The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 11, 1930, Page 4

« \ Beuare. New Page Four ; York City. mai] all checks Published Be THe Comprodafy Publishing co. to the Daily Worker 26 ine., «Ally, excepr Sunday, uyvesant 1696-7-8. Cable: 28 Union Sauare, Y. Telephone 28-28 Union VAIWORK, New York N.Y. Central Organ ot the Commuuist Vas AFTERMATH OF THELONDON' CONFERENCE By LEON PLATT. “Pretty phrases are all very fine, but mus- kets, machine guns, ships, and fighting air- planes are even better.”—Mussolini. VERYONE cz the results of “peace” and “di hieved at the London conference. Th sts are proceeding naval programs. The 1s appropriated over 350 million lion dollar navy. French im- ing out prom- 0,000 tons by 1934. that brought the war to the forefront are Italian antagonisms and ppr of an armed struggle be- two imperialist powers. The Crisis of Italian Fascism. the expropriation of the Ital- i the intensive exploitation of and with the help of foreign cl s arly in developing its mot Te, and artificial silk in- ies. The economic success of Italian fas- depends upon raw material ntries. Italy must import such s as steel, coal, oil, cotton, The continuous wage cuts government subsidies to Italian ed their competitive capacities ional market. ng dependent, however, for its raw upon other countries, having its lines cation under the control of France ‘and, and having to meet the French best market—the Balkan however, from other c E teria! competition in its count the position of Italy is being con- tinuously threatened. At the same time the world economic crisis of capitalism seriously ected fascist capitalist economy. One of the official org f Italian economy had to state: “The Wall Street crash had great effect upon 1 , it still further increased the dif- d the unfavorable position of our s and trade.” exports seriously declined. The ex- ts for Janua 1929, totalled 1,037,000 lire por compared with 977,000,000 lire for January, 30. The unfavorable balance of trade for January, 1930, reached a total of 524,000,000 li Unemployment seriously increased, From y American) Italian fascism to reconstruct its in- | ain economic succes: fascist sources we are informed that the totai | number of unemployed in Italy reached 380,000. In re however, the number of unemployed is between 700,000 to 800,000. Generally, Italian fascism finds itself in a serious economic crisis. The promised farm relief resulted only in a : expropriation of the poor Italian peas- d increased subsidies to the rich land- Under the growing burden of ex- ploitation which became sharper with the d velopment of the economic crisis, working class is rapidly increas ance and discontent with the fascist regime. Struggle For Re-Division of the World. Italian fascism is faced not only with the problem of mecting the competition on the in- ternational market, but it also is fighting for the re-division of the world, which is necessary for the maintenance of the independence of the fascist state and its security as an important imperialist state. Italian fascism has not great colonies to speak of. The various Italian col- onies in Africa are absolutely poor in all of the important raw materials vital in indus- trial products. On the other hand, howev only a short distance from the mother count: there are situated rich colonies possessing all the necessary raw materials Italy needs. These colonies, however, are already under the con- trol of other imperialist powers, particularly France. Italy is therefore fighting for re- division of the colonial world, particularly of the French colonial empire. Mussoini_ has openly stated in one of his speeches in Flor- enc “We came lated victory At the London conference were manifested clearly the growing Franco-Italian an- The struggle of Italian fascism for parity was only an expression of the strug- ck from Versailles with a muti- } gle against the domination of French imper- ialism in the Mediterr: and for the armed preparations for a re-d on of the French colonial empire. Mussolini answered the re- fusal of France to recognize naval parity with Italy by laying the keels of 29 new battleships and subn nes. The current Italian naval budget increased over the previous budget by $12,750,000. At present, Italian fascism is fighting not only for the settlement of the Tripolitanion frontier but it is also attempting to wrest from France its imperialist mandate over Syria. The great economic pressure ex- erted upon the masses forces many of the Italian workers to migrate to other coun’ s. ‘les. In connection with this there is a continuous struggle between France and Italy concerning the status of Italians in Tunis. Fascism bit- terly opposes the Frnch de-nationalizing cam- paign of Italian nationals. Practically all Italian commerce must pass the Mediterranean. With the present situation, however, if one is to glance on the map, Italy finds herself a virtual prisoner in the hands | of France and England. The entzence to the Mediterranean from the Atlantic is vontrolled by the powerful British naval base of Gib.al- tar, and tke entrance to the Mediterranean from the Rea Sea is controlled by the powerful British naval bases, the Suez Canal and