The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 10, 1930, Page 4

ails SUBSCRIPTION RATES: . ) By mail everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of 5 Machettan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One year $8; six months $4.50 except Sunday, at 26 28 Unt f Cable: “DAIWOF uare, New York. N Baily [Q= Worker * Organ of the, Communist Party of (he ¢ Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Ine. Square. New York Ci ¥. Telephone Stuyves Address and mail all che to the Daily Worker 26 Union when not under the pressure of the Moh pean market; it then introduced twist into They are: : uth Jenburg and Gaston Counties alone the force medan, or the Mogul Hindostan, and in the end undated the | (1) The South has been and, in certain | was cul to about eight for four states. Space ' into as many indep very mother country of cotton with cottons. | sections still is, primarily an agricultural sec- in the Party and left wing @ress was cut stan may appear, did not go deeper than its | and Watercourses distributes the water for | We are compelled to ask a number of ques- in this country. But we must not only answer | stone left us. ‘ A ‘ fl A ji s sti A , S. C., unit of the Party who did surface. England has broken down the entire the purposes of agriculture, The Brahmin, | tions of the affiliated organizations of the ‘hese questions at the Fifth Congress of the In the first place the Party came into the , Greenvis ae ee oe oat eee ballot fa framework of Indian society, without any who performs the village worship. The school- | T.U.U.L. on the political preparations that are R--L.U., we must answer them now and here. |. South at least two years after events de- | South Carolina devine tual: tha cpeseriiees { symptoms of reconstruction yet appearing. master, who is seen teaching the children in | being made for the Fifth Congress. rk out ways and means to cor- | manded that it should have. Southern work- South Carolina were not ready for it! Possibly THE BRITISH RULE IN INDIA| This article is the first of a series of t < rx wr for th y Yor Imirable textures ne abor, sending in . ‘ which Karl Marx wrote for the New York admirable textures of Indian labor, send Tribune. It was w n June 10, 1853, an arn for them her precious me and tur- or. in e Ou published in the Tribune a short while hing thereby his material to goldsmith, i Editor, t indispensable member of Indian society, Wesel: * . * By KARL MARX. INDOSTAN is an Italy of the Himalayas for the Bengal for the Plums of ean for the Appenin for the Island of Sic ety in the products dismemberment in the po’ Just as Italy has, from time t pressed by the conqueror’s swor national masses, so do we as it numbered towr in a social point of view an is not t Italy, but the Ireland o: And this strange combination of Italy and of Ireland, of a world of voluptuousne world of ient traditions woes, is anticipated in z 5 y But at the same time the population to the sources of raw material (cotton), and The Party finally made certain efforts to of the religion of Hindo That religion is Oe Dacca decreased from 150,000 inhabitants | cheap water-power, found a paradise in the | solve the problem of forces in the South with at once a religion of exuberance, decline of Indian t cele- South. This process has left its imprint deep | good effect on the work. The economic crisis and a religion of self-tortur cetism; a 1 ligion’ of the Lingam and of the Juggernau the religion of the Monk and of the Bayadere. I share not the opinion of those who believe in a golden age of Hindostan, without recur- ring, however, like Sir Charles Wood, for the confirmation of my view, to the authority of Khuli-Khan. But take, for example, the times of Aurung-Zebe; the epoch, when the Mogul appeared in the North, and the Portuguese in the South; or the age of Mohammedan in sion, and of the Heptarchy in Southern India or, if you will, go still more, back to antiquity take the mythological chronology of the Brai man himself, who places the commencemen of Indian mise ch even more re mote than the Christian c: ion of the world n any dout the Briti erent anc ! Hindo however, re! flicte There cannot, but that the mis on Hindostan is of infinitely more inte stan had to suffer European despo potism, by the Brit forming a more mo any of the divine mo Temple of Salsette. ture of British colonial rule, but on tation of the Dutch, and so much so that in of the Bri to literally re fles, the Engli he old Dutch Ea. kind 1 it is suf: Stamford governor cf J. India Compa “The Dutch Co ly by the spirit s BS : portant problems and tasks of the revolution- thc tety rk i‘ 9,000,000, the majority being on the land, al- | South. It nifests itself in a number of of gain, and view subjects, with Ics’ fluence and minute acquaintanee with the | ary movement. The preparations for the Fifth, Why, in view of the response of