The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 13, 1930, Page 3

DAILY WORKER NEW YORK, FRIDAY, JUNE 13, 1930 er By SAM DON. MORE clarity is necessry on the Labor Party policy of the Party. It is essential to un- | derstand what brought about the change in the Party’s policy with regards to the Labor Party. It is quite obvious that the change is due to the new conditions arising out of the third period; namely, the maturing fascist character of both the trade union bureaucracy and socialists and particularly because of the role of the left social fascists. The Labor Party movement of 1921-22 grew out of the 1921 crisis, the strike movement and agricultural conditions. Then the Labor Party movement grew out of the very depths of the masses and could serve and did serve, for a while, as a means of mobilizing the workers in struggle against capitalism. In 1921-22 the Socialist Party and even the progressives trailed behind the Labor Party movement while our Party was in front. The Socialists and progressives stepped into the movement in order to prevent it from assum- ing organizational form and particularly to win it away from the growing influence of the Party. Today we see that there is no move- ment from below for the Labor Party while the Socialists and left Musteites who then trailed behind the movement, are now becoming the organizers and sponsors for the Labor Party. What is this change due to? It is due to the change in the world situation in the | third period in which, in face of decaying capitalism, the working cla is taking the | counter-offensive, and the bourge is in | need of a Labor Party which will safety valve against the growing ra of the working class. To understand the new policy of the Party means to see clearly the changed role of the trade union bureaucracy of the A. F.of L from merely being reactionary, as in the past. to becoming openly fascist and the old tyne trade union progressives developing social f J 5 cism as a fig leaf cor the open fascism of the A. F. of L. | This role of the left social fascists is clearly revealed in their propaganda of the Labor As the crisis deepens and the ve of the working class rises, sheir bitter experichces the workers are learn- | ng to know the fascist character of the A. F. | of L., as stated by Mathew Woll in an article in the Herald Tribune: | “Those who rail at both Communists and the A. F. of L. really ought to wake up and discover that the Federation, whether they like it or not, is holding the first line of com bat in the defense.” Workers Turn To T.U.U.L. And Party. | The workers are therefore turning away | from the A. F. of L. and will naturally turn | 20 the leadership of the T.U.U.L. and the Party. In order to stop this growing turning away | of the workers from the A.F.L. toward us, | the socialists, Muste Social Fascists appear as “critics” of the American Federation of Labor. In the May issue of Current History, there is a debate between O’Neal and Mathew Woll on the American Fedération of Labor. O’Neal’s | article is announced as an attack or the A.F.L., while Mathew Woll is defending it. The pur pose of the attack is very clear, namely: to save the A.F.L. as the fascist shock troops of | the bosses within the ranks of the workers. {n the May issue of Musteite Labor Age there appeared an article by Muste himself. The article is also an attack on the A.F.L. An attack on the no-strike policy of the A.F.L. in the south. Of course, there is not the slightest difference between the no strike policy of Green and the strike policy of Muste. How- ever there is an important difference in the method and role of both. We can see from the experiences in Marion, N. C., Kenosha and in the anthracite, textile regions where the Party and T.U.U.L. were absent the work being anxious to struggle, having no faith in the A.L.F, leadership accepted the Musteite leadership because of their progressive phrases and promises for struggle. The progre: ve phrases were used to give the workers an il- Jusion of struggle and at the same time prevent them from really organizing for the fight and in the heat of the struggle they were pur- posely left completely disarmed. d \ The “criticism” of Muste and the old “tried” | socialist leader, James O’Neil is linked up with their active propagation of the Labor Party. The trade union policy of the Musteites cannot be separated from their labor policy. One supports the cther. Just as ‘in the economic field the policy of these social fascists is by progressive phrases (Howatt) to give the workers the illusion of fight at the time when they have already completély lost faith in the A.F.L,, so at the present time when the work- ing class due to the pressure of the chisis is maturing politically and beginning to turn | «away from the Bourgeoise Parties; the