The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 9, 1930, Page 4

Square, New York City, N. Page Four published by the Coniprodally Publishing Co., Ine. Addrees and mail all checks to the Daily Worker. 2 pt Sunday, at 24 28 $. Cable: 7 28 Union Square, New 1 ex 169 éalls nt Telephone Stuy By JACK TAYLOR. (Section 5.) HE recently formulated policy proposed to our building trades comrades within the A. F. of L., to speak in the name of and openly state the program and demands of the T.U U.L.—is an opportunist policy and if carried into action will lead to the immediate expul sion of our comrades from the building tradé unions, where we have as yet no T.U.U.I groups. Such a policy if carried into action ‘woulc also tend to completely isolate workers in the reactionary building trades unions from revolu- tionary influence and would completely aban don them to the tender mercies of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy. Such a policy, while correct in the building trade unions where we have succeeded in building T.U.U.L. groups and cau therefore continue the struggle for our demand as well as for reinstatement, does not and ca n not apply to those A. F. of L. building tra unions where we have no T.U.U.L. groups are therefore in no position to continue the struggle after expulsion. The Policy of the A: F. L. Some enlightenment as to the preparations of the A. F. of L. to speed up the expul of revolutionary workers in the A. F. unions, is contained in the following ee of an article by H. H. Broach, International President of the I.B.E.W. in the May issue of the Journal of Electrical workers and opera- tors: “The local Executive Board now trie: cases for alleged violation of working rules | and construction work section of the T.U.U.L. PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION || The Building Trades and the T.U.U.L. It should be the permanent trial committee and try all cases. The verdict and penalty, if any, should then be reported to the local union, but that is all. That should end it—except for the accused having the right to appeal, the same as in the courts, The local union should not be allowed to discuss the case.” Thus, if our comrades in those building trade unions where we have no T.U.U.L. groups are expelled, there is little likelihood of the issue involved being presented to the membership of the A. F. of L. building trade unions. If we are to win over the thousands of dis- eontented building trade workers to our revolu- trade union center, the T.U.U.L., we must first intensify our work in the direction of building strong T.U.U.L. groups within the A. F. of L. building trade unions on the basis of the day to day struggles of the workers. Reorganize Party Fractions. In order to actively lead the building trade |" rs in their day to day struggles, the y fractions in the A. F. of L. unions must be reorganized and those fraction secretaries that do not function must be replaced with more reliable and more active comrades. The Party fractions and fraction secretaries must sify the work in the direction of building T.U.U.L. groups within the A. F. of L. build- ing trade unions as well as among the unor- ganized building trade wor! and must co- ordinate the work of the orga d with that of the unorganized. Persistent effort coupled with correct policy will broaden and strengthen the building trades The Situation in the Building Trades and Our Tasks ) By A. FISHER. HE deepening economic crisis has greatly affected the building trades Although not an exporting ind the export industries, which were the first to feel the crisis, an outgrowth of the shrinkage of markets, the speedup and wage cuts, because of the declining markets and which limits the consumption of the masses The Wall Street crash, which 18 ah Ou of the economic crisis intensified it tenfold. It was right after the November stock crasi that building declined at an unheard of pace,’ until today there is hardly any building going on except subway construction. This crisis resulted in a grent unemployment, speed-up and wage cuts (not officially) in the building industry. In March, when various of- ficials of the A.F.L. unions were interviewed as to the extend of unemployment, the figure given out by them was 40 to 80 per cent. The head of the Building Construction Association, Mr. Norman, stated that building declined 50 per cent. According to the N. Department figures, building declined in the months of March and April 69 per cent of the same months in 1929 and 71 per cent of 1928: We have reasons to believe that none of these figures given out by these people are exag- gerated, on the contrary, we believe they are underestimated. It is already a fact that the crisis in the industry is not a temporary one, although it may vary at times. Just as many thousands are walking the streets today in the “height of the season” as there were in March and April. _ Union Conditions Non-Existent. While this situation is taking place, which has thrown 75,000 organized workers out vf employment in New York and probably more in the unorganized field, speed up and a cut ir wages for the rest, the officials of these union~ have done nothing to stop the onslaught of the bosses. O. the contrary, they aré workiny more hand in hand with the bosses to beat down the wages of these workers, to speed up and to persecute those who raise a voice of revolt against these conditions. It is known to all that union conditions do not exist in this industry any more. The