Malta. On the otker hand, the J rerch naval bases in Corsica, which is now being made into a second Gibraltar, and in North Africa are in a pori- tion to control every Italiin line of ecmmuni- cation. The powerful French navy and under- sea ‘leet is a continuous danger snd obstame to the imperialist aspirat of fascist Italy. As part of their preparations for war, Itely and France are proceeding with the building up of definite blocs in the Balkan courtries To isolate Italy, French imperialism succeeded in intering into a military al'iance with Juge Slavia and built up a strong Jugo-Slavian navy, which serves as a continuous menace to Italian fascism. The little entente built up by French imperialism, consisting of Poland, Rumania, dJugo-Slavia, is directed against Italian fascism and is part of the imperialist encirclement around the Soviet Union. On the other hand, Italy sueceeded in building up a group of its own vassal states, particularly those countries in the Balkans which are dissatisfied with the Versailles Treaty, consisting of Hungary, Bul- garia and Austria. Italian fascism is support- ing the Macedonian movement in Jugo-Slavia, and made Albania a virtual Italian protector- ate. To divert the attention of the masses from their deplorable economic condition, Italian fas- cism is now proceeding rapidly to mobilize war sentiment, particularly against France, which is its chief imperialist rival. The speeches of Mussolini are therefore war speeches. As one of the leading American political writers, H. M. Simmons, has stated in the New York Eve- ning Post of May 31: ! Re-Grouping of Forces. “Mussolini’s speeches mean war.” The Franco-Italian antagonisms and the ra- pid preparations for armed struggle under no vireumstances replace the chief imperialist an- tagonisms which exist today in the imperialist world between England and the United States. Arcund this Anglo-American antagonisn) ail the other imperialist differences develop and concentrate. The fact must be remembere 1. The Franco-Italian war preparations p Wwe most effcclively to the entire world the fa‘lure | of the London conference and the vapid «> proach of en imrerialist war. Today we are {iving in a pre-war period similar to that of the last var. A definite realignrient of Frees is taking place s‘Je by side with the cirect war jr parations/en the part of the imperia rowers, expressed in the tremendous war bu i- ccs and tie large naval-building program While social democracy is being entrusted the bourgeoisie with the preparations of this imperialist war and the militarization of ‘the working class, the existence of the Communist International and the activity of the Commu- nist Parties i definitely mobilizing the masses of workers; first, to understand the nature of imperialist wars, and secondly, to give the. pro- letarian answer to imperialist wars by turning | them into civil wars. Five-Year Plan of Great Works (Continued) The realization of the Five Year Plan is made possible by the tremendous creative en- thusiasm of the working masses, which has found its expression in such forms as socialist competition, and shock brigades, which ar: opening up the new era of socialist construc: tion. One of the greatest problems is thr problem of cadres; the network of workers schools to train skilled workers, etc., must be enlarged. The theses endorse the decisior of the C. C., reorganizing the technical insti tutes. While carrying on a ruthless batt! against counter-revolutionary elements in t industries, care must be taken of all speci ists who are honestly working for socialis construction. The Party must encourage skilled worke: to increase their technical knowledge of the! industry, and move them forward to leading positions. Workers who have shown initiative and leadership in their work in shock brigades ete, must be promoted to leading posts young engineers and specialists, who have shown their devotion to the work, must be pushed forward. The introduction of the continuous workin: week has raised the number of workers, in- creased the utilization of the factory equi, ment, quickened the circulation of capital, in- creased production and lowered costs. It played a decided part in the fulfillment of the Plan last year, and this introduction must be hastencd into all basic industries, The practice of sending specialists abroad to increase their knowledge and experience, and the use of the highly-trained engineering forces of foreign countries to bring to Soviet industry the most modern technical methods, etc., must be increased. Mutual exchange of experience between different branches of So- viet industry must also be broadened, so that the accomplishments, new methods, and suc- cesses of one, shall be spread to all. Any bureaucratic tendencies towards secrecy, or obstruction of the fullest and simplest rela- tions between all branches of Soviet industry, must be ruthlessly wiped out. The successes of socialist construction, of f? , the Five Year Plan, are so obvious, that even the capitalist world cannot help admitiing them. The world bourgeoisie placed its hopes on a financial collapse, on the cultural back- wardness, on the insufficiency of fo: on famine, on the break-up