The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 3, 1930, Page 4

ruensnea by che Comproda Seuare, New York City, N. Address ané mai) Page Four Cable: New UNEMPLOYMENT, THE A. FL, ASD THE 3. £. installment of Comrade f the policy and role of the ‘on of Labor and the so- to unemployment. BILL DUNNE, Ns The leaders of the capitalist offensive like Owen D. Young speak out openly. The lead- ing journals of the ruling class show clearly that Young based the statement we quoted previous]. existing facts. The Magazine of Wall Street J on March 22, 1930: “The men and women who have been laid off will find the way back to jobs strait and rocky. Owing to the ceaseless advance of the machine many will never get back and perhaps will never get anywhere in the job line.” Already millions of jobless workers, and many of those still employed as in the south- ern t le, tobacco and chemical industrie: are living below the subsistence level— “traditional standard of life” for them has been destroyed. In ce of t By mass misery, with work- he hu with every state leaders who nd demonstrations, ed: ers who protest cl the jails and pr with militant worker have taken part in stri the socialist party, through Norman Thomas, ts presidential candidate, joi: hands with such enemies of the workers as Mayor Walker of New York City, sponsor for the fascist chief of police Whalen. On March 29, Thomas “on behalf of the ist part nd the Emergency Conference on Unemployment, sent a telegram to Mayor Walker, congratulating him on adopting two of the eight suggestions placed before him by the two organizations.» He referred to the proposal for municipal employment agencies and the speeding up of subway construction. The emergency unemployment conference referred to was composed of A. F. of L. of- ficials and socialists. Representatives of the Communist Party, who led the demonstration of 110,000 New York workers on March 6, and whose elected committee was arrested when they ar ed at the City Hall and sen- tenced to three years in prison, were excluded from this conference on the suggestion made by Thomas and agreed to by Mayor Walker. It is in this manner that the socialist party betrays the interests of the millions of un- employed and aids the capitalist class in its attempt to drive the standard of living of our class below the subsistence level. Without organized resistance by the masses, without the organization of powerful industrial unions, without struggle on all fronts for the program of immediate and partial demands and the revolutionary program of the Com- munist Party, the capitalist class can force the ss back to the slave status orical or social element, entering into the value of labor, may be expanded, or altogether extinguished, so that nothing re- mains but the physical limit. (Marx—vValue, Price and Profit). Marx points out further how the English landowners “depressed the wages of the agri- cultural laborers even beneath that mere phy- sical minimum, but made up by Poor Laws (the infamous workhouse system.—B. D.) the remainder necessary for the physical perpetu- ation of the race.” “This,” says Marx, “was a glorious way to convert the wage Jaborer into a slave, and soe Shakespeare’s proud yeoman into a pauper.” One can see in the industrial sections of ‘ew South” the horrible results for the working class of a process similar to this. It plan of the ruling class to “improve” n and extend it to the entire Amer- ican working class. It is this program of American capitalism which Matthew Woll, vice-president of the A. F. of L. (and acting president of the Civic Federation—the premier directing agency of the st coalition of A.F.L. officials and big talists), and who on the eve of March 6 wrote an open letter to the police and govern- ment officials urging armed suppression of the unemployment demonstrations, coming was defending when he stated in an article in the New York Herald Tribune: e who rail at both Communism and the an Federation of Labor really ought to wake up and discover that the federation, whether they like it or not, is holding the first line of combat in defense.” It was this slave program of American im- perialism that William Green, president of the A. F. of L. was helping to put in effect when he gave his pledge to Hoover's “business coun- cil” that workers would not demand any wage e during the economic crisis, The collective opinion of the big capitalists is expressed as follows: “It is evident that a considerable re-adjustment has yet to be ef- fected before the basis will have been laid for a riod of prosperity, and further that stment will require a considerable ime.” carrying out of the plan for the destruction of every fector which raises the standard of living of the American worker above that of slaves. The Communist Party calls upon the Amer- ican workers to organize and fight with every available means against the capitalist offen- sive. It alone tells the workers the real pur- poses of rationalization and the real meaning of the attacks upon them. The Communist Party calls upon the Amer- n workers to drive the fasci of the A. f L. from its ranks—to join the class struggle industrial unions of the Trade Wnion Unity League. The Communist Par alls upon the work- ers to drive the social-fascists with their honeyed but poisonous words, from