribbean Area By JORGE PAZ. HE RADICALIZATION of the masses of Latin America, raised to the level of the fight for the streets, was clearly shown on the 20th of March in the unemployed demonstra. tions, and those carried out on the first of May. On the first of May, the jails of Salvador were filled with the best trade-union leaders; the government of Honduras had unchained a violent reaction, surrounding the houses of the comrades active in the workers’ organizations; in Guatemala the systematic reaction had been growing parallel with the investments of the United Fruit Company, and after the coup d'etat of General Chacon—part of the trade unions were destroyed and the Regional Work- ers’ Federation was reduced to illegality. In Mexico, after a series of crimes and deporta- tions (along with pretentions of the govern- ment to be revolutionary), after a series of shootings with a view to terrorize the trade union leaders of that country, after the closing of the offices of the Communist Party, the Unitary Trade Union Confederation, after the raid upon the print shop of the Party and the confiscation of the Young Communist Press, dream that some one is organizing “one in- dustrial union,’ Lately we got a whift of the poison from the Finnish right wing, who, at one of the large camps of the Jones & Laugh- lin, subsidiary of the Vest Coal Mine No. 4, under the leadership of a typical right winger | Ahola, refused to give the N.M.U. the Finnish hall for a meeting, claiming that “some of our club members have good jobs, and if we let you-meet in our hall they will lose their jobs.” At a meeting of the Finnish Workers Club, Ahola led a fight against giving any financial assistance to the N.M.U. organizer who is working in that field. Ahola is step- father to the wife of one of the Finnish rene- gades in the cooperatives. Miners Prepare for Struggle Against Wage Cuts. ‘ The National Miners Union, on the other hand, is preparing the miners for struggles against wage cuts everywhere. The Mine Com- mittee at the Duquesne Mine called an open meeting for all the miners, at which meeting they will take up the wage cut. The N.M.U. Mine Committee proposed a program of ac- tion that will spread the struggle to many other United Steel mines. In the Pittsburgh Terminal, under the leadership of the district committee and locals in mines No. 3 and No. 8 the N.M.U. is issuing a special leaflet calling upon all the miners of the Terminal to strike in support of the ,70 striking men at Mine No. 10. In West Virginia a leaflet was is- sued for the miners in Consolidation mines primarily which, however, will be distributed among other than Consolidation miners. Committees to Fight Against Wage Cuts. In all the mines the N. M. U. is electing and establishing mine committees, whose task is to carry on a persistent fight against the wage cuts; fight for the establishment of check-weight men on the tipples, dead work scale, against penalties for “dirty coal,” which is a scheme of the coal companies and through which they steal thousands of tons of coal from the miners daily. N. M..U. Mine Com- mittees are carrying on a fight against the robbery through the company store, and also against discrimination against Negro, and old men or the young miners. The N. M. U. Com- mittees of Action counter the tactics of the coal companies in the cutting of wages in only one mine at a time, and immediately a wage cut takes place scatter into all the camps of the same company to mobilize for support of the men who are struggling against the wage cut. Ranks Increasing Steadily. The correctness of the program and tactics of the N.M.U, is winning larger and larger numbers of the miners for the N.M.U. increas- ing its ranks steadily by new members from among the miners of all political beliefs, from all colors and greeds, and making it possible for the N.M.U,f&o start a nation-wide stxysele. | the r matic relations with the Soviet on—after all this, the proletariat demonstrated its fighting spirit on the first of | onto the street to struggle at a against the agents of Yankee im- We take two cases that characterize the re- action in Latin America, more properly the Caribbean Region, Mexico and Cuba. We have spoken generally about Mexico, let us add a little from the much there is to say. Molina Killed in May Day Fights. On the first of May, the working masses of the Unitary Trade Union Confederation, came out in demonstrations and at eight separate times were in conflicts with the armed forces of the government. In this fight, during which many were wounded, Eugenio Molina was killed. At the same time the.reactionary government of Mexico, which until yesterday tried to play with the proletarian revolution with an alarm- ing deluge of demagogy, attacked the commer- cial offices of the Soviet Union, taking all its documents (the diplomatic representatives had left two months before and there remained only the trading offices) and arrested ‘the commer- cial agent, Friedman. It is necessary to say something about the st decomposition of the Mexican gov- The government of the petty bour- ie, raised up by the long revolt, recognized oviet government under circumstances in which the workers of the country were fight- ing against the old landlords, real feudal barons, and against imperialism, The radicalization of the masses obliged General Obregon first, and Calles afterwards, to include in their pro- grams of candidacy the fundamental point — recognition of the Soviet government. This same radicalization of the masses, mas- ses speaking in a rather sharp tone because they had arms in their hands, pushed the government of the Mexican petty bourgeoisie (then on the field of battle) to a struggle openly anti-imperialist, which, however, ceased to be so the moment the remnants of the De La Huerta tried to restore the domination revolt of General De La Huerta were liquidated. of British imperialism, better said British im- perialism made use of De La Huerta against General Calles, that is to say, against Yankee imperialism, Yankee imperialism, having conquered the central national power and having liquidated its armed opposition, believed itself consolid- ated in power, and today the Mexican bour- geoisie tries to demonstrate to Yankee*imper- ialism that it has no relations with the Soviet Union, that the Mexican Government is like that of Cuba. Constant Struggle of States Against Federal Government. On the other hand, we have a ¢onstant strug- gle of the separate states against the national government. Thus we may see the forces of British imperialism that continue struggling to weaken the positions of its enemy. But a new situation presents itself to the Mexican Government. 