of the alliance he- tween the workers and the middle peasantry. ith unexampled speed, the U. S. 5. R. is changing from a backward, agrarian country ‘o a leading country of large-scale industry. ‘"n several of the most important branches of industry—coal, oil, agricultural machinery. veneral machinery, building meterials, the uotas of the Five Year Plan set by the Con- ‘ress of Soviets will already be fulfilled in he first three years! ° These successes in industry, the decided ‘urn of the poor and middle peasant masses ‘o socialism, the increased atiack on the cani ‘alist elements and the move tov tion of the kulak as a class on collectivization, sharpened the ¢! in the country and called forth a new, fur- ious campaign of slander against the U. S. S. R. by world imperialism and its social-fascist + agents. In the period since the 15th Congress, the Party obtained not only the achievement, but the surpassing of the Five Year Plan, attack- ing the capitalist elements along the whole class front, despite the openly opportunist vacillations among certain ranks of the Party due to the influence of petty-bourgeois cle- ments, which found their expression. in the direct attack on the jine of the Party by the Right deviators. The line of the rights led to the slowing of the speed of industrialization, and consequently to the strengthening of the capitalist elements. It was a capitulation to the capitalist elements. This line led io the demobilization of the masses, instead of to increasing their activity and their will to overcome difficulties. Only through irreconcilable struggle with the rieht opportunists was the Party able to accomplish the tremendous successes in the Five-Year Plan, The further tion is made possible only by continuing this struggle against the right deviaiors and con- é - | imperialist labor uceess of socialist construc- » | national proletariat in its struggle for Com- Baily $2: Worker al the u, Ry mut everywnere: une year $8; Maohettan and Bronx, New York C SUBSCRIPTION RArns: ix months $3; two months $1; exeiiton Boroughs ef ity. and foreign. which are: One year $8: six months $4.50 \\ W DONALD REGIME lheteasi Liberay . mr ate Disaffestion Mens, | Sereinments p Pe ‘ r. / VIEW Duce spree “4S AIM 2 a Fascitt Papers Seay Flcrence Words See aes By MANUEL PERRY. 'HILE the workers in New Bedford were commemorating the death of one great | fighter in the labor movement, Big Bill Hay- wood, and pledging themselves to fight against the speed-up, wage-cuts and unem- ployment under the leadership of the National Textile Workers’ Union, a group of traitors and renegades attempted to call a meeting of the textile workers in Monte Rio Hall to split the N.T.W.U. These traitors passed out leaflets in the name of the N.T.W.U. at the mill gates in an attempt to fool the Portuguese workers. Those workers, discovering the true character of the leaflets, turned them into the union headquarters. In their leaflet, Weisbord, Keller and Daw- son cafled themselves the real leaders of the strikes in New Bedford, Fall River and other cities. | Were they the real leaders? No! At the | time of the building of the National Textile | Workers’ Union (then known as the Textile Mills Committee), Fred Beal, Wm. Murdoch | and a group of rank and file workers, such as | Lameiras, Sameiras, Pitta and others were the real builders of the National Textile Workers’ | Union, Weisbord, Keller and Dawson, cowards all, have the nerve to proclaim themselves before the workers as militant fighting leaders. Why is it that Weisbord handed in his resig- nation as National Org. Secy. of the union’ Because Weisbord’s yellow streak was plainly evident when there was a motion that he should go down into Gastonia at the time Fred Beal and the other defendants were in jail. But Weisbord didn’t like the idea of facing the bosses’ Black Hundred in Gastonia. He valued his hide more than fighting for better con ditions for workers in the southern textile mills. Again, Mr. “Napoleon” Weisbord claims to be the leader of the Fall River strike, The organizers that really built and devel- oped a strike in Fall River were Comrades Jim Reid, Bill Soroka, Sam Wiseman and “artha Stone. But at this time the “little Napoleon” Weisbord had the theory of spora- | ' die or rolling wave of strikes and attempted to IN TIGHT Posinioy HOOVER DISP. LEASED WITH TARIFR r =f NEW al | CHANGE: oa WHILE IMPERIALISM QUAKES, SOVIET TOILERS MARCH STEADILY ONWARD! True Character of. Weisbord and Company Exposed call a general strike in Fall River. The comrades fought against this policy vig- orously, but Weisbord’s policy was forced on the other comrades. The result was that the situation became so big that Weisbord wasn’t seen around Fall River, and the other com- rades had to work night and day to handle | nel | yanks and are becoming more militant every the situation. If it weren’t for these com- rades the Fall River situation would have been a black eye against our movement. Now comes Miss Dawson—she was sent to Fall River as the union organizer for about five months. the union she demoralized it. She didn’t ob- tain one new member in all these months; on the contrary, many old ones dropped out. At