the ranks of the working class. “In its systematic conduct of this counter- revolutionary: policy, social-democracy operates on two flanks: the right wing of social-demo- cy avowed counter-revolutionary, is essen- tial for negotiating and maintaining direct contact with the bourgeoisie; the left wing is ential for the subtle deception of the work- a The principle function of social demo- at the present is to disrupt the essential militant unity of the proletariat in its strug- gles against imperialism. In splitting and dis- rupting the united front of the proletarian struggle against capital, social democracy serves the main-stay of imperialism in the working class.” (Program of the Communist International, adopted at the Sixth World Con- gress.) The Communist Party calls upon the work- ing classs to fight stubbornly at every point against attempts to cut wages, to speed up the workers, to curtail free speech, free press and free assemblage. Only by organized resistance to the drive of the capitalists and their government against the living standards of the masses, by the most determined struggle for partial demands such as higher wages and shorter hours, can ng class prepare itself for mass poli- tical strikes and open revolutionary struggle for a workers government. The Communist Party calls upon the work- ing class to demand the unconditional release of all workers arrested for taking part in strikes and demonstrations and for all other forms of working class activity—to fight for the release of all political prisoners. Unite the unemployed and employed work- ers. Build the working class front against the imperialist offensive. Refuse to scab. Demand the disarming of all fascist and terrorist bands. Form Workers Defense Corps against the armed attacks of police and fas- cist bands. Fight for the right of workers self-defense. Take the weapon of miass unemployment out of the hands of the bosses and their gov- ernment and make it a weapon of the working el: k Support the program and candidates of the Communist Party in the coming elections— the only program which tells our class what to fight for, what to fight against, how to fight—the only candidates who expose the dic- tatorship concealed behind American capitali: democracy and who, in the name of the Com- munist Party and the Communist International call upon the working class, Negro and white, to unite on a basis of complete equality for Negroes, overthrow the capitalist dictatorship, and set up on its ruins the dictatorship of the working class, led by its revolutionary poli- tical party—the Communist Party of the United States. Fight to overcome the miseries of unemploy- ment—to place the burden on the capitalist Organize to abolish unemployment by ing capitalism—the only way that un- employment, hunger, and oppression of the working class by the capitalist class and its government can be banished from the earth, Join the revolutionary party of your class— the Communist Party. Training for the Class Struggle By W. BURKE, N the struggle against the capitalist class and the American Legion to the American Federa- tion of Labor the revoltuionary movement of | the United States is confronted with the de-' fense of its very existance. The government forces have been giving greater and greater ‘ouragement to these fascist forces in their physical attacks against our demonstrations, meetings and even against individual leaders. The struggle of the Gastonia textile workers brought these fascist forces out in’ the fore- front for thé first time. Since then we see sharper and sharper attacks against the work- ing class by the police forces and the fascist bands. The high point of these attacks was reached in New York on March 6, the Inter- national Unemployment Day. Other cities, like Chicago, Detroit and Cleveland, went through the same experiences. For the last five months our Chicago District has been subjected to constant terror from the police and the fascist elements. May Day brought the attacks upon the working class by the capitalist forces to the forefront. The J its growing fascist forces all the way from | the country there is not one in which we can show a well functioning Workers Defense Corps. It is true that some were set up prior to May Day, but soon after this day their activities and training came to a close. Com- rades, evidently, are under the impression that there is no more need of the Workers Defense till another anti-war day or the next May Day. This is a clear underestimation of the radi- calization of the American working class and the preparation of the capitalist class to use the fascist forces in smashing it. It is also an underestimation of the growing strength of the fascist forces in the United States. One of the basic shortcomings of our Work- ers Defense Corps work it the fact that we beating up of a dozen of our comrades in | Stanford, Conn., is one eample. These attacks | are not isolated instances but part and parcel of a general planned attack of the capitalists against the rising revolutionary working class and particularly its vanguard, the Communist Party. All this time while these attacks have been going on against the working class the rev- olutionary workers have been discussing work- ers defense, but nothing concrete has yet been achieved. Of all the cifies