Labor Party slogan is propagated by the Social Fas- cists whereby they hope to stop the movement of the workers away from the bourgeois parties and towards us, This is very clearly brought out in a num- ber of articles in the May issue of the Labor Age. The leading article in the magazine en- titled “Politigal Revolt Brewing,” written by Mr. Howatt Williams, shows that plainly. In | a hazy way he speaks of the deepening of the crisis, growing unemployment and wage cuts. He is compelled to speak in a confused way about the growing rad ation of the work- ing class. Therefore, fearing the growing re- volutionary perspectives he is cut to save cap- italism. And tlie development of a Labor Party movement is the means whereby he hopes to arrest the growing revolutionary development. For instance, he states quite openly: “Workers eve:ywhere have told me that if the situation would have become much worse this winter there weuld have teen OPEN REVOLT. I believe that is what we are com- ing to in the next few yefrs unless there develops a new political movement when will use pe meet the sit and “I€ we do not fernish the workers of this untry with any intelligent, constructive, creative political Party to meet the present uation then if we do haye larger numbers in a more creative way ion.” of unemployed and corresponding reduction of wages of these who do work THERE | WILL BE. NO OTHER ALTERNATIVE | THAN VIGLENT REBELLION.” My. Budenz, the expert in bieaking stri by means of progressive phr also hes an in the same issue Musteite » headline of t cle is “FOL- S of tk LOWING THE FIGHT,” ith a sub-title “We head for a revelution.” As Mr. Budenz follows the grow’ truggles of the workers ughout the country he becomes haunted with the spectre of revolution. n a. He therefore a means to stem the And Agressive non-r control of the reformists he propose ince he: t as in India this will go beyond the s that the 2 be skillfully employed. point’ is followed np by a number phrases which lead up to the and—the creation ef a Labor Party. y is to introduce r to as & strike breaking agency to prevent the: working class from our leadership ‘and to be able to disarm the ig class by propagating Ghandism. The Thesis of the Central Committee basing itself on the line of the C.I. with regards to the maturing fascist character of the de Union bureaucracy and the need of lar con- centraticn of fight ag: out very clearly that: 28 Party mede up of S organizations would not mezn politi aration of the’ workers from tt but would mean the delive: to capitalist politic: e bo: finitely to an ide- aration of the workers from the the Labor Parts ssible instrument with v attempt to delay this The appeerance of the can sections ef the country is .0t the growing realization on workers w rds to the st leadei of the A.FP.I due to the fi ny cases it is that the T.U.U. to root itself in the basic i | demonstrate its capacity for actuai leadership. | In many instances, as in the coal fields, the sentiments of the workers are with us but they | lack faith in us because of our failure to be on the scene before a stri develops and to re- main on the scene after the strike is over. We cannct have a fatalistic approach to cuestion of the development of » Labor Party. The formation of a wabor Party here and there will primarily Le due to our failure to build the T.U.U. to our f to develop in- | ependent pelitie! camp Party. In the coming election cai the must step forward as an active for While we must not re st the bourgeois parties and must particularly concentrate the fight against the social fascists and Muste- ites in their ‘or to develop a Labor Party movement. port of the Part; Some Corrections Building 2 By JACK TAYLOR. (Section 5) eels involved in Séction work to a degree that made it physically imposible for me to actively participate in the work among the building trade workers, and basing my con- | clusions as to the applicability of the recently formulated policy for work in the A. F. of L. Building Trades Union, mostly on hearsay and not on careful study of both the Program and Organization Resolution, and having since had time to carefully study the T.U.U.L, Bujlding Trades Program and the Organization Resolu- tion, I feel it necessary to make the following statement: 1, The deepening economic crisis in the U. S. finds reflection in the rapidly grewing discontent of the building trades workers against the bureaucratic and fascist A. F. of L. officialdom. 2, The fact that in May, 1929, the figures for building construction were $540,000,000 as compared to $210,000,000 May 1930, proves that there is a sharp economic crisis in the pbuilding trades industry. R Mig racolovation of the process of ration- . in My Views on Trades ization coupled with the mechanization and simplification of labor, creates a constantly growing unemployment situation never hefore met by the Building Trades Workers in the A. F. of L. Unions. 