Building Trades Coun- cil is only an executive committee for the boss- es. There are approximately 120,000 organized building trades workers in New York and about as many unorganized. American capitalism, due to its strength, has been able to bribe these workers for some time and also use their against the unorganized workers. It has hoped, to develop a sort of an upper strata to be used it is closely related to | State Labor | | aim is to build an industrial union. against the semi-skilled and unskilled and the | unorganized in general. To some extent it suc- ceeded, telling them through the mouths of | their officials that if the rest‘of the workers will be organized they take away the jobs from them and that the unorganized building trades workers are inferior in skill to the or- ganized, ete. But this partial success lasted , only as long as their wages were high, steady work and plenty of overtime. But this is not the case now. The bosses have started a war @gainst these workers tuo, and in order to meet this offensive of the bosses and their agents, the organized workers will have to ally them- selves with the unorganized under the leader- ship of the Trade Union Unity League. Workers Discontented. These workers are beginning to realize that. they cannot expect anything from their reac- tionary officials, who are working against them. In connection with this it must be ad- mitted that we have not been able as yet to utilize this discontent. Our work up till not long ago consisted in exposing the officials of a given local as grafters, without exposing the whole leadership and their tactics and putting | forth our own program as the only remedy. We have allowed the expulsion of members and revoking of charges without organizing a mass protest against it. In addition to this, we have made united fronts at times with fakers in order to defeat bigger fakers. We have participated in signing agreements with the bosses, which were to the detriment of thv workers. We failed to organize the rank and file within the union on the basis of a militant program. In addition to this, our work among ‘ the unorganized was almost negligi the exception of organizing the electricians and | a painters union and then dissolving it because we did not succeed in bringing them into the A. F. of L. However, our work after the Cleveland Con- vention of the I.U.U.L. has greatly improved | : a t a (not without any defects). For ihe first time we succeeded in breaking aw from the fak progressives in the painters unions in the last elections. Our comrades and supporters ran for election on a militant program. We have succeeded in putting forth our program in several locals of the carpenters, despite the | threats on the part of the fascist officials. We have spread propaganda in the electri- cians locals which resulted in the barring of our comrades from the union meetings, but not making an attempt to organize the rank and H file sentiment for us. Our present groups are being organized on a clear-cut T.U.U.L. pro- | gram. We have made inroad among some sec- tions of the unorganized workers. Mass meet- ings of organized as well as unorganized work- ers were called. Our program was read by tens of thousands of building trades workers. But despite the improvement in our work there are still many shortcomings. The fol- lowing can be listed of the most important ones: 1. Failure to organize the unemployed into councils, Although this work was started it was quickly given up. 2. Failure to broaden our group within the A. F. of L. locals, bringing in new rank and file members. 3. Failure by the building trades league to link up its work with that of the groups in the locals. 4. Failure to bring together the organized and unorganized. 5. A very small per centage of our ‘com- vades are active in the trade union field, only about 15 per cent. 6. Having hardly any contact with the na- tive workers, although they comprise a great majority of the workers in the industry. 7. An erroneous policy given out by the District T.U.U.L. in regards to the unorganized‘ painters, which was later corrected. 8. Not sufficient work among the unorgan- ized, especially construction workers. oa Not recruiting sufficiently into the T.U. The possibilities are great if we will pursue the correct tactics. Our main task at the present time is to intensify our activities among the organized as well as the unorganized. Our But before we do this we must strengthen our position among both organized and unorganized work- ers, which means strengthening the Building Trades League. We must work so in the old unions as to not only limit ourselves to pron- aganda but do actual organization work. To broaden our groups and to recruit the best . being increased. Union control is being elimin- elements intd’ the T.U.U.L. The Building Trades fraction, which is next to the biggest in the New York district must be activized. Un- less this is done we wili not be in a positions to carry out our work, i. e., to win the mapority of the members for our program. The work among the unemployed must be renewed. Our demands must be coneretized, more immediate in order to rally a bigger section of the work- erg around our activities. And last, but not least, intensify greatly our work among the unorganized, which are the most exploited. The Party and the T.U.U.L. must analyze the conditions in this industry and pursue a line which is adaptable’to the conditions in this industry. It seems to me that the T.U.U. U.” is