over a mil- | though gver greater sections are coming into | Wave ii the district. usty oesanaraetieh wie regard or cons: ean a West India ituation and concerns of the people tender | Congress must be made the means of strength- lion workers to the great unemployment dem- | # if . a.gang upon his had paid the pur property, which the other had not, employed all the existing ma chinery of despotism to squeeze from the peo ple their utmost mite of contribution, the last dregs of their labor, and thus aggravated thé evils of a capricious and semi-barbarous «ov- ernment, by working it with all the pra od ingenuity of politicians, and all the monopol- izing selfishness of traders.” All the civil wars, invasions, revolutions, con- quests, famines, strangely complex, rapid and destructive as the successive action in Hindo- planter formerly estate, because the chase money of hi This loss of his old world, with no gain of a new one, imparts a particular kind of melan- choly to the present misery of the Hindoo, and=separates Hindostan, ruled by Britain, , from all its ancient traditions, and from the whole of its past history. There have bee: in Asia, generally, from immemorial times, but three departments of government; that of Finance, or the plunder of the interior; that of War, or the plunder of the exterior; and, finally, the department of Public Works. Climate and territorial condi- tions, especially the vast tracts of desert, ex- tending from the Sahara, through Arabia, Persia, India and Tartary, to the most e' ted Asiatic highlands, constituted artificial irriga- tion by canals and waterworks, the basis of Oriental agriculture. As in Egypt avd India, inundations are used for fertilizing the soil in Mesopotamia, Persia, etc.; advantage is taken of a high level for feeding irrigative canals. This prime necessity of an economical and common use of water, which, in the Occident, drove private enterprise to voluntary associa- tion, as in Flanders and Italy, necessitated, in the Orient where civilization was too low and the territorial extent too vast to call into life voluntary association, the interference of the centralizing power of government. Hence an economical function devolved upon all Asiatic governments, the function of providing public works, This artificial fertilization of the so’ dependent on a ceritral government, and im- mediately decaying with the neglect of irriga. tion and drainage, explains the otherwise, strange fact that we now find whole ter tories barren and desert that were once liantly cultivated, as Palmvva, Petra, the ruins in Yemen and large provi °s of Egypt, Persia and Hindostan; it also c ‘ains how a single war of devastation has 1 able to depopulate a country for centuries, to strip it of all its civilization, Now, the British in Ee:! India accepted from their predecessors the department of finance ld of war, but they have neglected entirely that of public works. Hence the deterioration of an agriculture which is not capable of being. conducted on the British principle of free com- petition, of laissez-faire and laissez-aller. But in Asiatic empires we are quite accustomed to gee agriculture deteriorating-under one govern ment and reviving again under some othe: government. There the harvests correspond to = good or bad government, as they change in Europe with good or bad seasons. Thus the oppression and neglect of agriculture, bad as is, could not be looked upon as the final blow dealt to Indian society by the British intruder, had it not been attended by a circumstance of quite different importance, a novelty in the an- nals of the whole Asiatic world. However * “changing the political aspect of India’s past must appear, its social condition has remained unaltered ‘since its remotest antiquity, until ‘the first decennium of the 19th century. The hand-loom and the eS aekiig, Spaced iy Europe received the immemorial times, that even the whose love of finery is so grea lowest class, those who go about have commonly a pair of golden ear. a gold ornament of some kind hung around their necks. Rings on the fingers and toes e also been ‘common. Women as well as children frequently wear massive bracelets and anklets of gold or silver, and statue of divinities in gold and silver were met with in the households. It was the British intruder who broke up the Indian han stroyed the spinning wheel. with driving the Indian cottons from the Euro- | m 1818 to 1836 the export of twist from at Britain tc India rose in the propo’ 1 to 5,200. In 18: the export of Br slins to India hi y amounted to 1,000,000 . while in 1837 64,000,000 it sed fabrics'was by no means the worst consequence. British steam and science uprooted, over the whole surface of Hindostan, the union between agricultural and manufac- turing industr These two circumstances—the Hindu on the one hand, leaving, like all Oriental peoples, to the central