The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 4, 1930, Page 4

hitahed by the Cor ‘Wy S70. 3 aay, except Sunday, at 28-28 U Page Four = EXtare, New York Cits y Bingverene 1606168, Cable: "DAT WE all checks to <®s Daily Worker, 2 8 Union Square, New York Address and m PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION | The Needle Trades Workers Industrial! Union and Its Struggies fraid to me trike, v By H. KORETZ, s instance. pe out the right r Conven- i blishment of in Boston, there was a tremendous into the Industrial Union. cking to us, many of them what a left wing means, but that the rig serve their interests. a25 launching needle t the Pro: ceptance of a milite But the past w The stubborn r on of ould have the es: our loc upsurge movemen The mas not knowir they s were eve very f of one conver wu dressmakers, kne “transition period” wa: 1 1 rotten and d weeks before the convention, was fF masses di d immediate action, in order the leading comrades were far yet fr to donee ers to recognize our Union convinced of the nece: for suc to litions. The G.E.B. did not Hence, the result: a cra nion pare approve at that time the proposal of J. Levin der a sign of Industrial Un nm for a ger rike, but accepted the attitude when there were splendid of Emr no strike and instead of spread out to the trades th nization r n. The asm among the ers into struggle. Why ’s Clothing | permitted this enth Department? Why a Youth « Negro De- | melt y, some members being partment? To many of wu: looked more of an 1 d, because of conditions becoming abstraction than a real pr while to the | worse and making it harder to mobilize to our ncle to | , whereby with Golden | pt. Mere lip mated Group | last stri ‘oo much regard for legality (the greement signed with the right wing was to ire a year later), still according the com- ague reco} a labor onsible for this mistake. Lovestoneites it appear a possible united front with Hi we would secure “Amalgama Rule Hillman as its first pre service was given to the Amal, tothe T.U.U.L. When the r tailors a:sumed ever ¢: the most conservative section the pr n some ization was resy xceptionalism in Boston on the Question of Mistakes. UAC Ta fen ie Dressers Of | A number of unpardonable mistakes com- trayal of the Beckerman-Holtz cane and joined | T™itted in Boston under the management of the : tae Co ere ae joined | writer, proves that no section was immune from Joti Sa EIN when delegates and | the opportunism with which our Union was representatives of about 145 shops participated | <aturated. A letter sent out to the fur manu- ; RRNA inheritance of diplomatic language from the send speakers to express our sympathy and | yioht wing in dealing with the bosses, even solidarity with the tailers. The result, of course, Fhe: gitentionwe mayahaves heen good. was that the finest struggle undertaken by the fa taine qoute foscgeont the TUALL. tailors was smashed in no time by the Iron | 3: the Jeader of revolutionary unionism in this Heel of the Hillman guerillas. “It was not | country, and insisting that the T.U.U.L. cannot opr aitupeisy. it their struggl No | move into the headquarters of the N.T.W.I. wonder the remnants of Lovestonism propose | Union, because the masses must be prepared of the ans was even now in the G. E. B. that we must build up a strong left wing in the A. C. W. Only Thru Struggle Will The N.T.W.I. Union Grow and Expand. The dressmakers strike of F in New York was the first app: N.T.W.I. Union on the arena of uggle, right after its convention. The strike was timely. The dress industry was almost totally w ganized, with conditions getting worse from day to day. The dressmakers were ready for struggle and accepted our leadership. But what was wrong with it? out in advance, that the strike will not last long (how familiar these words are). There- fore no sufficient preparations, looking for a short cut to “Victory” — the old Lovestonian game of building mass movements over night. That is why an Employers sponsored with our consent so that with the an- nouncement of the settlement the strike was ov And when the T.U.U.L. attempted to correct our mistakes, pointing out the neces- sity of spreading the strike, the entire leade! ship fought bitterly against it. The writer caught in a net of opportunist manipulations, did not see the possibility for disentanglement and joined the-crew in its attack upon the proposals «f the T.U.U.L. In spite of these mistakes, the Industrial Union made some important gains. It took in between 7,000 to 8,000 new members and es- tablished for itself a strong base to continue to operate from. it is not sufficient to m: important problem is to here again the N.T.W.1.U. failed miserably, the result that some workers were totally d illusioned about the left wing. Shors were ne- glected, complaints not attended to, with con- ditions naturally becoming worse. The Sigman Fake Cloak Strike, Would we have evaluated prope sons from our first struggle in the dressn: strike the determination of our policy the fake stoppage would have been a cinch. But there was never greater confusion in our ranks than at the time. Precisely because we knew all details of this united front between the bosses, bureaucrats and the state, it was all the more reason why we should have pre- pared in defense of the workers interests and give them leadership. What was the original policy proposed by those under the guidance of Mr. Lovestone at the time? “Stay at work, do