The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 5, 1930, Page 3

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JUNE 5, 1930 Vv CU PRE-CON OUR LANGUAGE WORK ike By BETTY GANNETT ‘Without organization the mass of the pro- letariat is nothing. Organized it is all. Or- ganization is unity of action, but of course, all action is useful only because and to the extent that it advances and does not retreat, to the extent that it intellectually combines the proletariat and lifts it up and does not degrade and weaken it. Organization with- out ideas is an absurdity which in practice converts the workers into miserable hangers on of bourgeoisie in power.”—Lenin on Or- ganization. eK | T° apply Lenin’s formulation to the activity of the language comrades in the fraternal organizations, we find serious right deviations. Many of our language comrades are still living in the years prior to the World War. They fail to recognize that the language organiza- tions built up must serve as a link in the re- volutionary chain—a link which will draw these | language workers closer to the working class movement. The Communist Party aiming to extend its influence and leadership over the masses of the proletariat, lays its major emphasis on the organization of the workers in the factories. At the same time it does not neglect the workers found in the various language organizations. Therefore, these language organizations must be class organizations, organized to serve a definite purpose, help devgop the class consci- ousness of the language masses and strengthen the working class. This must be the funda- mental basis of our language work. However, we find resistance on the part of the language comrades to draw in these organizations into | the general working class movement. In many cases the national spirit is fostered, the gen- eral campaigns of the Party are not brought in; and “he masses of language workers in or- ganizations under bourgeois influ pletely neglected. The policy of least is followed. In Philadelphia. This is clearly expcsed in many of the ac- tivities of our language comrades in Phila- delphia. Since the reorganization of our Par’ which eliminated the language federati made of our Party a more homogeneou the Party is today paying more attenti¢ correct orientation of our language work than ever\before. With the result that there is un- covered whole nests of right elements who re- sist the new line of the Party. The foreign-born workers in the Pb phia district are found predominantly the basic industries—mining, metal, textile, marine. These workers feel the brunt of capitalist ra- | tionalization with its effects upon the workers and suffer from the burdens imposed upon them by capitalist exploitation—low wages, long hours, unemployment, etc. These workers have revolutionary traditions—the struggles of the Europ2an working class and the revolutionry upheavals following the World War. In the United States, large sections of these same workers are under bourgeois influence. The fascist organizations have within their ranks tens of thousands of language workers right in the district ideologically and organizationally under the influence of the bourgeoisie. With the increased attacks of the capitalists against the foreign-born workers, with the growing readiness of the workers to struggle, these foreign-born workers not under our influence are beginning to fight back these attacks. If our language organizations would follow the correct policy these workers could be won away from these fascist organizations and bound up with the ‘international working class move- ment. The German Fraction. The German comrades in Philadelphia spend their major time in the Friends of Nature—a cultural organization—and manifest serious right wing tendencies. Removed from the Party because they do not participate in the general work of the Party and even in many cases do not attend unit meetings, we find that the German comrades even fear the introduction of the Trade Union Unity League into the Ger- man organizations. ‘Their argument is that to inject militant trade unionism into these or- ganizations is premature, a head on collision policy, which would have disastrous effects. The German workers in Philadelphia are found | in the textile and metal factories. Altho there are serious remnants of social reformism ex- isting in their ranks and they have a more privileged position than the other workers of Kensington, yet in the Full Fashioned Hosiery Workers they comprise the left elements and would respond to a militant policy. But our German comrades do not see this. They say first cultural activity and gradually we can draw the German masses closer. They do not see that the Germzn workers are becoming radicalized because of the oppresion in the factories and the betrayal of the American Federation of Labor and are looking to us for leadership. In the Armenian fraction an even worse situation exists. Altho numerically the Ar- menian population in Philadelphia is very in- significant — yet there are about 5,000 Ar- menians, the majority of whom are workers, In the “American Committee to Help Soviet Ar- menia,” which organization practically does not exist in Philadelphia today, we find that our comrades are capitulating to the nationalist spirit of the Armenian petty-bourgedisie and fail to bring out clearly the role of the or- ganization. Working among a small group of Armenians, the majority of whom are petty- bourgeois, they failed to transform this or- ganization into an integral part of our general ampaign for the Defense of the Soviet Union and connect