too general in its present line. The present. policy of the T.U.U.L., if applied would mean isolation from the organized workers without any benefit to the*Party or League. It would result in the expulsion of our comrades from the union. It is wrong to say that what ap- plies to the needle trades or the miners also applies to the building trades (Gorman). It is wrong to say that all the organized workers are the aristocracy of labor, therefore we haven’t much to lose if we are expelled. It is likewise wrong to say that we must put 85. per cent of the emphasis on the unorganized (Gorman). While it is true that there are just as many unorganized as organized, work- ing under bad conditions, a big portion of these are unorganizable due to conditions under which they work. It is also worth while men- tioning that the unorganized do not work on new work, they only work on repair or alter- ation, with the average big contractor employ- ing about 10 men. It ig incorrect to say that. a comrade has adopted the theory of excep- tionalism because he does not believe that building trades workers are just as ready to follow the Party and the T.U.U.L, as the tex- tile or the miners are. That if we are ready for a union in the textile indusiry therefore, Daily 52: Union Central Organ ot the Communist Party @lothi: tian “>? We Built All That, and W Starve Now!” Orgenizing the the Building Trades By L. BRAVERMAN { Building Trades Secretary.) } 6£ the most important tasks confront- ing the Party in this period is the activiza- tion of the Party members in the campaign to organize the unorganized as well as build- ing T.U.U.L. groups as the leader of the strug- gle in the old unions. How true this formula- tion is can only be exemplified very definitely | especially in relation to the comrades of the building trades. Out of a fraction of 500 Par- ty members in N. ¥. only 50 to 60 come to meetings when they are called upon, while the | rest of them do not know what our’policies are nor do the workers with whom these comrades | come in contact know anything from them as | far as our campaigns are concerned. It is a very bad situation when we: have Communist contaets in 70 building trades locals of, the A. F. of L. and not even in one tenth of these locals did we make any attempt to come out with a program of the T.U.U.L. for. these | workers. Is it possible to build the Party and the T.U.U.L. on such activity as we witness from the comrades of the building trades? Not only | would we not be in a position to build up any sort of a movement amongst these workers but to my estimation it would lead to a great | amount of confusion and disorganization if these comrades would attempt to organize, be- cause they are away from the Party, away from the meetings of the T.U.U.L. and as a | result of that they do not understand the Party line and therefore could not organize correctly and in line with the policy of the Party and the T.U.U.L, The Building Trades and the Crisis. What is the situation in the building trades at the present time and what are our pros- pects to.organize the unorganized as well as building up effective T.U.U.L. groups in these locals of the A. F. of L.? The crisis of unemployment that is becoming greater from day to day has hit the building trades to such an extent that more than half of the building trades workers are idle and have been for the last year or so. Wages are being reduced, the speed up is | I ated day after day. The prosperity inheritance that has been attached to the building trades | workers in the past is now only a shadow. In view of this crisis and the ills that fol- | low it (speed up, cutting of wages, etc.) the opportunities for us to organize have increased * tremendously. The workers are disgusted, they are beginning to lose the little confidence that they did have in their leadership. Hundreds of them are dropping out from the unions. Do we, as Communists have something to learn from these facts? Is it necessary to adopt a more concrete line for our work in thése locals? The tasks are clear. We must utilize this mass discontent of the building’ trades workers, With these facts in mind we must bring forward the main task and that is building the T.U.U.L. Fight Inactivity. 4 Are we utilizing this discontent among the building trades workers for our purpose? Are | we basing our activity on these lines? No. The very fact that at the present time, almost a year after the Cleveland convention of the .U.U.L., we cannot show anything concrete as to where we have made any inroads or have dened the base for our revolutionary ac- tivities. Of course, there are” some small ex- * ceptions. What is the reason for this inac- tivity? What is the reason why we are not making use of this situation? ‘The basic rea- son, to my opinion, is the lack of clarity on we are also ready in the building trades. Ex isting as well as existed conditions must always be taken int» consideration. And finally, the Party must activize our comrades, help develop a leadership in the Building Trades League, enlighten the com- rades on a correct line and I am sure that in the very near future we will make great strides in organizing the urorganized as well as win- ning a majority of the workers from the trescherous A. F. of L. officials, for an indus trial union in the building trades, ka | ary program is still unclear to me. Apparently | still reasoning as in the period when we be- 2D: Worker SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year $6; six months $2; two months $1; excepting) Maobsttan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One year $8: six‘months $4.50, Boroughs of 4 e Ain’t Goiss “"\ Here and Unorganized in the part of some comrades as to our tasks. | (1) The failure to apply the T.U.U.L. policy | correctly. (2) The hesitation and refugal on | the part of some comrades to apply the line of the T.U.U.L, in a given situation. Comrade Taylor in his article on the role of the T.U.U.L. in the building trades A. F. of L. locals shows us very clearly the lack of understanding correctly the line of the T.U.U.L. and consequently a wrong application of the line. He states that the policy of the T.U.U.L. in the building trades is an opportunist line and that if applied would isolate our com- rades from the building trades unions where we have no contact or T.U.U.L. groups. It seems to me that Comrade Taylor does not understand that we cannot apply the T.U.U.L. line in those locals where we have no groups, that the T.U.U.L. groups are built around the T.U.U.L. program and not around “progressive programs.” How comrades can be expelled from A. F. of L. locals without them organ- izing a militant fight around the revolution--| Comrade Taylor does not see that building the T.U.U.L. is not a thing in itself but that it is organically bound up with the every day struggles of the workers. What the T.U.U.L. Program Is Not. Comrade Taylor further states that it would be criminal to continue with this program in the locals where we have no T.U.U.L. groups. What program he does not state, nor does he propose any immediate steps how to broad- en our activity in the A. F. of L. Comrade Taylor fails to understand that ‘while in gen- eral the T.U.U.L. speaks openly to do away with the fascist A. F. of L. it also states that we must apply our program according to the situation as it presents itself. Comrade’ Tay- | lor does not orientate himself towards build- | ing a revolutionary building trades union but just the opposite, orientating towards reform- | ing the A. F. of L. (1) Trade union legalism. | (2) Fear to attack the officials of these unions | openly. (8) Constitutional regularity vlays a | very important part as yet with Comrade Taylor. It is precisely for these reasons that we are not building the T.U.U.L. Comrades are lieved we must not organize outside the A, F. of L. The Program of the T.U.U.L. The program of ‘the T.U.U.L. is primarily based on the organization of the unorganized and it is,from thie point that we have to orientate ourselves. How does this apply to the building trades? There are as many un- | organized building trades workers as there are organized workers. The unorganized are the base from which our Building Trades Lea- gue must set its drive to organize. This drive to organize the unorganized must not be sep- arated from our work within the A. F. of L, but on the contrary it must be closely con- nected. As stated before, various opinions are held by some of the leading comrades of building trades, namely: the underestimation of the T. U.U.L. and therefore the overestimation of the streneth of the fascist unions of the A. F. of L. This can be very well traced to Comrade Visher’s article dealing with building trades. Fisher’s Article. While Comrade Fisher points out correctly that there are as many unorganized building trades workers in New York as there are or- ganized, he states that a great portion, of these workers are not organized. due to “the conditions under which they work. By stating this Comrade Fisher loses the main task of the T.U.U‘L., namely: the organization of the nnorganized. He places a Chinese wall around the unorganized building trades workers and says they cannot be organized but he does not give the reasons for this formdlation. True enough that most of these workers working in New York are engaged work and therefore work for small contract- ors but does that stop us from organizing? On the contrary, it is precisely for this reas | son that these workers are underpaid and are working long hours, that the base for organ- in alteration | _ ‘THE FIVE YEAR PLAN OF. GREAT HE Theses of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union on the Five Year Plan for Industry, to be pre- sented to the 16th All-Union Party Congress, published in “Pravda” for May 23, give a thorough. analysis of accomplishments and shortcomings, point out the most important tasks on which all efforts must be concen- trated, indicate new methods of utilizing the tremendous enthusiasm of ‘the masses, and endorse the Leninist line of the Party leader- ship for industrializing the country. “Large- scale industry, and that alone,” Lenin is quoted in the Theses, “is the one and o basis for the foundation of socialist society The tempo of development of industry, laid down in the Five Year Plan, as accepted by the 15th Party Congress, has not only been reached, but in many branches of industry, has been exceeded. At the very beginning, in 4027-28, industrial production was increased by 26 per cent, exceeding the quota which was 24.5 per cent. In 1928-29, the first full year, the quota was 21.4‘per cent, but the Soviet workers increased production by 24 per cent. As a result of these successes, and in view of the tremendous enthusiasm of the workers, the quotas for 1929-30 were raised, from 21.5 per cent, which had been originally intended, to 31.3 per cent. Although the figures early this year were higher than the original quotas, they were lag- ging