the meeting of these renegades in the Monte Pio Hall there were 25 police to pro- tect them, 20 of our union members there to ask questions, 10 anarchists and about five of the yellow Weisbord group. At this meeting Keller delivered a memorial address which greatly resembled those usually rendered by the Rev. Dr. Thomas. union members asked for the floor the po- lice arrested them immediately. One Polish yorker, John Pelzcar, whose name appeared in the renegades’ leaflets, openly denied that he had any connections with the traitors. Six workers were arrested, including the National Org. Secy., Bill Murdoch, After the arrests the hall was completely deserted by every- one except Weisbord and his clique. At the union hall in 77 Potomska St., the workers waited for four hours for the arrested workers to hear them speak. At the meeting, the workers denounced Weisbord and Co. as traitors apd renegades of the textile workers, and pledged to fight under the banner of the National Textile Workers’ Union. According to the capitalist court, the chief state witnesses to appear against the arrested workers were Weisbord, Keller, and Rubin- stein, The workers in New Bedford will build a strong revolutionary union regardless of thes? traitors. Let’s go forward and build a mass revolu- tionary trade union movement in America under the leadership of the T. U. U. L. By R. PAGE ARNOT. pele is a country in which there are to be found existing at one and.the same time several stages of human’ society. There is | capitalism, there are the feudal survivals still very strong in the villages, especially in the native states, and in the hills there are still ‘ to be found communities in the tribal stage of organization. Over all, is the pressure of British imperialism, headed by the social- government, This results in a great diversity of classes; but these classes and sections of classes can j all be ranged according to their relation to | the revolutionary \trigps for emancipation j from imperialist rule. The feudal classes represented by the princes and the landlords, with whom are bound up the village usurers ar] traders, are dependent on British bayonets for their squeezing of the peasantry, and are solid sup- porters of the British Government. ciliators, as the main danger in the Party. At the same time the continuance of the strug- gle against the remnants of Trotskyism—the “left” opportunists-—is one of the necessary conditions of a successful struggle against the rights, “Overcoming opportunist vacillations and deviations, on the basis of a Leninist policy of socialist construction, the Party is welding masses of the working class and village toilers munism.” THE END and is strengthening the position of the inter- together under its banner, wider and wider | Classes and Parties in India The industrial bourgeoisie is, as a whole, a support of British imperialism. This indus- trial bourgeoisie (which has also close con- nections with the landlords, money-lenders and merchant bourgeoisie) is represented by sev- eval groups of politicians, including those calling themselves liberals. A section of the industrial bourgeoisie en- ceavors to use the mass revolt to gain con- cessions from the British Government and to embarrass its trade rivals by means of a boy- cott of British goods; but at the same time (and more and more as they dread the de- veloping class struggle) they are enemies of ‘the national struggle for emancipation. These are represented by the main leaders of the Indian National Congress grouped in the Swaraj or Home-Rule Party, which is also called the Congress Party. the Indian National Congress chiefs is to control the mass movement by maintaining their leadership over large sections of another class, the petty-bourgeoisie, and wherever pos- sible over the proletariat. The petty-bourgeoisie, which in Britain. is shrunken to a small class wavering between the bourgeoisie an the working class, is in India a very large class. It comprises hun- dreds of millions of peasants, and also arti: erty-stricken intellectuals, studentry, ete. and the poor petty-bourgeois of the towns. Three-quarters of the population of India live by agriculture on land a great part of which is held by landlords. The landlords, called zemindars, rack-rent the peasantry, and, in addition, subject them to all sorts of As a result instead of building | When the | Resolution of Ford Shop Nucleus Adopted Sat., May 31, 1930 ) nse Shop ®ucleus No. B5 endorses without reservation the theses of the Central Com- mittee of the Communist Party, and the re- port on the theses by the District representa- tiv Since the application of the Comintern Address the entire Party has made great strides forward, the real Bolshevik unity achieved on the possible the plunging of the Party into real mass work. However, in view of the great tasks and opportunities at hapd, we must re- port many shortcomings which make the work thus far done only a small beginning. Chief of our shortcomings is failure to con- duct systematic work inside the shop. This means we have not recruited members into the Party or the Union from the shop, nor have we given the proper attention to the various and growing grievances