not answer the call for the fake S' strike, Join the Needle Trades Industrial Un- ion.” Total capitulation, giving up the struggle, leaving the cloakmakers to the mercy of the company union—this was the meaning of this policy. Even now, there are plenty of leading comrades, as well as a number of workers, who think that this policy would have been ideal. (We would have saved the jobs for our active members). But the second policy was not any better, creating more confusion in the minds of the masses. Instead of accepting the policy of T.U.U.L. of preparing the cloakmakers for a real gen- eral strike; for real conditions under the leader- ship of the N.T.W.I.U., we were presented a gem of a policy by Mr. Lifshitz, the expert right winger on Leninist Strategy. “Convert the Fake Stoppage into a General Struggle.” What a mess! The masses should have taken bats and split our heads for such a leadership. What they demanded to know was, how to act when the fake strike will be called. They de- manded a clean cut policy. But notice how the Lovestonian spirit was afraid’to mention the word strike, substituting it with “a General Struggle,” an affront before the C.I., that they were not a right wing. Yes, we were totally e> the defensive. Both the policy and slogans wrong. Therein lies the reason, why we . the cloakmakers. The needle trades work- ers will not be with us just because of our good or bad looks. The proper policy would have been to first anticipate the fake stoppage and mobilize the cloakmakers for a real gen- eral strike. That we should have set our own date for the strike, and make our.mobilization. campaign the major task. The strike was timely. The policy was cor- rect. But the furriers did not respond. Wh: Were they not ideologically with us? Yes they were. Did they not feel the betrayals of the company unions? Yes they did. But what was wrong? The furriers strike was just upon the heels of the fake cloak strike. The cloakmakers fake stoppage was a debacle for the left wing * ce ga The more eep these gains, And We have figured | number | preparing means 02 combatting both the right social fas- cists and the boss’ Association was | c handful of But for revolutionary unions | ith | 4 since been overcome to some degree. of paramount importance for the N.T.W.I.U. to help to build up the Trade League. zations. similar situation as in New York. singer clique was preparing for a fake stop- talked too much of a general strike. The fake stopp: as thorougaly exposed. But when it came down to brass t we . suddenly gradually drawing in the dre kers! Only at the last momert, when the cireular was out of ptint already, did we grasp this mistake have some prejudice This “Chvostism” has but it is and may move. logically against such a Union Unity In the past, only when we were in need of funds, did we go after these organi- Boston General Strike in the Cloak and Dress Industry, February 1930. Here in Boston we were confronted with a The Schle- Iready last season we carried thru a open forums on the question of for a general strike as the only page. c . Erroneously enough the right elements in our union attacked the writer for “scaring away” some members because we srientated ourselves on calling out only the cloakmakers on strike and then and corr2cted it. But the main line—the line of struggle proved in this@mse the correctness of and tactics of the T.U.U.L. and the time it was the right wing that was on the defensive. It was the Needle Trades In- dustrial Union that led the workers into strug- gle, with its fighting battalions of militant s. It was due to us, that the 40-hour week was established in Boston, and when Schlesinger came to Boston on the eve of his fake stoppage, he appealed to the employers, that he no longer can give in the 42-hour week, use the communists will come out the next ay with a splash that he betrayed the workers, and he kneeled before them for a 40-hour week at least on paper. The fake stcppage called after the third week of our strike was already a defensive measure, The rank and file clamored for action, for they could not stand the pres- sure of our pick The weaknes beca S. s of the strike were: a) failure to prepare properly, b) failure to draw in the unorganized, c) failure to apply the united front from below in time of the fake stop- page. But in spite of all these weaknesses, we have succeeded to establish a base for the Boston Industrial Union, and gain the pres- tige in the eyes of the workers as the only fighting organization for the interests of the workers. In reciting the major battles of the N.T.W.I. Union we can still trace plenty of opportunism in practice. We were still vaccilating, in adapt- ing the new line. We did not learn enough about the industry as such, about the industry as part of capitalism in the third period. We were not revolutionary leaders, who are sup- posed to read, study and know thoroly what is going on in the entire labor movement, na- tionally as well as internationally. At the coming convention, these policies should be put under close scrutiny. Let the delegates, who will come direct from shops learn from these mistakes, so that they can serve as a guard against their repetition. The T.U.U.L. Program For Our Union. © ‘There cannot be any doubt in the mind of any intelligent worker about the need for a sharp turn in the N.T.W.I. Union. The program of the TUUL offers the solution. The campaign for ten thousand new members, are mere war