somewhat behind the new quotas, and the Central Committee took a number of measures to broaden the mobilization of the masses, ruthlessly disclosing, and combatting the failings and defects in the economic, trade union and Party apparatus. As a result of these’ measures, a decided increase was ob- tained, and while the figures are not yet up to the quota for the first half-year, the quota for the whole *year will probably be reached. | This will mean that industrial production in the U. S. S. R. will have increased in the two first years of the Plan by 6) per cent, as com- | pared with the original quota of 47.5 per cent. More important still} products of heavy in- | dustry—those branches of industry producing | means of production—will have increased by | 88 per cent, as against 58.4 per cent originally proposed. Figures are given for the increase in dif- ferent industries: production of machinery— more than- doubled in 2 years; electrical sup- plies, ete., produced will be 2.7 times as much as last year; agricultural machinery—250 per cent increase in 2 years; pig iron—66.7 per | cent increase (quota was 31 per cent); ~ coal | —45.8 per cent increase (quota was 31.6 per- cent); oil—37.8 per cent (quota was 26.5 per cent); cement—84.9 per cent (quota was 63.9 per cent). per cent, cement 79 per cent. There has been, as a result of the Five Year Plan, a great increase in the numbers of the working class—520,000 since the 15th Con- | gress. considerable improvement of the material’ and cultural situation of the working class, an in- crease in its share of the national income, and an improved standard of Jiving as a result of | the increased wages, the 7-hour day, the de- crease in unemployment, and the increased budget for social insurance (over 1.4 billién rubles in the current year). The victories in industry have strengthened the position of so- cialism in the country and have created thé basis for the turn of the millions of middle peasantry to socialist forms of agriculture. The successes in the field of increasing pro- duction, however, have not been accompanied by the necessary increase in the quality of | the products, which’ (says the thesis) is still at a low level and may become worse, unless corrective measures are taken. organs, etc., must be held to the strictest ac- countability on the question of quality of pro- | duction, hot less than on quantity, All the or- ganizations of the working class, the press, socialist competition and shock brigades must be utilized to the full in thé struggle for im- provement of the quality of products of in- dustry. Costs of production have also not been lowered sufficiently (44 per cent as compared with 7 per cent required by the plan). Lowering of the cost of production is of the greatest importance to the whole plan, and for this reason, special attention must be | directed towards socialist rationalization—im- proving the organization of production, rais- ing the productivity of labor, more rational use of raw materials, fuel and equipment, and a decrease of waste and loss in production. The theses enumerate the specific defects in the field of plant construction, etc. The theses center attention on the so-called “narrow places” of Soviet industry, that is, those branches of production which have al- Coal production is 78 per cent | above pre-war, pig iron—31 per cent, oil—74 | And together: with this has gone a | All eeonomic ') WORKS | ways been backward in proportion to the rest and on the development of which.all the othert depend, First of these, is fuel. (coal, oil, peat) and electricity. Production of .trarteport sup- plies and building materials must be» speeded up. Industries necessary for the defense of the country are of the first importance. .The rapid collectivization in the village raises te the, greatest importance those industries pro- . dueing tractors, automotive machinery and farm machinery, as well as the chemical in- dustry (for fertilizers). This is why’ the open- ing of the Stalingrad tractor plant, the ex- pansion of the Krassny Putilovetz, and the completion of other plant construction in these fields—freeing the country in the short- est possible time from the necessity of im- porting these machines, etc.—are of the great- est political importance. The cariying out of all other juduateial tasks are dependent, first and foremost on the production of machinery. Despite the great strides already made in this field, it is still behind, and the’whole situation in this indus- try must be carefully reviewed. Metallurgy, the basis for machinery and other industries, is furidamental. The decision of the Central Committee is approved, that the industrializa- tion of the country can no longer be depend- ent on the one solitary basis of metallurgy (in the South), ahd that the establishment of a new center of the coal and iron industry in the East, through the utilization of the rich mines of the Urals and Siberia, is absolutely indispensable. ‘g (To be continued) ‘ | | 5 - vo § Proposals for Formation ail Organization of Workers \ Defense Corps | By WILLY GUCTHAT. QNE of the main tasks of the Party today is to organize Workers Defense Corps. For- tunately, we have in the Red Front Fighters League (Roter Frontkaempfer Bund) of Ger- | many a good model. The Red Front League | has been a great success and a gain to ‘our brother Party. It is, therefore, only. well. to use their experiences and there is no reason why we should lose time by trying to organize the Defense Corps.in