up the achievements of the workers of Soviet Armenia with the struggles here. With the result that in the organization itself there exist hostile elements to the Soviet Union but loyal to Armenia, whether it be under the government of the Czar or the workers’ rule. No serious effort has been made to reach the Armenian workers, many of whom are found in the fascist organizations to which. their em- ployers belong. Instead of divorcing.the Ar- menian workers from the Armenian bourgeoisie they have in fact divorced the Armenian work- ers from the struggles of other workers in the United States. Thus, at a film showing of Khas Poosh (revolution of 1891 in Persia) the members of the organization and to a large extent our comrades resisted a talk on the achievements of Soviet Armenia connected up with the importance of supporting morally and financially the Communist Armenian organ and Daily Worker. They feared to antagonize the petty-bourgeois elements who would attend— and that would spoil the future business of film showings. The Russian Fraction. Because of the ins ient ideological and organization struggle against Lovestonism in the Russian fraction, we find that concealed oppositionists worked up to recently in the fraction and gave support to expelled renegades from our Party. Instead of exposing these enemies of the working 's and carrying on discussions in the R organizatio: policy oi s vas followed—and the rene- gades hold important posts in the language or- zations. The Eungarian Fraction. As is general with the Hungarians thru- out the country, here too the energy of our comrades and sympathetic workers is being put into a “Home” where the activity will be centered in raising funds to cover the mort- gages end there will be but little p ty to reach these workers with the genera! cam- paigns of the Party and the Tr: Jnion Unity League. Altho at a Karoly meeting several hundred workers were p:esent who expressed their solidarity with the anti-fascist movement, there has been no effort to crystallize this sentiment into definite organizaticnal results. The Jewish Fraction. In the Jewish field insufficient effort is made to spread out the activity of the fr ion to workers who have previ not been reached by our propaganda. nase of the Jewish fraction is very nar Too much concen- tration on the petty-bourgeois elements, devel- opment of cultural clubs and not sufficient at- tention to winning the Jewish workers. Great nded in the mobiization of the Jewish organizations for such activity as the Artef (Jewish Workers Theater) but not enough to draw in the Jev workers into class struggle unions and building of the In- ternational Workmen’s Order. The Lithuanian Fraction. One of the most serious right errors was committeed by the Lithuanian comrades in Baston. Here because of the vicious onslaught of the capitalists—our comrades are even more terrorized than the workers. Therefore, they fear to use the term communist—saying that the workers will not respond. As a result the call for the May First meeting was issued energy is e3 not in the name o& the Communist Party but | in the name of “Workers Organizations”. Because of these opportunist tendencies in the language fractions, insufficient attention by the Party organization, the non-functioning of most of the fractions, our Party has not assumed the leadership of the language frac- tions. The Recruiting Campaign, T.U.U.L. Drive, Daily Worker campaign bas been given but little attention. Whereas during the Recruiting Drive the Party succeeded in mobil- izing the language fractions to some extent, With This We Will Conquer By FRED ELLIS and results were attained, yet these are insig- | nificant compared to the possibilities. In analyzing the composition of our membership we find that among those foreign-born workers in the basic industries we have not a small number in the Party showing definitely that our fractions are not reaching the most ex- ploited sections of the working class. The T.U.U.L. Drive is still on paper as far as the language fractions are concerned. No serious effort has been made to systematically popu- larize the T.U.U.L. among the foreign-born workers in these organizations and get them to join up. Outside of the Jewish Fraction which has started a campaign fcr the support of the Daily Worker—the others have failed to connect up the Daily Worker with the cam- paigns for the language press. Only thru careful ideological and organiza- tional supervision by the Language Department can we change the orientation of our fractions. The fractions must become live functioning bodies, connected up closely with the general movement, having one line in the language or- ganizations, and aiming all the time to draw these organizations more under the influence of the Communist Party. The internation- alizing 0’ the organizations is important; over- coming the sect psychology existing among many sections of the foreign-born masses and drawing them into the general working lass movement. Less attention to organizations con- sisting primarily of Party members and more work in crganizations where large numbers of workers are found. ntegrating work in the fascist organizations and winning the workers for militant end revolutionary strug- gles. language fractions more into the work of the Party as a whole so that they can constantly connect up the probl of the general move- ment with their particular activity. Thru such means can our Party gain prestige among the foreign-born masses in the language organi- zations and build a reserve for the Party. Selling the Daily Worker at Shop and Factory Gate 