700,000 unemployed; more than three million “poquiteros,” that is to say, of traders that have no more than twenty-five or thirty cents capital and whose daily profits are not over forty cents; wages are constantly reduced in industries and mines; wages of the agricultural peones in some of the southern states are no higher than eighteen centavos (nine cents) for twelve and fourteen hours of work daily. This concrete reality the government pretends to “solve” with dgporta- tions, crimes and tortures, And this must affect, to satisfy the desires of the government of Mexico, the 7,000,000 peasants and 1,000,000 industrial workers and miners. The first of May demonstrated the growing fighting spirit of the Mexican proletariat. Government Dissolyes National Confederation of Labor. In Cuba, after the demonstration of March 20 in which 200,000 workers took part, the government responded with the dissolution of the National Confederation of Labor and the Havana Federation, The first of May had to PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION The Work of Our Trade Union Fractions By JOHN SCHMIES. HE building of the revolutionary txade unions into real mass organs of struggle is the major task of the Party on its road to a mass political proletarian organization. The increasingly favorable objective conditions for building a revolutionary trade union center, the T.U.U.L., offer to our Party now, more than at any other time in its history, this op- portunity to fulfill this great task. The ap- plication of the Party’s trade union policy de- pends largely upon the proper functions and activity of our Party fractions within the trade unions. Because, only if our Party frac- tions act as the revolutionary driving force within the union, will the Party policy not only be adopted but actively put into life among the masses of unorganized workers as well as among the rank and file within the reformist unions. The Party fractions within the trade unions are the sole political agencies responsible to the Party organization for the application of the Party’s policy in the trade union movement. The experiences of our trade unions show: 1. That our Party fractions failed to cor- rectly and vigorously place the Party policy before the membership in the respective unions. 2. In most cases the fractions do not act as the revolutionary driving force within the unions and therefore fail to give life and class consciousness to all the issues and problems before the unions. 3. In most cases the bulk of our Party members within the unions are not organized into the Party fraction and therefore instead of being the leader and the active organizer of the unions they are merely a part of the inactive membership within the organization. The T.U.U.L. membership drive may be taken as an example. If this drive is to really ma- terialize in accordance with our program for the union, then it is the Communist duty of every Party member in the unions to see to it that our Party fractions are to work out a clear and simple program of action based upon the immediate perspectives of the unions in their everyday tasks: e. g., the building up of shop committees in the industries, the organ- ization of broad rank and file organizing com- mittees, the activization of every member within the union. All this must be done with the aim in view of organizing, mobilizing, and activizing the entire union membership and developing out of this membership drive a real leadership capable of ledding the eco- nomic battles of the workers against the bosses and their agencies. Lack of Organization. The present membership drive of the T. U. U. L. shows very clearly the lack of organiza- tion and preparation by our Party fractions. In fact, in some cases the Party fractiohs, like those in the shoe and building trade in New York, failed to even seriously consider this drive at all, not to-speak of using it as the central task in establishing the T.U.U.L. movement in the shops. Then again we find that where the Party ractions do function somewhat, as in the needle, food, and marine trades, they do not function as the responsible political body that work within the guides the proper orientation for the union membership. The needle trades convention which we have just experienced is the best example of this condition. The preparation on the part of our Party comrades for this national convention was a scandal and was a good example of how not to apply our Party trade union policy in the unions. Instead of organizing the Party fractions in order to really build up the convention politically and to present the T.U.U.L. program in a con- scious militant fashion, giving to the workers in the needle trades industry and to the dele- gates at the convention a militant program for struggle, almost no preparations were made, the program presented to the convention lack- ing the most fundamental issues of the class struggle. Lack of Party Fractions. This lack of militant Party fractions within the trade unions is to a large extent responsi- ble for many of the right wing mistakes, as well as the lagging behind of the T.U.U.L. organizations. Such a fundamental shortcom- ing of our Party must be sharply called to the attention of our membership. The following steps must be taken immediately: 1. Our Party members in the unions must be organized into functioning fractions. The fraction meetings must be held regularly and must take up and check up on the tasks and activities of the unions. 83. The fractions must have a leading com- mittee which must come into the general frac- | tion meeting with definite proposals and a | definite outline of work of the unions. 