a different way and in a different system than the Red Front League. The Red Front League is an independent or- | ganization, although under the leadership and supervision of the Party. Young workers are | organized in the Red Young Front (Rote Jung Front) and marine workers in the Red Navy (Rote Marine). The members all wear the | same uniform and consist in the main of. ex- | servicemen. The League, in the main is di- | vided into Corps (Abteilungen), Sections (Un- ter-Bezirke), and Districts (Gaue). Each | corps:elects two corps leaders, aided by staff | of functionaries. Sections, District Leader- | ships, and the Central leading body get elect- | ed at their annual Delegatian Convention. | © ‘The ranks of the League are open for every revolutionary worker and thus, through the League, the Party has been broadening its in- fluence over the masses. The Red Front League is a revolutionary depot, educating and drawing the workers into the Party. The Red Front League has been the bearer of many militant actions and of demands such as: “War Against War,” “Defend the Soviet Union,” dnd so on. I suggest that the Workers Defense Corps should be organized on the principles and along | the line of the Red Front League, as briefly outlined by me. An organization on a shop nucléi and workers organization basis would split up the ranks and divide the Defense Corps into many small units, difficult to com- municate with and slow moving. What we need is a compact, military, disciplined mass, responding quickly to every emergency call. .| Furthermore, such an organizational basis would bring the Defense Corps under the in- fluence of all the different organizations and | leaders, which must be prevented. It would be wrong to wait until a certain | organization raises the specific demand of or- ganizing Defense Corps. On the contrary, the organization of Workers Defense Corps must be taken up by the Party immediately and on a nation-wide scale. ™ 4 Demand the release of Fos- ter, Minor, Amter and Ray- mond, in prison for fighting for unemployment insurance. Pesala EPS RS SSPE ESSEC TODA SERRE SESS SSR ca ESE DA Sa Ero ioe ee Fisher fails to see further that a great port- tion of the construction work operations out of New York are made by unorganized work- ers. Comrade Fisher places his main emphasis on the A, F. of L. since a big portion of the others are “not organizable.” In building the T.U.U.L. in the A. F. of L. Comrade Fisher says, “the present policy ‘of the T.U.U.L. would lead to isolation, to expul- sion of our comrades from the unions with out any benefit to the Party or the League.” And what does Comrade Fisher propose? “To broaden our groups and draw the best out of them for the 'P.U.U.L.” Fisher's Proposals. This means that we continue functioning as we did in the past instead of putting forward the T.U.U.L. groups, as the leader of strug- gle in the old unions. Comrade Fisher proposes that we build “progressive” groups. as the leader and makes a “concession” to the Party that we build T.U.U.L. groups as an ornament within the progressive groups. Instead of mob- ilizing the workers in the locals around a | definite revolutionary line of the T.U.U.L, and organize these workers for the program of the TUL. Comrade Fisher wants “progres- sive” groups. The program of the R.I.L.U. for independent leadership is buried. The T. U.U.L. groups serve as the platform from which’ we organize the workers in their every day struggles on which basis to win the work- ers for the T.U.U.L. organizationally and not towards reforming the A. F. of L. Our comrades will be expelled if we carry through the policy of the T,U.U.L., says Fish- er. I can only agree with Comrade Fisher on this question in so far that if our policy will carried out mechanically, and as a frozen de- ization is more favorable for us, Comrade cision, certainly we will be ousted from the 4 A. F. L, This policy must be carried through in the locals openly as a general rule, but Comrade Fisher fails to understand that we have to change our tactics according to a given situation. In localss where we have a substantial section of the workers for our program we do not hesitate to place ourselves | openly as a 1.U.U.L. group; but in locals where we have small influence, certainly we do not come out openly as members of T.U.U,L., but nevertheless we do not hesitate to bring forth our program before the workers. To work on the assumptions that we will be expelled for the T.U.U.L. policy, this means what? (t) That we should not put forward our program to the workers. (2) That we must work in these unions only as far as trade union legalism permits, (3) In general it leads towards abandoning the work of the T.U.U. because of these difficulties. This policy, i practiced, will isolate us, this policy will com- promise us in the eyes: of the workers whe look up to us for leadership. Our Main Tasks. “Our main task at the present time is to organize the unorganized; to broaden our work within the A. F. of L: and building of T.U.U. L.. groups in every local definitely for the program of the T.U.U.L. and not on the basis of fake “progressive” groups. To achieve our revolutionary tasks, to give ladership to the building trades workers, we must activize every conirade in the building | industry.. We must develop broader cadres of | leading comrades. We have still too few at the present time. Forward towards revolutionary activity in | the building industry! Forward | to’one union in the — a dustry! ;