'HE drive for new subscribers and readers of the Daily Worker must receive greater impetus after the great demonstrations for May Day throughout the country. Distributing rather than selling the Daily Worker at fac- tory gates has been the rule. How to per- suade the workers who have heretofore been receiving the Daily Worker free of charge, to pay the three cents a copy, and ultimately to subscribe to the only English militant working class daily in the United States, is a problem which must be effectively solved. Comrades who go to factory gates to sell Daily Workers for the first few weeks after a long period of free distribution must not be- come too quickly discouraged. They must rec- ognize the canny reaction of most of the work- ers to be a natural one, and must show the utmost patience toward these workers. At all noon shop gate meetings, the chair- man must give some time to the explanation of the Daily Worker Drive for new subscribers, and point out that the time has come when the workers of the shop, who have had an op- portunity to read the Daily Worker for some months, should themselves make it possible for thousands of other workers to read this organ of militant labor. The more this is emphasized the easier it is for the comrades to sell the Daily Workers. “s Something that must be avoided is the dis- tribution free of charge of Daily Workers once they are being sold regularly at the particular shop gate. Even if comrades find themselves with unsold copies, they must refrain from handing out at the same gate these left-overs. Drawing in our Party members in the | ‘suffer from Fill in the “Gap” By LEO MARTINS. (Section 5, Bronx.) We are approaching the 7th Convention of our Communist Party. Our C. C, in its theses, has analyzed and clarified before the Party and the American working class, the important tasks and problems that are facing us. We, the broad ranks of the Party, must study these analyses very carefully, and learn how to intelligently, and usefully apply our tactics in every branch of our activities, so that we develop into a powerful mass move- ment that will well deserve its name—the van- guard of the American working class. The Possibilities Are Here. The present situation of American and in- ternational capitalism, with its most sharp inner and outer contradictions (wide unem- ployment, great colonial revolts, feverish war preparations, the growth and extension of the Soviet system) affords our Party great pos- sibilities for real mass, extensive work. Pro- vided, however, that we correctly and sys- tematically adopt our ideology and methods of work towards the present situation. One of the outstanding problems in the Party to- day is the well known gap, which as cor- rectly estimated, is way too broad between our organizational strength, political influence that we exert. This means that we must begin to build the Party ranks, increase its quality and its membership. In many cases the last membership drive has ‘ti to accomplish the necessary results, that wuld correspond with the great energies that wé have put into it. tacts (Bronx) were lost to the Party because of a mechanical and tactless approach on the part of some leading comrades with “hot head” tendencies. No provisions, no attempts even were made in the units to keep and as- similate the new members. No functioning agitprop department, etc. Raise the Party Quality. To build the Party also means to raise its quality. A lot has been spoken of politicaliza- tion of our unit meetings, and our section activities. Up todate we must register in this complete failure. We find that at a unit meeting a section representative who is sup- posed to guard the unit from unnecessary proceedings and give suggestions to its work, is very often hindering its work and harming the Party as a whole. He proudly poses with his “unristricted power” and very mechanic- ally burdens up the meeting with a thousand and one tasks (which of course result in the accomplishment of no tasks), instead of help- ] and the mass | Hundreds of con- | ing to plan and systematize its work. The ENTION DIS Party unit meeting must deal with concrete tasks. It must not be overburdened and piled up with a thousand and one things at a time. The unit members must participate in the planning of the work. All activities must be carefully systematized, so that we don’t report failures at every meeting, but register con- crete gains. Every task to be fulfilled by the unit must be analyzed and brought before it in its political light. With the above in mind | and a functioning agitprop department we will easily accomplish more politicalization of our | membership. Into the Shops, Now to build the Party does not mean only to build the Party unit. Our party work must | not be narrowed down and remain in the | unit, but on the contrary, it must go outside | and register concrete organizational results | for the Communist Party and the working class. Therefore, building our Party, the Party of the American working class, means pene- trating the working class organizations, the SSION PEPPER ON LOVESTONE John Pepper was expelled from the ranks of the Communist Party last summer. For a long time Pepper had advocated and fol- lowed persistently an opportunist policy in the Party. Pepper made himself the con- scious agent of the right-grouping in the International. Pepper fed the factional strife in the American Party and attempted to make his faction a part of an international faction against the leadership and policy of the Communist Interntional. Aside from this, Pepper deceived the Haxecutive Committee of the