N.Y. Central Organ ot Ramsay MacDonald: the Come “Why, I’m a Pacifist!” Worker st eacy ul ChE OS. A. Ry mail Machetti SUBSCRIPTION RATES: everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two ‘an and Bronx. New York City, and foreign, w - months $1; excepting Boroughs of hich are: One year $8; six months $4.50 ——= The Future of the Crisis By HARRY GANNES. | HAT has become of that great host of for- | tune-tellers and soothsayers, headed by Dr. Hoover, who foretold the quick recovery of American imperialism from the throes of crisis? The chief wind bag is silenced. The rest sing different tunes. Where heretofore most of them toyed with such"phrases as “a passing phenomenon,” “a slight depression,” “economic storms,” the more outspoken of the capitalist sheets now readily admit that American capitalism is undergoing one of the severest crises in its history. Not one pre. dicts an early recovery. They all “hope,” | “wait,” and even “pray” for a termination of the crisis. | What is the outlook? The Annalist (May | 30, 1930) jabbing at Hoover's frequent and exploded lies, says: “ . . . most observers will probably agree that there are no active indications of the return to normal trade by September which has been promised this ‘ week by Secretary Lamont and Dr. Klein of | the Department of Commerce. It is a fair guess that business in general rates the dec- larations of these two officials as merely a part of the mechanical and now rather dis- credited Washington optimism.” But here the Annalist is indulging in or- giastic optimism itself by intimating that at an early date after September the badly dis- eased capitalist system may show signs of health. Objectivity never was a virtue of capitalist economists, and during a crisis, with the ground crumbling under their feet, with their theories riddled by facts, they lose all sense of proportion and reality. Just Beginning. The factors which up to now have worsened the crisis are just beginning to have effect. Industries which have made a bluff at “re- covery” are entering sharper phases of depre: sion. The reverberations of the: world crisis, while already tremendously affecting the United States, will increase in intensity. Another writer in The Annalist, A. McB., gives us a little insight into some of these factors. He says: “Agricultural implement manufacturers, who have for the past several months been running on heavy schedules, are now report- ed to be curtailing. Attendance at motion picture theatres is said to be falling off somewhat. At least one motor company which was operating at,a high rate during the first quarter has recently curtailed sharply, with a resulting collapse in the stock. It is possible that some of the ‘de- pression proof’ industries may not be im- mune after all, but may merely be lagging.” It is these little things that Hearst does not include in his column, “Signs of Return- ing Prosperity.” The Question of “Recovery.” A survey of the basic industries will show there is not the slightest indication of a re- covery. Quite the reverse is true; a worsen- ing and deepening of the crisis is inevitable. The summer, fall and winter months will see a further drastic increase in unemployment, and further sharp drops in production all along the line, The harvesting season, with its allegorical promise of plenty, will but serve to pile up surplus agrarian products, still further depress prices, and show the agrarian crisis in all its glaring contradic- tions. : preparations. The near future will see spon- taneous outbreaks among the needle trades workers, unable to withstand the effects of the rationalization process. The N.T.W.I.U, must yet down to business and by continuous hard work, day by day, build up a strong organi- zation. The onen shop markets must be in- vaded by us without delay. The building up of Youth and Negro Departments, Men’s Cloth- ing and Headgear Departments, all these are essential parts of the revolutionary apparatus for struggle. Our strike strategy needs a microscopic analysis. We must fight against long term agreements. We must develop new forms of struggle, based on the shops (the 30- 40 story buildings in garment centre). We must perfect the Shop Delegates Control over the Union, whereby the memberS8hip at large will be actually involved in the affairs of the Union. In short we must build a revolutionary union, under the leadership of the T.U.U.L, Foremost, there is already under way the most concerted dvive to Smash wages and lower the standard of living of the American workers in the entire history of the country. “Wage reductions,” says the Journal of | Commerce in its leading editorial (May 31, 1930) “however, have become more and more numerous within the past month and have tended to follow reductions in prices.” It seems that somewhere we saw something about an agreement between Hoover, representing the bosses, and Green, of the A. F. of L. making it clear there would be no wage reductions. In fact, the Daily Worker at the time pointed out to the workers that this was a scab agree- ment. consciously entered into by Green to facilitate. wage-cuttings by promising to pre- vent strikes. The Journal of Commerce calls on all the big bosses to start their wee-slashing cam- paign, because “there is no theory about this, | ble for the enormous increase in rents,” ete. but it is cold, hard, fact, proven by exper- ience.” More Cries For Wage-Cuts. This cry for a general attack against wages receives added impetus