throughout have no physically and theoretically trained leaders for this work. Not only to organize such groups but to lead them in their every day activities, and to build them into powerful units for the defense of the working class, We have a theoretical school in which we train comrades for the class struggle. The Labor Sports Union of America is establish- ing both a theoretical and physical training school for the class struggle. Only a strong labor sports movement can provide the forces needed for the building up of the forces forsthe organization of workers defense corps. Sports and defense work go hand in hand, therefore the L. S. U. is pre- paring to give its members a great deal more attention in their training so that they may play a leading role in the defense of the work- ing class. The L. S. U. is now organizing a five week full time physical instructors school in Detroit, The school will start on the first of July and “DATWORK." York, N.Y the (ua Central Organ ot How Negroes Are “Protected” by Capitalist Government Defend Yourselves! alaily [Qe Worker thi tes 4 i By mail everywhere: One year $5; Mabe tian and Bronx, New York C SOUSCHIELION RATES: six months $3; two months $1; excepting Boroughs of ity, and foreign, which are: One year $8: six months $4.50 By FRED ELLIS Issues in the Needle Trades Convention By JACK JOHNSTONE | HE discussion now taking place among the | workers in preparation for the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union convention to be held in New York City June 6, 7 and & while it has not been as broad as it could have been, nevertheless has taken root among the workers in the shop, with the consequent re- sult, that confusion as to policy is being over- come and opportunism is being exposed before the workers upon whom rests the task of plac ing the union upon a clear cut class struggle program of action and to build a mass organ- ization, based upon the shop committee, that will lead the clothing Workers in mass strike struggle against the employers and_ their agents, the company union. The “Minority Opposition.” Already we see fruits being derived from the discussior. Heretofore opportunism was able to hide its poison behind a liberal use of left phrases, behind an atmosphere of confu- sion. The discussion has already brought forth to the light of day, an organized opposition of a few former leaders, with a platform opposed to the program of the union, with the label of | This plat- “Minority Opposition of the G.E.B.” | form calls for the liquidation of the N.T.W.U. and to replace the union with the building of a “left wing” in the company unions, the policy of organizing shop committees directly by the N.T.W.1.U, through united front action from | below, the drive for 10,000 new members, the drawing of all clothing workers into the N. T. W.I.U. has to be abandoned and another fight started for readmission into the company union apparatus through a development of a united front with the so-called progressives. This platform of reaction without doubt will receive a crushing defeat at the convention. The Program of the R. I. L. U. However, while these organized exponents of opportunist policies constitute a grave danger to the union, this danger lies in the fact that there still exists a lack of clarity among the rank and file regarding the program of the R.LL.U., the criticism of the R.IL.U. of the errors made by the N.T.W.I.U. has not been put to the membership. Another source that gives strength to this very weak group of or- ganized opportunism is the hesitaney among the leaders of the union in placing the prob- lems confronting the union before the member- ship, an indecisiveness in carrying out decisions of the union, a Juke warm attitude toward the importance of self-criticism. The first pre- requisite for the killing of opportunism and the correction mad: in the course of struggle, is a fearless exposure of opportunisfh where and whenever it ra:ses its head, frank self-criticism of all errors made. By this means wrong tendencies are defeated and corrected before they haye a chance to develop into a worked out policy and an opposition program of ac- tion. a finish on the Tih of August. Besides the courses in physical training and sports, work- ing class education, and particularly workers defense work will receive much of the time of the school, From the Labor Sports Union organizations alone over 60 worker sportsmen will take part in this school—the best forces from the entire organization, Every other workingclass organization and _ particularly trade unions should take steps to send at least one worker to this school. The full expense for the five weck course including board and room in one of the finest workers summer camps in Detroit is only $50.00. This low fee makes it possible for every organization io send a worker to this school. The revolution- ary unions and other workers organizations should take advantage of this opportunity and assist in training more fortes for the class struggle and help to build up those defense iorces of the working class that will be able with their physical strength, courage and class solidarity to hurl back the growing fascist forces and protect the wdtking class | All inquiries in regards to this school should | be sent te the L. S. U, at 96 Fifth Avenue, New