government the care of the great public wor the prime condition of his agriculture and commerce, dispersed, on the other hand, over the surface of the country, and agglomerated in small centers by the comestie union of agricultural and manufac- turing pursuits—these two circumstances had rought about since the remotest times, a so- ial system of particular features—the so- uled yillage-system, which gave to each of hese small unions their independent organiza- and distinct life. The peculiar character f em may be judged from the follow- ing description, contained in an old official ‘eport of the British House of Commons on Indian. affairs: “A village, geographically considered, is a ract of country comprising some hundred or thousand acres of arable and waste lands; itieally viewed it resembles a corporation er township. Its proper establishment of of- rs and servants consists of the following criptions: The potail, or, head inhabitant, who has generally the superintendence of the fairs of the village, settles the disputes of the inhabitants, attends to the police, and per- forms the duty of collecting the revenue with- ‘ his village, a duty which his personal in- him the best qualified for this charge. The iurnum keeps the accounts of cultiviation, and registers everything connected with it. The tellier and the totie, the duty of the former of ich consists in gaining information of nes and offenses, and in escorting and pro- cting persons traveling from one village to nother; the province of the latter appearing to be more immediately confined to the vil- lage consisting, among other duties, in guard- ing the crops and assisting in measuring them. The bundry-man, who preserves the limits of the village, or gives evidence respecting them in cases of . Superintendent of Tanks a village to read and write in the sand. The calendar brahmin, or astrologer, ete. officers and servants generally constitute the establishment of a village; but in some parts of the country it is of less extent, some of the duties and functions above described being united in the same person; in others it ex- ceeds the above-named number of individuals. Under this simple form of, municipal govern- ment, the inhabitants of the country have lived from time immemorial. The boundaries of the villages have been but seldom altered; and though the villages themselves have been sometimes injured, and even desolated by war, famine or disease, the same name, the same limits, the same interests, and even the same families have continued for ages. Thg inhabi- tants gave themselves no trouble about the breaking up and divisions of kingdoms; while the village r ins entire, they care not to vhat power it transferred, or to what sov- ereign it devolves; its intevnal economy re- mains unchanged. The potail is still the head inhabitant, and still acts the petty-judge or magistrate, and collector or rentor of the village.” These small stereotype forms of social or- ganism have been to the greater part dissolved and are disappearing, not so much through the brutal interference of the British tax-gatherer and the British soldier, as to the working of English steam and English free trade. Those family-communities were based on domestic in- dustry, in that peculiar combination of hand- weaving, hand-spinning and hand-tilling aeri- culture gave them self-supporting power. Eng- lish interference having placed the spinner in Lancashife and the weaver in Bengal, or sweeping away both Hindu spinner and weaver, | dissolved these small semi-harbarian, semi- civilized communities, by blowing up their economical basis, and thus produced the great- est, and to speak the truth, the only social revolution ever heard of in Asia. Now, sickening as it must be to human feel- ing to witness.those myriads of industrious patriarchal and inoffensive social organizations disorganized and dissolved into their units, thrown into a sea of woes, and their individual These | Fifth R.LL.U. Congress Postponed members losing at the same time their ancient . form of civilization, and their hereditary means of subsistence, we must not forget that these idyllic village communities, inoffensive »s they may appear. had always been the solid foun- dation of Oriental despotism, that they re strained the human mind within the smallest possible compass, making it the unresisting tool of superstition, enslaving it beneath tradi- tional rules, depriving it of all grandeur and historical energies. We must not forget the barbarian egotism which, concentrating on some miserable patch of land, had quietly wit- | nessed the ruin of empires, the perpetra’ion of unspeakable cruelties, the massacre ef the population of large towns, with no other con- sideration bestowed upon them than on natura! events, itself the helpless prey of any ageres- THEY CAN’T RIDE HIM! By J. W. FORD. HE Fifth Congress of the Red International Labor Unions