from the National City Bank of New York, one of whose lead- ing figures, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., has al- ready set an example by slashing miners’ wages 15 to 20 per cent. The June issue of the National City Bank Bulletin opens its wage-slashing drive by an attack on build- ing trades workers’ wages. They go on in this tone: “Due principally to this high ‘level of wages and to the many restrictions im- posed by the unions which have prevented off- setting economies, building costs have been maintained at levels which not only act as a br&ke upon new construction, but are responsi- And this imperialist sheet directly calls on the A. F. of L. to cooperate in the wage- cutting drive. What the Basic Industries Show. An analysis of the basic industries, and some factors which have not been touched on, will show that the crisis will intensify. Steel production has dropped from an average of 80 per cent of capacity during April to 73 per cent at the last report. But the very causes which kept up steel production will now contribute to press it down still further. Hoover’s “remedy” of quickly grabbing the crisis by the tail and throwing it out of the window seems to have strengthened the mon- ster, .The railroad executives speeded up | plant and equipment orders which acted as the main spur to steel production. What hap- pened? E, C. Hardwood, writing in the An- nalist (May 30, 1930) shows the result: “A concrete example is offered in the case of Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe. Early in April this railroad was said to have com- pleted most of its new rail projects for 1930. Presumably this crowding of the work in the early months of the year was in re- sponse to Mr. Hoover's plea to expedite construction.” : No more steel orders from the A. T. & S. F, Railroad, which bit off a bigger chunk than it could chew, and is suffering acute crisis pangs, The same is true of all the railroads. We are informed that the 60 per cent of the automobile output is produced by Ford and Chevrolet. A large part of the output of Ford and Chevrolet is not production but overproduction. The very nature of the belt system, and the highly rationalized technique of these plants make it impossible for them to continue curtailed production in the face of falling prices. They must produce in quan- tity or not*at all. That the output is not being “digested” is very plain from the fran- tic shouts of the*Ford and General Motors big shots who hysterically ask for a lower tariff in order to help them dispose of the rapidly increasing stocks in foreign markets. The very sales of these “cheap make cars” add further stress to the top-heavy install- ment system and help in the long end to broaden the trough of the crisis. ¥ Thus’ the steel industry is threatened from sthis field. And what has become of Hoover’s tremen- dous building campaign that would make the crisis vanish in the “twinkling of ap eye?” (The exact words used by Gov.’ Brewster in presenting Hoover’s famous three billion dol- lar building program.) Building activity has dropped, in spite of the fact that some projects that were not contemplated for a year or two, were rushed for construction. The entire building program plan has merely, thrown the whole industry out of whack, and is now subject to severe criticism from many of Hoover’s supporters. Structural steel orders at this time, the per- iod when they should be at their height, show miserable drops, And dragging the crisis still further down, like a heavy ancher stuck in soft mud, are the constantly dropping prices, which is world- wide. The New York Times, financial editor (June 1, 1980) connects the falling prices with dropping production: “The still receding prices for steel products have one obvious explanation in the same curtailment of de- mand, whether ‘for tailway materials and PROGRAM FOR STRUGGLE AGAINST UNEMPLOYMENT AND BUILDING OF T.U.U.L. VER 7,000,000 workers are unemployed to- day. The number is still increasing. Ever larger masses of workers in all industries are - thrown out of shops and factories. The at- tempt of the bosses to throw the entire burden | of the economic crisis upon the workers re- sults in the increased speed-up and increased wage cuts. The mass lay-offs swell the army of unemployed. The increased speed-up and growing crisis threatens hundreds of thousands of workers still employed with the imminent | 1 of unemployment and starvation: eral years before the present crisis, ation i. e., the speed-up, all kinds of efficiency devices and improved machinery threw 4,000,000 workers permanently out of work. This growing army was further increas- ed by large numbers of agricultural workers and bankrupt small farmers forced off the land. Today, mass unemployment on a gigan- tic scale confronts workers in the U. S. A. as well as in other capitalist countries. The fight against unemployment is the fight of the whole working class. The strug- gle against unemployment is the struggle against rationalization and increased exploita- tion generally. It is the vital concern of the employed as well as the unemployed. The present economic crisis has been marked by a general lowering of wages and living stand- ards in the various industries, by growing at- tacks of the bosses and their social fascist and fascist agents against the conditions of all workers. The bosses further take advantage of the army of unemployed to cut wages. The speed-up is pushed to