Communist International and violated Party and C. 1. discipline in the most out- rageous manner. In all these actions Pepper had a willing and conscious accomplice in Jay Lavestone. John Pepper has recently submitted to the E.C.C.I. some statements with a request for readmission. The last of the statements is herewith published. This statement cannot effect a change in the relationship of John Pepper with the Communist movement. It does not touch the reasons of his expulsion. It freely airs the sins and crimes of Jay Lovestone; it says not a word about the sins and crimes of John Pepper. It is purely and simply an attempt of Pepper to sneak out from under the respon- sibility which the member John Pepper had to the Communist International for his own actions. The statement of Pepper, however, is proof of the rapid disintegration of the right group and as such is of interest to the Party. Pepper’s statement is as follows: oe es iB my statement of December 3, I condemned the politically mistaken views of the Right opposition in the C.P.S.U. and in the other Sections of the Comintern; acknowledged the correctness of the denunciations by the Com- intern and C.P.S.U. of the views of the Right opportunist group of Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky and the Right groups in the various sections (Germany, America, Czecho-Slovakia, Sweden, France, Great Britain); declared the absolute correctness of the line of the X Plen- um of the Comintern and of the Central Com- mittee of the C.P.S.U. and the open letter of the E.C.C.I. to the Communist Party of the | U.S.A., and recognized without any reserva- tions the correctness of the condemnation of, my political mistakes and factional breeches | of discipline by the E.C.C.I. and the I.C.C. shops and factories, building of shop nuclei | in the various sections and especially building | our T.U.U.L. unions. New militant unionism is the most urgent need for the American working class today. Yet we are meeting this need in a very mechanical manner. In the units we very abstractly appeal to our mem- bers to join the T.U.U.L. and with this it ends. Why can’t we have in every section a special apparatus, whose chief task will be to popularize and build the T.U.U.L. work and alongside with it the shop nuclei work. Such an apparatus in every section is an urgent need of the Party today. Now, this problem of building the American | Communist Party is the outstanding problem before every member. We must not take this | mechanically. We must not get “hot headed” and think that we are already the bosses of | the situation, when we make certain victories and even great victories. We must not be adventurous. We must be sound and strategic in our actions. We must always have in mind that American capitalism, with all its allied forces and black reaction and fascism, is still strong, and always aims to corrupt and crush the working class movement. Therefore we must build the Communist Party, penetrate the broad masses of the working class, organ- ize and train their iron battalions and through their daily struggles move them against the | black capitalist system until its overthrow and its replacement by the workers and farmers Soviet power. The Need of the Hour By D. UCHIDA HE need of the hour for our Party is the strengthening of the Party organization. Too long has our Party suffered from the oppor- tunist theory that “in America revolution is far ahead. All we must do now is discuss mat- ters.” Too long has our Party suffered from a petty factionalism which has tended to dis- rupt the Party organization and prevent its orientation toward the masses. Now, one year after the open letter of the C.I., we are, both objectively and subjectively, in a better posi- tion to strengthen the Party organization and make it a real fighting representative of the revolutionary working lass of America. But are we doing it? No doubt in recent months we have made progress. But to what extent? Our Party still is not deeply rooted in the factories, which should be our “fortresses.” As a result we “Social Democratic” ideology, which still survives within the Party. N. Y. District An Example. Take as an example the situation in the New York District. In the last Party membership drive, New York District claimed to have re- cruited over 1,400 new members. To date, however, only 900 of these have been actually assigned to units and have became active in Party work. Where are the remaining 500? Were these 500 kept out of the Party? Another chosen. site for free distribution must be That this is now a common practice is amply testified to by the response of the | workers on the following day: “We get ’em for nothing” The members themselves are as much to The answer is clear and simple. The Party, as a whole, although eager to “collect” ap- plication cards, does not fully realize the ne- cessity of carefully following these application cards through. The Party was too passive. To it, or to some of the comrades at least, the neglecting of applicatjon cards does not ap- pear to be criminal, as it really is. In the New York District, Section five, stood out most prominently in this respect. For some time in this Section there was no fune- tioning committee to handle application cards and assign new members to units. Naturally, the Section Organizer nad to do the entire job himself and, unfortunatelly, in this case he did the job very poorly. Apology or no apology, excuse or no excuse, on April 7 the new mem-: bership committee came into office and the Section Organizer of Section five handed over to it piles of application cards