originally set for July 15, 1930, has been postponed to August 15 so that greater preparations can be made for this congress. The postponement of the congress gives us in America a little more time to increase and to intensify our preparations organizational! and politically. Especially is it necessary io increase our political preparations. The Fifth Congress of the R.I-L.U. takes place at a time of ever growing and extendire world crisis, increasing unemployment, increas- ing speed up of the workers; at a time when the capitalists are intensifying their offens all along the line against the workers in every land. But there is a tremendous amount of energy in the ranks of the working class thet must be mobilized for struggle. The R.LL.U. Is Our General Staff. The Fifth Congress will take up many ir ening our forces for the activization and the building up of the world revolutionary move- ment. In every possible way we must strength- en the fighting staff of he revolutionary move- ment, to enable it to lead the movement of the masses to victory with the least possible losses, Our preparations so far are moving at 7 snail’s pate. Instead of making bold deep-go ing self-criticisms’ of our mistakes, in order to correct our mistakes, in order to build the revolutionary movement during the time of the preparations of the congress, there is a ten- dency to cover up our mistakes. What has the National Miners Union done? What has the National Textile Workers Union done? What has the Marine Workers Union done? What has the Needle Trades Industria! Union ‘done? What has the Auto Workers Union done? What has the Food Workers In- dustrial Union Done? What. has the Railroad Workers League done? What has the Metal Workers Industrial League done? What have our district T.U.U.L.’s and local T.U.U.L.’s done? Every one of these organizations must answer these questions for themselves, Rank and file workers, what has the ship of the various industrial unions, indus leagues and T.U.U.L. groups affiliated to the T.U.U.L. done towards the preparations for the Fifth Congress of the R.ILL.U.? What basie, political questions have been brought to the rank and file workers in relation to the R.LL.U. in relation to their industries? We have only a few months left. What must be done in this remaining short period? Not a singlesconvention, not a single conference, not a single delegates meeting, not even a single trade union meeting must fail to take | up the question of the Fifth Congress of the R.LL.U. and the Tenth Anniversary of our International. The congress will take up the following agenda: . 1. The Executive Bureau report and the tasks of the international trade union revolu- tionary movement. Supplementary reports: (a) International women's trade union com- mittee, (b) The R.LL.U. Youth Secretariat. (c) The International Negro trade union committee. ‘ 2. The struggle against: the menace of new imperialist war. 3. Role of the trade unions in socialist con- steuction of the Soviet Union. 4, Tasks of trade unions in and semi-colonial countries. 5. Problems of cadres for the trade union movement. Under the head of this agenda will be raised the colonial revolutionary a@ number of great and important questions for the whole international revolutionary move- ‘ment: : The attitude towards workers joining the feformist unions, The organization of the unorganized work- ers, how they must be organized, ete. Independent revolutionary trade union lead- ership. What is social-fascism? and to what extent | have the reformist unions been turned into fascist organizations? How to capture the members of the reform- ist unions. We, in America, must ask ourselves and answer a number of important questions: Why, in view of the great unemployment in the United States, the cutting of the standards of living of the workers, the increased fascist attacks upon the workers, the complete fas- cist role of the A. F. of L. and its capitulation to the bosses, is our revolutionary movement so weak ard so small? onstrations conducted by the Communist Par- ty and the Trade Union Unity League on March 6, and the general widespread militancy vf the workers throughout the country, is it | that our movement does not grow sufficiently ? Why, in view of the great wave of lynching that is being conducted against the Negro workers, and the response of the Negro work- ers to our movement in the South, is it that we do not have more Negro workers in the T.U.U.L.? We must answer these questions in relation to the Fifth Congress of the R.I.L.U tion to building a strong section of the R.I.L.U. is situation, What must be done? From now on in every meeting of whatever character, these question: must be raised, must be discussed, must be answered. ow that the technical side of the prepara- ‘ons for, the congress are nearly over, mass meetings must be held for the instructing of the delegates