the limit in all industries. Accidents, industrial diseases and fatalities show an enormous increase. ‘The strength of workers is taxed to capacity. The complete physical exhaustion and break-down of the workers comes at a ever earlier age. The strug- gle for unemployment insurance and for im- mediate unemployment relief is therefore an integral part of the fight against rationaliza- tion and for social insurance. The first con- dition for the development of the struggle against unemployment is the organization of 10. The unemployed councils shall be regu« larly functioning organizations based on in dividual dues paying membership, 11. A small nominal initiation fee shall be charged. Unemployed union or League mem- bers shall be exempted from paying dues in the union upon presentation of goo] standing membership book in the unemployed council. All members of unemployed councils ‘who are ready to join the union or League, shall be taken in without any initiation fee, and shall be exempt from paying dues until such time as they obtain employment, 12. Unemployed councils shall elect executive | committees and officers. Union shop delegates councils and executives shall attach represe: tatives on the council executives. Councils | shall elect delegates to union shop. delegates councils or League executives. 18. Where more than one council exists in | a city, a city executive shall be organized com- posed of delegates from industrial councils, rank and file delegates from A F of L unions, and TUUL local councils. The city executive shall affiliate with the local council of the TUUL, and shall have regular delegates to the TUUL local council or executive. 14. The immediate program of action’ for the building of mass unemployed councils by the unions and industrial leagues, should re- volve around the TUUL recruiting drive, and the July Fourth national unemployed conven- tion in Chicago. The million masses of un- employed offer the most fertile field for mass recruiting into the revolutionary unions, and | for mass struggle against capitalism and its social fascist and fascist agents. The new unions, industrial’ Leagues, and TUUL executives must particularly guard against turning the unemployed councils into forums for general agitation. Great care should be taken to stress and bring to the forefront at all times the immediate demands based upon local conditions and the situation in each industry. In preparation for a mass national unem- ployed convention on July Fourth, and with the end of the TUUL membership recruiting drive on June 29th a short time off, the entire TUUL must at once be mobilized for these urgent tasks. Concrete tasks must be assigned every member of the TUUL. Mass unemployed coun- cils should be set up without delay by the unions and Leagues. A series of local actions in every industrial center must be carefully planned and initiated at once. Shop gate meet- ings, the setting up of shop committees, in- door mass meetings, mass distribution of leaf- lets, demonstrations against lay-offs at large shops, demonstrations against evictions of the unemployed, meetings and demonstrations at employment agencies, at local government councils for concrete relief and shelter for the unemployed out of city funds, systemati: pen- etration of A F of L unions, setting up of the basic united front committees from below, mainly in shops, local hungér marches, and campaigns to raise funds at shops, unions and workers’ organizations, and campaigns for the release of the unemployed delegation, must mark the activities of every union and indus- trial league. These activities must be ex- pressed in the organization of councils, and linked closely with the TUUL membership drive. The delegations to the National Con- vention must represent actual mass organiza- tion of employed and unemployed, Demands 1. Work or Wages: The government shall guarantee every worker, regardless of race, sex, age or creed, a job at the usual rate of pay, or if unemployed, insurance compensa- tion equal to full wages. All workers partial- ly employed shall receive compensation suffi- cient to bring their incomte up to the amount of full wages. This unemployed insurance shall be administered by committees elected di- rectly by workers, working in the shops, and the unemployed through their councils. 2. Emergency Unemployment Relief: Until the unemployment insurance is operative, the the unorganized, the building of the new revo- lutionary unions and industrial leagues into mass organs of struggle. The development of a mass movement for the struggle against unemployment and the building of the revolu- tionary unions, becomes the burning task of the hour for every union and industrial league, for every member of the Trade Union Unity League. The 50,000 TUUL membership re- cruiting drive, and the struggle against un- employment are one campaign. The following program should become the program of immediate action for every TUUL organization. It must be translated in organ- ization and struggle of employed and unem- ployed, in the building of the revolutionary unions against rationalization and for unem- ployment insurance. 1. Each union and league shall immediately establish special committees in the center and local organizations to direct a campaign for establishing mass unemployed councils in the respective industry, and for mass recruiting into our new unions. 