4, The growing unemployment an: the fact that the building trades A.F.L. bureaucracy will not and cannot lead the workers into strug- gle for better conditions, the many betrayals and sell-outs of the interests of the workers by the A. F. of L. fascist leadership is constant- ly leading to the consolidation of the forces of revol¥ against the A. F. of L bureaucracy. 5. It now remains for comrades in the build- ing trades to consolidate and give leadership ‘0 these forces of revolt in the Building Trades on the basis of the T.U.U.L. Program and Or- ganization. Resolution. The argument in my previous article (at June 9 Daily Worker), that it is opportunism to apply the T.U.U.L. line in those building trades locals jwhere we have no T,U.U.L. groups, is correctly answered by the fact, that where we have no T.U.U.L. groups wo’ can- not apply the T.U.U.L. line; and the T.U.U.L. groups are built around the T.U.U.L. pregram. * vA. N.L.C. As Mass Organization of Negro Workers by B. D. AMIS. I economic cr has keenly affected the 12,000,000 Negro workers., The cr! ith mass unem- ployment and wage cuts, is far reaching among the Negro poor farmers, agricultural laborers, and workers. been plainly shown that and evictions from their homes the Negro worl ers. Those who are working have the most menial jobs, laboring under intolerable condi- tions and working long hours. This economic pressure is driving the Negro workers into the revolutionary wave. Among the rank and file there is fast growing realization that this op- pression caused by the capitalist system of inhuman exploitation can be comkatted only thru st More and more, they organ- izin to throw off the yoke of But in most instances the have proven false and rs into the hands of york: as to the real cause of the deep-gro’ The Negro workers are doubly exploited, roes end a* workers. They are in The A. F. of L. h workers, set up and ed in other: In ‘th of i e th Ge unions si s by pitting one group of worke another. Dividing white workers and Ne workers, using the latter as scab labor in many instances, keeps wages low and causes hatred which prevents organizing. In direct contrast to this method of the A. F. of L., the T.U.U.L, ‘has a program of struggle for Ne- gro and workers alike. It o*ganizes both on the same basis into the same union and vigorously fights ag: all forms of race hatred. The v tional Ax ored Peop is of today does not rally x and file Negro wor These false leaders do not understand the basic cause of the crisis, since their interests are not in commion with the interests of the work- ers, and they help to perpetuate the capitalist system of hatred between black and white workers. Neither do they understand that the recent waves of lynching ave a part of the capitalist system to perpetuate hatred between the black and white workers. eeenomie p: up- port from 3 The need a broad mass organization for the Negro quite appar@ht. Such a working class organization must have a pro- gram of struggle and must enlighten and de- velop the Negro worker to re the growing offensive of the bosses. The millions of rank and file Negro workers who know of the clas struggle but are not conscious, mut be reach- ed. These unorganized workers engaged in the The legalistic argument in my previous ar- ticle, that comrades will be immediately ex- pelled if they present the program and the de- that has a firm hold in | mands of the T.U.U.L., does not held water | due to the fact that meny of our comrades have been expelled in the past not because they pre- sented the program of the T.U.U.L., but be- cause these comrades formed united fronts | with fake progressives from the top, instead of united fronts from below, with the program of the T.U.U.L. as a hasis. The present T.U.U.L. program, based on careful consideration of the situation in the building trades industry, and the erganization resolution, wiich is based on the Program, will, if actively applied by our comrades in the building trades unions, lead to the win- ning away of the majority of the building trades workers from the A. F. of L. fascist leadership, and over to the T.U.U.L., the revo- lutionary trade union center, which will lay the basis for a revolutionary building trades c-> truction workers industrial union, are good potential elements for ss organization. Such movements as the vey clubs must be penetrated further. In this organization, the rank and file have be- come somewhat militant. Yet they have been deceived by f pt leadership. This leadership which built visionary dreams of a return to Africa which would be the establish- jalism, has robbed the es of millions of dolfars. It has them a program of struggle, but