that are to go. In those cases where the nominations and elections have not been completed these ques- tions must still be taken up. Every leading rade of every national union and league t write articles for Labor Unity on these mportant questions in their unions and in their industries. Rank and file workers, organized and unor- ganized and unemployed must also write short articles expressing their opinions, their criti- cism on the work of our unions for the build- ing of the T.U.U.L. We must organize workers committees in the cities to be sent into the countryside to establish contact, with the farm workers. We must organize Defense Corps, composed of both white and Negro workers, as a defense against the rising wave of lynching and ter- ror. We must put forward a slogan of the self-determination of the Negro toilers in they South, This is the meaning behind the real job of intensifying the campaign for the preparation of the Fifth Congress of the R.I.L.U. during the remaining period. To continue to carry on our present methods is ‘evidence of right opportunist tendency still within the ranks of our revolutionary unions. A superficial attitude and superficial work in the preparation fer the Fifth Congress of the R.LL.U. must cease. Forward to the Fifth Congress of the Red Infernational Labor Unions on August 15th, 1930, with militancy and determination. The continuation of the article “The Five- Year Plan of Great Works” will appear to- morrow. and vegetative life, that this pasSive sort of. » existence evoked on the other part, in contra- distinction, wild, aimless. unbounded forces of destruction an] rendered murder itself a reli- gious rite in Hindostan. We must* not forget that these little communities were contaminat- ed by: distinction of caste and by slavery, that they subjugated man to external circumstances instead of elevating man to the, sovereign of circumcianuces, that they transformed a self- developing ‘social state into never changing na- tural destiny, and thus brought about a bru- talizing worship of nature, exhibiting its de- gradation in the fact that man, the sovereign of nature, fell down on hia knees in adoration of Kanuman, the monkey, and Sabbala, the cow. England, It is true, In causing a social rev- of enforcing them. But that. is not the aues- tion, The question is, can mankind fulfil its destiny without a fundamental revolution in the social state of Asia? If not, whatever may haye been the crimes of England she was the unconscious tool of history in bringing about that revolution. ‘ Then, whatever bitterness the spectacle of the crumbling of an ancient world may have for our personal feelings, we have the right, in point of history, to exclaim with Goethe: ‘“Sollte diese Qual uns quilen Da ‘sie unsre Lust vermehrt, Hat nicht Myriaden Seelen Timur’s Herrschaft aufgezehrt?,’* *Should this torment torture us ‘As it inereases our pleasure, + in rela- | Our By SI GERSON. UR work in the South is bound up very defi- nitely with a number of objective and sub- jective factors. First, it is bound up with the development of the new proletariat in the South, and second, with the internal develop- ment of our Party. It is from these two approaches that we must analyze the work of our Party in the South, its achievements and shortcomings. There are three characteristics basic to the South which must first of all be understood. tion, Where almost semi-feudal conditions have obtained and, to an extent, still obtain. The rapid flow of capital from the North into the South, capital that was seeking cheap, unorganized, unskilled, labor power, proximity on every bit of the economic and political life of the South. dously rapid industrialization of the South came a new proletariat, Anglo-Saxon whites or Negroes, off the farms and mountainside, unused to industry, bringing with them their traditions of individualism, their low cultural level, and their racial and religious prejudices, They came into the most modern type of in- dustry, where rationalization knew no bounds beyond that of human endurance—that is, they made the jump from agriculture directly into large-scale industry mainly controlled by finance capital without any intermediate steps of small industry. (2) An almost unheard of degree of me- chanization and rationalization exists in the decisive industries of the South. The result is a high percentage of women and youth (50 PRE-CONVENTIO In the wake of the tremen- | per cent in every industry except the heavy— | steel, lumber, transport—and there, while women are not found, -there are many young workers, although not as many as in textile and rayon, for instance). This means that, with the exception of the printing and build- ing trades and a small percentage of workers in transport, there is no considerable stratum of the aristocracy of labor. As a consequence there is no great objective base for the