2. Each union, league, and revolutionary op- position in reformist unions shall immediately work out a complete program of action based on the situation in the industry, linking up closely the immediate unemployment demands with the basic economic demands, organization campaign and struggles in the industry. 4, Each union and industrial league, etc., should set up an unemployed council in its respective industry on the basis of unity of action between the employed and unemployed in the industry, in the struggle against ration- alization for the organization of the unorgan- ized and for work or wages;—unemployment insurance. 4, These mass industrial unemployed coun- cils shall be affiliated with and work under the direction of the respective unions or in- dustrial leagues, 5. Only in such cities where no union or league exists shall general unemployed coun- cils be organized, embracing workers of mis- cellaneous industries. The organization of gen- eral councils shall not be attempted where there is a Union or League. 6. Such councils shall be considered t»mpo- rary and transitional organizational forms which must serve as the basis for setting up TUUL groups and industrial unemployed coun- cils around these groups which aré linked up with the national unions or leagues in the TUUL district and local committees. 7. Such general councils in cities where there is no TUUL organization should be cffiliated with and directed by the TUUL center in the district or nearest city. 8. The chief task of the general council shall be to develop a campaign in the shops and factories, in A. F. of L, unions, ete., for the organization of shop committees, united front committees and TUUL groups and in conjunction with the struggle for the demands for the unemployed based on local conditions. 9. The local TUUL council shall 1 1d and di- rect the activity of the unemployed movement. Local TUUL’s shall set up special committees to give daily attention, direction and leader- ship to the struggle against unemployment and the building of mass unemployed councils. The local TUUL organization shall coordinate and check up on unemployed campaigns of local unions, local leagues, and opposition groups in reformist union. It shall be respon- sible for linking up the struggle against un- employment with the TUUL recruiting cam- paign, and general struggles in the sections. ===> equipment or for the motor-car industry or for building construction.” ‘ The National City Bank (June Bulletin) also wails about the drop in prices in such leading commodities as steel, sugar, coffee, rayon, silk, rubber, silver and tin. | “i Viewing the crisis in its world aspects the Westminster Bank of London (monthly re- view quoted in New York Times, June 1, 1930) says: “It may be reasonable to expect in 1931 a year of progressive economic re- covery,” but they give no reasons for this, outside of their fond and fervent hope. An examination of the crisis of 1921 and the present crisis, the factors which led to the temporary stabilization of that period, ‘and the present world political and ‘economic situation, point to a protracted and extended sharpening of the cyclical and post war crisis nef world imperialism to a tramendous degree, priation for emergency relief equal to the in- surance of full wages, to be administered as in point 1. The funds to come out of govern- ment: city, state treasuries, and raised by a tax on all profits, inheritances, by reduction of salaries of high officials, removal of tax ex- emption enjoyed by churches, ete. 3. No Work, No Rent: Housing of Unem- ployed: Public buildings shall be thrown open and accommodations made for the emergency housing of the unemployed. The sum of —— shall be immediately appropriated as an ini- tial sum for building workers’ dwellings, which shall be rented by the city to the workers, preference being given to the unemployed, without discrimiation against or segregation of Negroes, All evictions of unemployed for non-payment of rent shall be ‘prohibited, 4. Seven Hour Day, Five Day Week: The 7 hour day, five day week shall be established for all workers, without reduction in wages. No overtime work shall be allowed. A géneral law for the 7 hour day, five day week, shall be proposed to the state legislature. : 5. Free Employment Agencies: Free employ- ment agencies shall be established under con- trol of workers’ committees, and unemployed councils. 6. The six hour day, five day week, and two fifteen-minute rest periods for young workers. 7. No night work for wor en and young workers, 8. Free lunches in schools, and government maintenance of. children of unemployed. 9. Abolition of child labor. 10. Against the speed-up, ' 11, Equal pay for equal work for women and young workers, 12: For the right to organize, strike and picket. ss 13. Against police terror against strikers’ organization activities and unemployed demon- strations, 14. Down with lynching, Jim Crowism, and discrimination: of Negroes. 15. Against injunctions used against work- ers in any way, shape or form. 16, For the immediate release of the unem- ployed delegation: Foster, Minor, Amter, Ray- mond and all class war prisoners. * 17. For social insurance against sickness, accidents, invalidity and old age. These demands shall serve gs a basis for concrete demands that must be worked out in accordance with the conditions peculiar to each city or locality, i These demands shall be closely linked up with the campaign to build the TUUL and our struggles in various industries, government shall make an emergency appro-*