of the workers, which alone can place us in the leadership of their struggles. Only when we react quickly to the immediate needs of the workers regarding shop conditions, hours, wages, lay-offs, sani- tary conditions, accidents, speed-up, ete., can we win the confidence of the workers. Litera- ture, such as the shop paper and the Daily Worker, was distributed in the shop, but given away freely, not sold, thus not rallying the workers to the support of our movement. Very little work was done among the Negro and young workers. This lack is something which will have to be drastically corrected, as the youth and Negro workers will play an in- creasingly important role. In connection with March 6th and May Day, practically no agitation was carried on in the shop by our nucleus, which we recognize as a most serious failure which must be overcome at all costs. Closely connected with this fail- ure, which is the basis of all our shortcomings, is the lack of real political propaganda and discussion among the nucleus members, which also to a large extent accounts for the loss of some of our new members. We are united in our determination to correct basis of the Address making | the above errors by putting into immediat« effect the following proposals: 1. Every member of the nucleus to be as- signed a definite task, work to be checked up and correlated by the bureau of the nucleus. 2. To pay close attention to the develop- ments in the shop and immediately take the proper action through leaflets, personal ac- tivity, shop papers, etc. 3. We recognize that the nucleus is the Party fraction in the shop local of the’ Auto Workers’ Union, and that we must energetic- | ally apply ourselves to the most important mass task of the Party in this district, build- ing the Auto Workers’ Union _through build- ing the Ford shop local. 4, We must combine all our work in the shop with regular recruiting of new members into the Party, in order to double our member- ship by August Ist. « 5. Hand in hand with getting new members goes the building of the Daily Worker, and we pledge to bring into the Party new mem- bers, also readers of the Daily Worker and thus to develop a real Workers’ Corespond- ence by the increased circulation of ‘our paper. 6. As one of our chief. tasks we place the building of the shop paper, of which B5 will do its part in guaranteeing regular publica- tion and thorough distribution. 7. The. organization of study groups for members, and also meetings for both sympa- thizers and members. 8..To intensify our work in the shop, defin- itely organizing strikes on August Ist. This should be one of the points to which all of our work must lead. 9. To elect delegates to the July 4th Na- tional Unemployment Convention, as an impor- tant beginning of our election campaign, which, connected with the fight for “Work or Wages,” we will popularize among the work- ers in the shop. 10. To make a real militant struggle against the right danger in practice, wherever we find it in our every day work. Workers Must Answer the Challenge By H. POWERS. (Written in Jail.) | (ee struggle in the South is becoming sharp- er. The workers are strengthening their day. From Birmingham, Ala., comes the news of mass protest of workers against white ter- ror and pledging support to the Communist Party election campaign. North and South Carolinas are moving for- Workers of the | ward to new struggles, demanding the release | of all class war prisoners. Workers up North are joining in one big protest demanding, “No death sentences, no prison sentences for work- ing class fighters.” The fight is a simplified one: “Class against class.” The capitalists threw off the mask of “democracy” and open fascist rule takes its place. Communist Party—Illegal. The southern ruling class is becoming more desperate. They answer to the mass protest of the working class by a new wave of terror. Henry Story and Gilmer Brady, two Negro Communist fighters, Ann Burlak and Mary Dalton are charged with “inciting insurrec- tion” and are to face the electric chair. This brings the number of wérkers facing the electric chair for Communist activity, up to six. The police department of Atlanta issued the following statement on the arrest: “This is not Boston. These Communists have the avowed purpose of helping the unémployment situation. That’s exactly what they are not doing. The Communists are attempting to create a chaotic condition in the South by constant agitation on the labor situation. We're going to spike any sich attempts and we mean business.” The daily papers in the South, reporting the arrests see nothing “un- usual” in this. One of the papers reports, “Marking a vigorous campaign by police to stamp out all Communist meetings in Atlan- | ta, the solicitor general’s office drew bills to The object of | | present Friday to the Grand Jury,” and “Set- ting an unusual precedent, Mr. Hudson, per- sonally, appeared in Recorders Court Thurs- day, to press charges against the Young Com- munists.” ‘ Yes, it is something “unusual.” “For the first time in the history of the South, Negro and white workers stand united-in a common | struggle, challenging the rule of the capital- ist class in the South, This