in its place a dream that can’t come true. The Garvey movement does not put forth the establishment of a workers’ and farmers’ gov- ernment as in the Soviet Unjon. A return to Africa if possible, would mean the inhuman ex- ploitation of the Negro masses by a newly ed Negro bourgeoisie. This would me about because of the pressure broughy to com- pete with the other imperialist nations. The Garvey movement encourages the divi- sion of Negro and white workers, so that a few corrvpt Negvo leaders may exploit the rank and leadership fails to sce that only file. through the solidarity of the Negro and wittte workers, fighting against their common ¢hemy bosses, can the oppressed national minori win their struggle against the bourgeoisie the right to self-determinaticn as has been done in the Soviet Union. the The A.N.L.C. as a broad mass organization can prepare the Negro masses for greater struggles. It can win a great number of these unorganized workers to our Paty by acting as a bridge organization. It can dispel that fear and suspicion of the Negro workers to white comrades and build a united front of Negro apa white workers. It must fight for the admit- tance of Negro workers into trade unions and organize Negro and white workers into in- dustrial unions. It must fight for the right of the ma: to have freedom of speech, press, and assemblage. It must fight against all to of race hatred, segregation, political isfranchizement and for the equal schooling for Negro childyc :. The masses of Negro workers must be or- ganized for the struggle against international imperialism, they must unite with the colonial, European, and Asiatic workers in’their struggle. American imperialist aggression in Mexico, Haiti, Nicaragua, and other colonial countries redoubles the task of the A.N.L.C. A great number of workers who are not ready to ac- cept our Party policy can be brought under the influence of the A.N.L.C. In this or- ganization the Negro workers of* the U.S.A. who are more industrialized, can be developed to become leaders of the oppres#ed colonia! Negro masses. ’ These many tasks can only be achieved through the thorough and energetic work ot a mass organization functioning in reality as a bridge between the Negro masses end our Party. The present crisis affords our Party the opportunity of greater direct contact yjth the Negro masses through a broad ANE al — LOVESTONE’S ‘LEN IN THE NEEDLE i By H. KORETZ. T Ist we were enriched with a declaration on Program and Principles by the so-called PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSIO THE LABOR PARTY--THE THIRD BOURGEOIS PARTY | former Minority of the G.E.B. of the N.T.W. | LU. under the spiritual guidance of Love- stone’s microscopic Majority Group of the C.P.A. It aims to “rescue” our Union from destruction at the hands of the “Burocrats,” who have instituted a regime of bossism, that puts to shame the regimes in the reactionary unions (Gitlow). Hitherto their opposition was “Hooverian Prosperity.” Their song was: “Under the Lovestone Regime Our Unions have prospered, lead mass strikes, everything was hunky dory, but now with the removal of the based on best advertised leaders, (Gross, Zimmerman, Stenzer, Zirlin, ete.) the N.T.W.I.U. has be- come totally isolated. Hence—fight for the only capable leadership of Lovestone, the de- fender of the “Leninist Line.’ No mistakes r committed. Absolutely infallible. But since they have failed with this stuff they have now tried luck with a “Real Program.” In the Counter-Revolutionary Age of May we find a “Clarion Call” for “Genuine ionism” by B. Gitlow and side by side with it the “Leninist Line in the Needle Trades—excerpts from the declaration of the so-called minority, which was presented to our Second National Rank and File Convention of the N.T.W.I.U. and received a crushing defeat. We propose on the basis of these two to make an analysis of the “Line.” He appeals for Leninism versus Losovskyis The policy of the T.U. U.L. played havoe in the U.S.A. Where ma: struggles were yet conducted as was the case in Gastonia, it was under the leadership of Lovestone. The new Unions are in a state of collapse. (This is a carefully considered state- ment—Gitlow). It will take years of pain- ful work under the most difficult circumstances to repair the damage that has been done to establish the prestige and influence of the communists among the trade union masses and to build a left wing—says Gitlow. His reason, of course, is “the ultra left sectarian policy of T.U “9 a policy of organizing simon-pure revolutions ary unions in stereotyped fashion, with all the nonsense of the ‘third period’ phantasies in trade union organization.” Not a word is mentioned as to what is to be done with the existing new Industrial Unions. Not a word in their defense. “Build the left