York City. i 4 | ranks of the workers, a struggle against class | the workers in struggle. Disagreements over minor matters in a reyo- lutionary union is quite natural, they are ham- mered out in committees, conventions and in activity. When disagreements on fundamental questions develop as it has in the N.T.W.L.U. then it reflects itself in a political opposition, the exponents demand a fundamental change in the progran. of the union. Only one kind of organized opposition can develop in a union that has a program based upon the principle of the class struggle and that is one that is opposed to a class struggle program, a counter- revolutionary opposition. There are two trade union centers in the U.S.A, the T.U.U.L., the revolutionary trade union center, the A. F. of L., the company union center. Internationally there is Amster- dam and the R.LL.U. Between the R.LL.U., the T.U.U. Amsterdam and the A. F.. of L. goes on an uncompromising struggle to ex- pose these agents of imperialism within .the betrayal for class struggle for leadership of Any organized oppo- sition that appears within the ranks of the T.U.U.L. (Gitlow, Zimmerman, Gross, etc.) are in opposition to a class struggle program of the T.U.U.L. and are linked up politically and organizationally with the international counter- revolutionary group which is fighting against the policy and program of the world revolu- tionary trade union leader, the R.LL.U. and it is as such that they must be treated. Con- ciliation or temporizing with this group is giv- ing objective support to their program. They cannot be confused with the revolutionary mi- norities that fought in the old right wing unions, against the bureaucrats, against the company unionizing of the organization. These T.U.U.L. revolutionary minorities fought for the winning over of the workers for the T.U. U.L. program of class struggle, for the pro gram of the R.LL.U. as against the traitorous class collaboratior. program of Amsterdam. The self-styled “Minority opposition of the G.E.B.” is carrying on a struggle against the R.LL.U., against the class struggle program of the N.T.W.I.U., and for the workers to re- enter the company unions, The endorsement of the Farrington-Howat company union as against the National Miners Union by Love- stone and company, the application for re-in- statement into the company unionized Amal- gamated Clothing Workers by Gitlow and oth- ers, the open advocacy of Zimmerman, Gross and company for the organizing of “left wings” in all the locals of the company unions as a substitute for the N. T. W. I. U., the program of this group, internationally which calls for the liquidation of the R.I.L.U. and for readmittance to Amsterdam, shows the rapid degeneration of this group of one time leaders, from leaders of a left wing in a right wing union to being leaders of a vey small but nevertheless counter revolutionary group in a revolutionary union. The very healthy reaction of the workers was to refuse to re-elect some of these in- dividuals to office, this they call removals. Yes, it is removals by the rank and file that demands struggle and not retreat, and it has not yet been sufficient for’the health of the union, The N.T.W.I.U. organizes all workers irrespective of race, creed, color, or political affiliations on the principle of the class strug- gle, the rank and file elects its committees and officers to carry out this program. To elect Gitlow, Zimmerman, et al, to leading positions in a revolutionary union is in-line with a policy that would elect Zigman in charge of a strike committee. The convention must complete this process and elect to the G.E.B. only those who accept the program of the union and pledge to carry it out. In the pre-convention discussion there is one point that has’ not yet been mentioned which is a good guarantee against the development of opportunism and that is democratic centralism. Democratic Centralism. While it is true that the N.T.W.I.U. has es- tablished a broad shop delegate council in New York City, and a whole series of rank PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION Search Out and Defeat Opportunism in Our Day to Day Work By HERBERT BENJAMIN ESPITE the fact that a superficial exam- ination would tend to create the impression that the Party has made considerable progress in the development of Bolshevik self-criticism, it is now clear (especially since the publica- tion of the “Letter of the Polburo”) that the quality of our self-criticism, even as the qual- ity of all our work, has suffered because of the tendency to make comparison with the past instead of with the requirements of the present. The Party is operating under objective con- ditions that are yery favorable for the develop- ment of our work. The present crisis imposes tremendous responsibility upon the Party, which must provide leadership for the masses of workers, who are more and more becoming aware of the need for struggle and the forces against which their struggle must be directed. | The general crisis of capitalism which ig accen- | tuated by the cyclical crisis in the United | States, presents us with the duty of mobiliz- ing more frequently larger masses of workers in support of the colonial masses who rise in revolt against their imperialist oppressors. The growing antagonisms, the keener