and over fifty new membership books still unassigned. What did this mean? The Section Organizer kept new member in his “pocket” in order to pre- | vent them from doing revolutionary work. This | Menine ie tiie aabie Res | entation towards the factories, are some of the is a criminal act. tion there were, up to a few weeks ago, quite a number of “old” members without their 1930 books. How did that come about? A possible explanation is that there were in this Section too many members who did not think it “essen- tial” to “have a Party book” and “to pay dues” regularly. Of course, the Section Organizer bears responsibility for not attending to these things. blame as the Section Organizer. Imagine a member without a mambership book acting as In general I dissociated myself in that state- ment from the splits and the attempted splits engineered by the right wingers in the various countries. I consider it here my duty to dis- sociate myself with particular emphasis from the right wing Lovestone group which has seceded from the Communist Party of America. The trend of events has clearly revealed that the ideology and organizational practice of the Lovestone group develop more and more along an anti-Party direction. Having seceded from the Comintern the Lovestone group has organized itself in a separate party. It goes by the name of “Com- munist Party of the United States of America, the Majority Group.” It organizes local groups everywhere, it held a national confer- ence, and has elected a national committee. It issues its magazine “The Revolutionary Age,” as “The Organ of Marxism-Leninism in) the United States.” The Lovestone group was born as a result of the grossest breach of dis- cipline against the Comintern, and it can con- tinue its existence only on the basis of still coarser breaches of discipline. The former complaints of the Lovestone group about the “running sore” in the apparatus of the ECCI have turned into charges and calumniations against the ECCI as such, and more and more even against the entire Comintern. The Love- stone group accuses the Comintern of having taken “power” out of the “hands” of the “majority” in the American Party and given it over to the “minority.” The Lovestone group still claims to have the majority in the Amer- ican Party and does not realize that the mass of proletarian members of the Party, as soon as they had to choose between the Comintern and the group, unconditionally went over to the Comintern. The Lovestone group demands for itself the leadership in the American Party in the name of the “majority,” which it no longer has and and which it possessed only in view of the claims that it followed the line of the Communist International, and it does not want to see that the overwhelming major- ity of revolutionary workers in the American Party are, as in all countries, actually on the side of the Comintern. The Lovestone group interprets the decisions of the Sixth World —_————— unit organizer. Imagine a unit with several of its members having no 1930 membership books until April. No wonder there was very little activity carried on in this Section prior to and after May Day. Only shop gate meetings were held in preparation for May Day. The ex- tremely low rate of dues-stamps selling in this Setion during the past few months had much to do with the bad organization in the Sec- tion. Today a new membership committee is func- tioning. Outwardly at least a considerable im- provement has been recorded. Yet the general situation in this Section does not allow us to entertain an optimistic view. The present membership committee's attitude, “better to is- sue duplicate books than to have members without books,” should be criticized. The lack of cooperation between the committee and sec- tion organizer must be ended. At the same time, the entire section membership must be awakened and ativized. “1905” Ideology Must Go. Facing the Section Convention, Section five has big problems to solve. The clearing of the old 1905 ideology which is still prevalent in | this section, the strengthening and tightening of Party organizations, and more energetic ori- more urgent problems. However, this is not a question only of Section five. Other Sections of our District do not function more efficient. At the coming Section and District Conven- tions, therefore, discussions must be centered upon these weak points of the Party and ef- forts must be made to overcome these weak- nesses. New and capable committees must be elected so that the District as a whole will have more smoothly working machinery in leading and guiding the struggle of the work- ers of our District. The fight is on. The Pariy must forge ahead Congress that the minority must submit to the majority, in a narrow hational sense, and does not want to submit to the vast majority of the Comintern, The Lovestone group ver- bally recognizes the Comintern leadership, but it fights and daily rejects the Comintern in ion. In their appeal against the expulsion of the leaders of the Lovestone group, they even demand from the Comintern to withdraw its Open Letter to the Communist Party of America and to trace back its organizational steps, stating that only then will they submit to the Comintern. In other words, they rise against the leadership of the entire Comintern. They take quite an open stand against the correct decisions of the Tenth Plenum and de- clare that the line of the Plenum is a revision of the Sixth World Congress, they set the Sixth World Congress against the Tenth Plenum, the International Congress against the Executive Committee of the Communist International, in