wing” is the call of Mr. Gitlow. No splitting ever in the most reactionary Union. Only by these means, concludes Mr. Gitlow, will the Communists accomplish their basic trade union task, that of organizing the wu organized. “Only thru a United Front tactic on the issue of trade union unity against the burocracy and the bosses can we establish that trade union front of the organized and unorganized ‘masses that will make it possible for us to organize the unorganized into genu- ine unions under left wing leadership,” con- cludes further Mr. Gitlow. ‘ What a mess? No wonder we had such mess stryggles in the A.C.W. under hiss leadership. A maze of phraseology, covering up a definite | right wing opportunist line. And as is usually the case, the renegades call to their aid Com- rade Lenin, in order to deceive the masses of their real objective. Gitlow’s Style of Quoting. Gitlow in quoting Lenin, states the fol- lowing, “Lenin continually warned the Com- munists that they must work in the most re- ry unions and that it is against the f the Bolsheviks to split even the most reactionary trade union organizatio at a distortion of Leninism! It cer- tainly a daring piece of charlatanism and renegadism. What do the Thesis on Labor unions presented to the Second World Congress of the C.L., under the direct leadership of Com- rade Lenin, say? Paragraph 5, dealing with splits, reads as follows: “Placing the object and the essence of Labor organization above their form, the Communists ought not to hesitate before a split in such organization, (meaning I.P.A. unions) if a refusal to split would mean abandoning revolutionary work in the labor +-unions and giving up the attempt to make of them an instrument of revolutionary struggle.” So Lenin did approve of splits, the problem involved only, is that of time and tactics, and on the thesis further states: “But even if such a split should be neces- sary, it must be carried into effect only at a time, when the Communists have succeeded by their incessant warfare against the op- portunist leaders, and their tactics, by their most active participation in the economic struggle in persuading the wider masses of workmen that the split is occurring not be- cause of the far away and as yet incompre- hensible aims of the Revolution, but on ac- count of the concrete immediate interests of the working class in the development of its economic struggle.” . But Mr. Gitlow does not recognize yet that the A.C.W., as well as all reactionary needle trades unions, ceased to be organs of defense even of the most elementary needs of the workers such as wages, hours, etc. Mr. Gitlow does not accord them yet full recognition as company unions. Hence—build a left wing in these unions. How? Thru a United Front Tactic on the issue of Trade Union Unity. ts not this a gem? And on this there is com- TRADES plete unity between the Trotzkyites and Loves : on stonites. Another Rip Van Vinkle. The tailors of the A.C.W. are just waiting for Mr. Gitlow to issue to them the slogan of Trade Union Unity and they will rise in . arms against the burocr Where do you ‘ come from, Mr. Rip Van Winkle? You would * imagine that the tailors ‘and akers don’t = know the who the Hillmans and Schle- | t role they are playing. You would think, that the tailors will cherish some hope of being able to s ions through the gamated and Mr vices of the « aajori in order to ion tl re improvements in medium of the Amal- Gitlow offers the ser- roup of C.P. on the basis of tire sillu United Front ic < It is clear beyond doi t what Mr. Git- low calls genuine m unionism means au nothing less than the nt of the new 4 Industrial Unions and lez the masses into the camp of the ene rmation of the new Industrial Unions wa mistake accord- ing to these renegade their going over to th deliberatedly misquote Co de Lenin on splits No wonder they difficult circumstane Only now we can first realize why there was such stubborn resistance to the formation of and in order to justify y unions, they « + such unions from the Lovestone leadership. No wonder the conduct of important strug- gles was retarded. It is the same rew. that calculated on cil for new manoeuvers. this openly? The ansv It is only after we examin ciations on genuine milit we can really better digest the “Leninist” line in the Needle Trades of the minority. - The first point of their po reads, “Our main aim in all our work is the strengthening. and the building up of the N.T.W.I.U.” Why suddenly this assurance? Evidently these birdsa feel themselves guilty, for trying to smuggle p«sisy: through some contraband stuff and you cers, tainly don’t have to go too far to convinee urself about. Let us just enumerate the, rest of the points as they presented: “At the presen. time the r ary unions have, a bigger proportion of the workers than has the N.T.W.I. Union. However, the ideological hold of the reactionary bureaucracy is not strong as the membership of the right wing unions while the ideological influence of tHe! N.T.W.LU. is much bigger than its own mem= «i ‘11° bership and reaches sections of the membership in the reactionary unions. In the reactionary, unions, there is a growing discontent of the work use of the p¢ o1 and betrayal of the burocrats.’ Note the deliberate the strength of the con "i estimate the strength of T.W.LU. Tit is true as it is stated he , that the ideo- logical influence of he N.T.W.I.U. is much big- ger than its organizational strength, and if there is a growing discontent of the workers in the reactionary union, then it would only } be logical for the N.T.W.I.U. to rt its in- dependent leadership and orgai id lead the workers ‘nto struggles. But the Lovestone “Leninist ays dif+ ferent. 3. “In the ent s ion great emphasis must be placed upon the task of building and leading a left wing in the re- actionary unions. It is now necessary to launch . a general campaign to organize and crystallize a left wing in the I.L.G.W.U., A.C.W., to serve visions within the A.F.L. Coun- But why not admit politial cowardice. Mr. Gitlow’s enun- nt unionization, that 5 tent ef corruption att as a powerful ally in the str e of the N.T. W.LU. me Noth hem, the task and n of company unions. mere re y unions. But their ‘y becomes nore apparent when read fu yam for this left unions. It follows: nomic program of the ~#.*% nst the company Rs union leadership and policies. c) For the shop b Delegates Council. d) Fight for one Industrial Union in the industry. What do these pro- posals mean if not the opposition movement of the good olden days. It means that these Love- stonites are in reality social reformists, Muste- ites, sowing illusions among the masses about, the possibility of reforming the company un- <_ ion in the needle indus’ bout the possibil- ity for unity between the unions and « the N.T.W.I.U. through the advocacy of the slogan: One industrial Union in the industry. These Lovestone renegades propose for the left wing in their reactic unions, té fight for the Shop Delegates System, while in the N.T.W.I.U. they fought bitterly against its © installation. They propose for their left wing, to fight for one industrial union and on the N.T.W,I.U. they fight bitterly against drawing in members of the A.C.W. and the other trades, into the organization. : The masses in the Needle Trades Industry ‘“ gave them the proper answer. Completely de- feated at the convention with their meagre following dwindling away this group of te- negades stands today exposed as the enemy of the working class, trying by all means to” undermine the N.T.W.I.U. and help to build ap” the Company Unions—thus serving indireétly™® the interests of the employ . The Daily Werker is the Party’s best instrument to mahe ¢ among che masses of w build a mass Communist Part Some Sfortcomings of the Daily Worker By HARRY LEFF (Unit 4, Section iz Y.) The Daily Worker h mate a tremendous stride forward by learn- editions, drive for more readers and finan- cial support is to be a success the all about. Daily Worker must overcome a very | serious shortcoming, that. greatly retarded the growth of the paper up till now, Tha Daily ' where « @, Worker can@do itself la grea? favor oy discontinuing the practice of carrying over news items from one page to the other. News ing to publish the news of the day given in this fashion is ignored by first and everything else afterward. _ the readers, who haven't the time to A good policy to be maintained also | start somethingeon the first page, on Saturday and all other special | finish it on the next one, come once However, if the present! more @ the first and again turn to another in order to know what it is has Times can afford to give its news and its readers lit. As very little new: by the paper. items are | given and which are read), the fi page Daily Worker cannot afford | | finished on the same page Therefore, Daily Worker is interested to re ‘its old as well as its newly acqu | readers, if it is to increase its cir- culation at a more rapid pace than up to now, the paper must ceay And +0 on and so forth. | give heads on ong page and tails on While the 50-page New York | another and by so doing making a mess of the very news that you] this way (it was 50 more pages| comrades want the readers to know. complete news There is nothing impossible under Get Donations! Get Subst the sun. obstacle in the wade of makir Worker a mass * paper can be ist be overcome! are given | Worke en find the paperiie if the | interesting absorbing as both, in ne d will be given ise + that they can stood, This is be read and undetes brea the to Daily chosen fey the n Support the Daily Worker D