4. The Party fractions must rigorously take up the question of self criticism, not for | the purpose of confessing, but for the better purpose of steeling the membership to the | hardships of the struggle, and of learning by | the members’ experiences and mistakes. | 5. The Party fractions must be responsible ) for the development of the proper leadership and of drawing into the leadership new forces | growing out of the actual struggle between the unions and the bosses. 6. The Party fraction must be conscious of its tasks and must create political and or- | ganizational leadership in order to activize and mobilize the entire union membership for the class struggle program of the unions. 7. The Party fraction within the revolu- tionary opposition in the reformist unions must be responsible for the proper orienta- tion of our revolutionary opposition in order to hasten the building up of the T.U.U.L. movement and to give the correct line and policy in our open struggle against the fas- cist and social fascist leaders. 8. Our Party fractions must be held re- sponsible for the building up of the Labor Unity and must place before the T.U.U.L. movement the Labor Unity as the official or- gan of the revolutionary trade union center. Only by organized and well functioning Party fractions will we build up the T.U.U.L. membership drive, and only in this manner will we popularize the Fifth World Congress of the Red International of Labor Unions as well as build up the mass sections of unem- ployed councils. The responsibility of our Party members must be taken up seriously and ‘through proper organization must be sharply corrected. | Party-League Relations By ETHEL STEVENS, (St. Louis, Mo.) ‘HE pre-convention discussion which the Party is carrying on must also embrace the question of the Young Communist League and its tasks. Today for the first time, we ean have a sincere discussion on the Y. C. L. and C. P. relations without any factional bearings. In the past, under the guise of “the League must be the best interpreter of the C. I. decisions,” the Party mobilized the League to serve the interests of either faction and not the interests of the young workers. Just as the Party was unable to develop into a mass organization because its “main ob- stacle” was not removed, so the League func- tioned as an isolated and sectarian group of wranglers. Now we have the historic C. I. Address which gave the severest blow to factionalism and which is now enabling the League to carry out its mission of leading the young workers in their struggles. The fight which the Party carried on against the open op- position to the C. I. decisions as well as the recent conciliatory tendencies was likewise carried on within the ranks of the League. While in the past the reflection of the Party factional struggles within the League was of greater hindrance, today the League can as- | sist in exterminating all right wing and con- ciliatory elements from our ranks. Let us deal for a moment with the ques- tion of Party and Young Communist League relations. For six years the League was used as a factional foot ball and received no help or attention for the Party. Today the situation has changed considerably but there is still room for improvement. | The League members joining the Party to- day are aware of the fact that their chief functions will be that of doing Party work. | It is generally conceded that young blood has always been an aid to any cause and this is no different. The Party, on the other hand, must not take the services of these people for granted and devote considerable atten- tion to their activities. If we examine such League units where there are no corresponding Party units to give guidance (Hammond, Ind., Waukegan, Tll., Granite City), we can clearly see that to help in the building of the Party becomes a task of the League. The League without building up Party units and Party apparatus | in such places is apt to suffer the conse- quences of being leaderless politically. It is therefore clear that a prerequisite in estab- lishing proper relations between the League and the Party is an understanding on the part of the League members of the necessity of building the Party and vice versa. Today more than ever, this understanding is being established on sound basis, for today the. guidance of the C. I, is taken most seriously, not in the sense of which faction does the. C. I. “favor,” but in the sense of trying most. strenuously in building up a mass Party and League in America. | Demand the release of Fos- ter, Minor, Amter and Ray- mond, in prison for fighting for unemployment insurance, eit GE Sk NL ML Coe MER Mae COMMER ae Ca have a character of open struggle for demands of immediate character, such as the legality of the Communist Party, free speech and re- opening of the offices of the two trade union organizations. These battles synthesized the rebellion of the Cuban proletariat. which during five.long years had endured a fascist dictatorship. Dur- ing these five years, the best trade union and political leaders of' the workers were deported. The frontier was passed to as- sassinate such leaders (the case of Julio An- tonio Mella). The jails of Havana were filled and persecutions fed the sharks of Havana Bay (the cases of Brusson and Jalob). Police Fire Upon Workers. On the first of May in Regla, a suburb of Havana, there gathered more than 20,000 workers to surround the place known as “Lenin’s Tree,” as a revolutionary demonstra- tion and tribute to the leader of the world prol¢tarian revolution. The police fired upon the /workers and killed two, Montergo and Perez, deporting more than thirty and arrest- ing the delegate of the National Confederation in Manzanillo, comrade Cesar Vilar. The army has arrested him and it is supposed that, as is the custom of Machado, he has been as- sessinated, In spite of all of the fascist terror that the Cuban government has inflicted upon the pro- letariat of that country, in spite of all this bloody wave that has spread from 1925 until today, the Cuban proletariat is in motion, and with the proletariat of all Latin America is fighting for the streets of American cities, showing that the period of proletarian revolu- tion, preceded by terror, has reached the whole world proletariat, not excluding the most back- ward regions of America, The Daily Werker is the Party’s hest instrument to make contacta among tke masses of workers, to build a mass Communist Party,