is an unusual thing that makes the bosses dizzy. Southern capitalism: is ruling with an iron hand, Georgia is the outstanding example. Here we have open fascist class rule. In Georgia the most exploited section of the working class which makes up over 40 per cent of the entire population, the Negro work- ers, are absolutely disfranchised. The Negro workers cannot participate in any state or local election, according to a law passed dur- ing Governor H. Smith’s days. The white workers are practically in the same condition. One must pay a $8 street tax, and $1 poll tax in order to vote. No worker can afford to pay this high price. The result naturally is that the class of capitalists is the only one that participates in elections. Atlanta, a city of 350,000, has 150,000 Negroes who cannot vote. Sixty-three thousand are eligible voters, but on the average, only 15,000 vote. In other words, the employing class does not. even take the trouble to play the popular game of creat- ing illusions in the minds of the workers as to who is the “boss.” Fight Against Fascism. The working class of the South is learning more of those things every day, and that is exactly what the bosses fear. The fight is now on! Six workers are facing the electric chair. Two of these are Negro workers. In this fight the bosses have as their allies, the fascist leaders of the A. F. of L., who of- ficially opened the present campaign of ter- ror duritg Bill Green’s last tour of the South. Bill Green himself made it clear that he came South “not to fight the employers but the reds.” Great battles are now in the making, and the Negro and white workers are not asleep. Under the leadership of the Communist Party, they will give the bosses blow for blow in the fight against white terror of the bosses and the Mussolinis of the A. F. of L. feudal exactions. Beneath the chief landlord there are tenants, sub-tenants, and further sub-tenants in an unending series, until the mass of the peas- antry live on plots of land so small that they are driven below the level of subsistence. In addition no less than 87,000,000 of the peas- antry are landless. his de ate position of the peasantry, | i eee ates i ed | of organization which was bound to’ waver, for which nothing but an agrarian revolution, driving out the landlord, can be the remedy, makes the peasantry a driving force in the Indian Revolution. But, just because they are dispersed by the very nature of their occupation, the peasants cannot fulfil their revolutionary task save in alliance with another class. The nationalist bourgeoisie led the peas- antry in the past and led them to the betrayal of Bardoli in 1922, The present situation is that of a growing national emancipation movement in which a struggle goes on.for the leadership of the masses of peasantry and other petty bour- geoisie between the nationalist bourgeoisie headed by the Congress Chiefs, such as Gandhi, Nehru, Patel, ete, and the Indian | working class. The proletariat, the most exploited class, | has in the last two years developed enormous- ly in class-consciousness, in organization and in fighting spirit. vancing steadily to the leadership of all the revolutionary forces, that is, of the various sections of the revolutionary petty bour- geoisie. The proletariat. in the past two years, has developed its revolutionary trade unions; with- in these unions a struggle goes on between the representatives of the Congress Party and o Taught by experience, | a A i | steeled by bitter strike struggles, they are ad- | ans; the petty-bourgeois intelligentsia (pov- | the revolutionary leaders of the working class. In the last few years also, there grew up in several provinces a Workers’ and Peasants’ Party, an amalgamation of revolutionary petty-bourgeois and genuine working-class ele- ments, This represented a stage in‘ the direc- | tion of the growth of the hegemony of the proletariat, but in itself, being a party repre- senting two different classes, it was a form and could not’ be the steadfast leading party of a revolution. Only a party drawn from. the. proletariat can successfully lead the proletariat to accom- plish its task, namely, to achieve the hege- mony of the proletariat over the peasantry and the revolutionary petty-bourgeoisie in the common struggle for national. liberation from the yoke of British imperialism. Up till now such a party, which can only be a mass Communist Party, working under a centralized discipline and amid conditions of illegality, has not yet been, formed. _ Its formation is therefore a fundamental task of the working class. Until this is done the course | of the Nevond: tion will be influenced by the viene et) of Gandhi and other bourgeois nationalists, who are actually against the national liberation struggle and are endeavoring to place them- selves at the head of it only. in order to better and more effectively defeat it when the time comes. The building of a Communist Party of India, which will lead the proletariat in its alliance with the peasant masses, is the great- est need of the Indian revolution. — is The Daily Werker is the Party's best instrument to make contacts among the masses of workers,’ te build a mass Communist, Party.