tradi- tional A. F. of L. policy of getting a few measly concessions for the skilled at the cost of worsening conditions for the unskilled masses. (3) The racial-national problem. The Ne- gro population of the South is said to be about industry (tobacco, steel, marine transport). In certain sections .of the South the form the majority. Our Party in the South. With these objective factors in mind, we must now turn to the subjective factors in- volved, the most important of which, of course, is our Party. In no other section of the coun- try, perhaps, is the effect of the internal de- velopments of our Party so apparent as in the South, Here more than ever the dead hand of the past was often felt on the present. Many a Party comrade working in the South has fervently cursed the “heritage” that Love- Negroes ers themselves tell us that revolutionary unionism and our Party should have come about 1927, “when the stretch-out fust come,” that is, when the first effects of the interna- tional crisis in the textile industry were being translated to the workers in terms of wage- cuts and speed-up (answered in the North by the Passaic strike and later by the New Bed- ford strike). But the Party was paralyzed by the famous Lovestone theory of the South as a “reservoir of reaction.” When the Party did come into the South it was ideologically and organizationally unpre- pared for the coming events. The Gastonia strike broke with almost elemental force ower “ us and, although it was to a certain extent prepared for by the N. T. W. U., it neverthe- less caught most of the left *wing and the Party, hitherto paralyzed by the Lovestone op- portunist theories, unprepared. The southern workers, however, were electrified by the Gas- tonia strike. Strikes broke out in Bessemer City, Lexington, Pineville, which came under the leadership of the N.T.W.U. Strikes also occurred in Greenville and Ware Shoals, S. C., under U.T.W. leadership. There were also a number of spontaneous strikes at about ‘the same time, the impetus to which was undoubt- edly given by. the Gastonia strike. Gastonia, The traditional lagging behind events soon manifested itself in the mistakes made in the strike itself, the failure to give, it sufficient support, the real lack of perspective of the center—all flowing from the originally wrong and as yet (the Address had not yet arrived) current theoxy of Lovestone’s regarding Amer- ican imperialism in general and the South in particular. There was a steady dwindling of the strike until June 7th, when there was a resurgence of strike feeling. The events of that night need no repeating. Suffice. it to say that June 7th put the question of the or- ganization of the southern workers sharply before the Party. Coming on the heels of the Comintern Address it was like a lightning flash at night, illuminating the landscape. The Party, despite some political’ hesitations (ihe wrong “frame-up” slogan, ete.) plunged itself into this campaign, correctly placing the issue and, on the whole, correctly fighting the cam- paign against the electtic chair for the 16 workers on trial for their lives. ‘ During the trial itself, there was a constant | pressure exerted to avoid politicalizing the © issue. This was especially exerte1 by liberal supporters, like the American Civil Liberties Union, which did its level best to obscure the | class lines in the trial, This essentially petty- bourgeois pressure was felt in certain sections of the Party and especially was it felt at thé scene of the trial itself; particularly in the legal and publicity work, This expressed it- self, wolist of all, in the most serious failure. systematically to recruit for and build the Party. We call this the most serious error advisedly—since every bit of the work has ‘ ‘regular myrieds of spinners weavers. | sor who deigne:d to notice it et all. We must — olution in Hindost#n, was actuate! only by the Has not Tamerlane’s rule ; suffered from that original failure. This mis- | will go ahead rapidly in the South . of the structure of that society. mr forget that this undignified, stagnatory, — vilest interests, and was stupid in her manner Consumed myriads of souls? was the more serious in view of the fact | of winning the majority of the w a | “lack of continuity” in our work became ap- N DISCUSSION tl the Lovestone narrow, petty-bourgeois line developed enly a narrow leadership and left us in a grave situation insofar as forces () were concerned. Had we built the Party then, ~ when the movement was at its height, we would never have the same problem of leader- ship that we have now. Lack of Continuity in Work. What the Party Plenum characterized as a parent immediately after the trial. From about a dozen N. T. W. U. organizers in Meck- down. This continued. Old forces were with- drawn and no new forces replaced them— with the consequent effect of often seriously affecting the work. The