order to undermine the auth- ority of the Executive Committee which was unanimously elected by the Sixth Congress. At first they dissociated themselves from the Brandler group but now they say that: “The Brandler group is quite correct in rais- ing a sharp struggle against the anti-Leninist revisionist course of the present ECCI.” In its political activity the Lovestone group resorts to incorrect methods and acts of in- creasing hostility to the Party. The campaign of the Communist Party in connection with International Red Day was combatted by it; it sought to make the strike slogan of the Party appear ridiculous. In the heroic struggle in Gastonia, it accused the Party of “putsch- ism” for having correctly issued the battle. ery of “self-defense” for the workers attacked by the police. In connection with the National Trade Union Unity League Conference, the Lovestone group failed to see the revolutionary significance of setting up a revolutionary trade union center, and worked against the campaign of the Party. In the new revolu- tionary unions of the miners, textile workers and of the clothing industry as well as in the other mass organizations, the Lovestone group tried to bring about a split and fought against the Communist leadership. The basis for their opposition to the correct line of the Party rests in their failure to recognize the process of radicalization and leftward develop- ment of the masses which follows from their crass overestimation of the strength of Amer- ican imperialism and from the general excep- tionalist theory in regard to America—oppor- tunist errors for which, among others, I was chiefly responsible. The sharp struggles in Gastonia, the New Orleans and Marion strikes, the partial struggles in a number of industries in the North, the representation of the T.U.U. L. conference, the demonstrations, strikes and sharp conflicts with the police on International Red Day, prove that the masses are becoming radicalized. The policies and tactics of Lovestone do not differ fundamentally from the line of Cannon, who only covers his opportunism with a liberal use of left phrases, arid from that of the Muste group. The breaking away from the Comintern on the part of the Lovestone group leads to its breaking away also from Marxism. The pre- sent economic crisis in the United States, which, if all signs do not fail, leads to a gen- eral world crisis, is treated in the magazine of the Lovestone group as an ordinary stock- exchange crash, in the same manner as it is explained by the bourgeois economists and Hoover. They absurdly speak of the “strength of American capitalist economy” at a moment when the crisis in America reveals all weak points and all organic diseases of capitalism. They see one-sidedly only the “outer contra- dictions of world capitalism” at a moment when all inherent inner contradictions of American capitalism, all disproportions of the \ various branches of industry, the immense i increase of production and limited buying of d the masses, are inexorably clashing. The | “Marxian” analysis of the Lovestone group * sees merely a “credit crisis” and fails to see © the over-production which is of basic impor- tance, and this in the middle of November, that is, at a moment when many of the Amer- ican bourgeois papers already speak of over- production. The prognosis of the Lovestone group sees only “convulsive up and down movements on the stock exchange,” at a mo- ment when the tocsin rings the alarm of a general economic crisis in America. The disruptive anti-Party and anti-Marxian views of the Lovestone group must bring the later not only in conflict with the Comintern, but also with the daily economic struggles of the American proletariat. The economic crisis creates working possibilities for the Commun- ist Party such as never existed ever since the Party has been founded in America. The crisis brings in its wake mass unemployment, the lengthening of working hours, wage cuts and general insecurity with regard to the living conditions of the American working class. Hoover who was elected as the president of “prosperity” has in the course of less than one year become the president of crisis. Hoo- ver, who, in his election campaign promised the final rooting out of poverty, helps now to heap indescribable poverty and increasing ex- ploitation on the working masses. Events have proven the correctness of the Address of the Communist International. The last Plenum of the Central Committee demonstrated that the factional walls which had blocked the develop- ment of the Party has in a large measure been shattered. Lovestone and his group of splitters, while raising the banner of “unity” only wish to re-establish the old factional grouping and revive the old factional war. The forecast of the Tenth Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- national has been fully confirmed also in America. The deep economic crisis, the grow- ing strike wave, the increased persecution of Communists, the agreement of Green and Wool to act as a voluntary strike-breaking guard of the president during the crisis, the final conversion of the socialist party—which is even ready to discard its name and program— into a liberal party, the attempt of the Hoo- ver-Stimson government to intervene against the Soviet Union, the despatch of additional American battleships to China, the violent crushing of the Haiti rebellion by American troups, the daily sharpening of the Anglo- American antagonisms—must and will bring about a deep radicalization of the workers and an entrenchment of the Communist Party among the masses. (Signed) JOHN PEPPER,