district was without a Party D. O. for months. immeasurably broadened the basis for work and was reflected in the great March 6th dem- onstration in Charlotte. But on the whole the effect of the months-long break in the work, pulling out of organizers, lack of finances, and primarily, the failure to build the Party in the pericd of upward sweep of the movement, made itself felt. This was deepend by the wave of terror that swept the country around March 6 and was, of course, further aggravat- ed by the fact that the Party carried on little mass agitation but confined itself to narrow organizational work alone, As a consequence no mass struggles were initiated or led by us. In short, it was a period of slump. , Dangers in the District: In the course of the work certain dangers manifested themselyes in the district. The right danger was, of course, the main one, It showed itself, first of all, in the heritage of petty-bourgeois membership that was left to us from the Lovestone days. These elenients, all petty-bourgeois middle-class elements of foreign birth, did not care to mingle with the native workers, Negro and white. Havihg a congenial fear of anything remotely resembling class conflict these elements quickly fled the Party when plans were being made for March But even among the native comrades some signs of the right danger have shown them- selves and typically enough, not among the lowest paid workers. White chauvinism is the greatest form of the right danger in the classic excuse that “I’m not a bit prejudiced but the other white fellows are, so that’s why the Party ought to ‘go slow’ on the Negro question.” Then, of course, is the worse form of acceptance of the line in Negro work in words and the ignoring pf it—actually the sabotaging of it—in deed. ‘Sectionalism is an- other form in which the right danger mani- fests itself, especially the “I know my Dixie” tendencies, which conceal, in the profession of * a knowledge of local conditions, the desire to dilute the program of the Party or to obscure it entirely with the excuse that “that won't go in the South.” This was mos tcrassly ex- pressed by a number of comrades in the they would have the Party call on the South Carolina workers to vote for “friends of labor” on the democratic ticket! Question of Underground Apparatus. In connection with the discussion on the work in the South, Comrade Graham in an article in the Daily Worker states that “the Bureau of District 16 committed an opportunist mis- take when it instructed the units to build an underground apparatus.” Although it is not vital to the discussion, Comrade Graham might be reminded that if this was an error, it was a left sectarian error rather than a right error. Only a “slight” distinction, but people who presume to state what is “Marxian” and “Leninist” should be more careful of poli- tical terms. Comrade Khitarov, writing in the current issue of “International of Youth” states: “The right wingers ... are for legality at any cost, they are ready to do anything to please the ruling classes in order to retain their legality . . . The lefts on the contrary, true to their general sectarian outlook, want as quickly and as thoroughly as posstble to go underground.” The left danger, due to the fact that the small Party in the South does not suffer from the immigrationist sectarianism that charac- terizes our Party as a whole has not the same roots as elsewhere. Nevertheless it has cer- tain roots in the South. Mainly, the “left” danger comes from the peculiar individualist traditions that many of our Party members have brought with them from the mountain- side, from which the southern proletariat as a whole is comparatively newly sprung. Certain tendencies to work individually, certain “do or die” individualist tendencies. nourished by moods of pessimism, occasionally arise. But these are not particularly serieve. Thos are truly the, infantile sicknesses of a Party that is growing out of a new proletariat. ] Perspective in the South. The Party in the South is faced with tre- mendous tasks and tremendous possibilities. ‘The perspective is for wider and more bitter class struggles. The workers will find ranged against tH€m the bosses, the government and the A. F. of L. Struggles will undoubtedly sometimes take on the sharpest forms. In a situation with the possibilities that the South has, far more attention will have to be paid by the Central Committee. More forces will have to be sent in. More forces will have ‘o be developed. The “Southern Worker” will have to come out soon. The present situation, where a League member has been acting as the Party district organizer for the last six weeks, is intolerable, An end, once and for all, must be made to the “formal approach” to the South, to the recognition in words and underestimation in deed. Given competent forces, the Party, on the correct, ae adopted at the last P