rivalry for markets brings us closer to the brink of the next imperialist world war and obligates us to more rapid mobilization of the workers for the struggle against imperialist war and in defense of the Soviet Union. Comintern Analysis Correct. No one in the Party now dares to deny the correctness of the basic analysis of the Com- intern and the Central Committee. Despite this, comrades venture or state openly or take the attitude that “We cannot expect much and | therefore cannot and should not criticize | much.” These are the exact words used by a member in one of the units where the writer led the pre-convention discussion. This is the attitude of many well-meaning comrades, in- cluding many who occupy leading positions. | The comrades who take this view do so not | because they disagree with the estimates of the C. C. as to what must be our tasks, Oh, no! They simply assume that it is possible for the Party to say to the workers, “We know that we ought to be organizing the unorgan- ized into revolutionary unions, we know that we should be organizing the unemployed, we know that we should be developing the mass struggle against imperialist war, in support of the colonial masses, etc., etc. But you workers will have to be satisfied with our good | intentions for the time being, because we are not yet capable of proper performance of our tasks and we can’t be blamed for it for the following reasons.” Then these comrades pro- ceed to speak of the basic weaknesses and shortcomings of the Party. ‘This is the kind of self-criticism of which we have had so much in the Party in the recent period. Every right wing opportunist in the Party, from the comrade who fails to carry on Com- munist work in his shop or fascist controlled union because this might. endanger his job, to the leading comrades of our revolutionary unions who recite all the difficulties that pre- vent the application of Party policy in the vari- ous struggles, acts on the basis that “we can’t expect much and therefore can’t criticize much.” Isolation From Shops an Evidence and Source of Right Danger. In order that the Party may effectively con- | duct its activities we must be firmly rooted in and maintain organized contact with the shops, especially the basic industries. Yet, in the New York district, only 2 per cent of our members are organized in shop nuclei! Since most of these nuclei are in small shops} of light industry and few of these even func- tion properly, our Party is evidently without | any organized contact with the shops. When | we realize that very few members of the Party are employed in the basic industries of the district (metal, transportation, communication, electrical, marine, etc.), then it becomes ap- parent why we not only fail to develop \strug- gles among these workers but even find our- selves isolated from the spontaneous struggles that break out from time to time and to an in- creasing extent in the present period. To remain complacent in the face of this sit- uation, to fail to act against those who refuse to engage in systematic shop work, to neglect | shop work or conduct it in a slovenly manner (formally without continuity or plan) to look | for excuses for failing to do this work instead | of for means to do it, to choose to remain in a street nucleus or so-called factory district | nucleus, all these are contributions to the weakness of the Party. Here is a condition | which must be most sharply criticized until every member of our Party as well as every unit and committee realizes that the extent and quality of our shop work is the test of acceptance of the line of the Party and that those who cannot contribute the maximum possible support to this work are to the right of the Party line. Substitute Phrase for Deed. Our Party can never win leadership over a majority of the working class by assuring em | working class of our good intentions while’ failing to perform the duties required of us by objective conditions and the given needs of the working clas A member who merely carries a Party card but fails to engage prop- erly in the work of the Party, is expressing good intentions, but substitutes word for deed. This is right wing opportunism. If we con- sider how many members of each unit are active, how many attend meetings regularly and carry out the tasks assigned to them as well as the manner in which the tasks are per- formed, we have another means of determin- ing the extent of the right danger in every unit of the Party. That the danger is great can be seen from the fact that even during the most intensive period of the May Day pre- parations, only an average of 60 per cent of the membership attended unit meetings and of these only about half actually participated in the work. While it is true that we still have some members who merely carry cards*sometimes without dues stamps) this situation cannot be ascribed to the members but responsibility must be placed upon the leadership of the dis- trict, section and units who fail to provide functioning bureaus for each unit that will plan the work and assign tasks to each mem- ber and then check up to see if the tasks as- signed, have been properly performed. Many of the most serious shortcomings of the work of the Party can be traced to this failure to provide functioning unit bureaus. The present poor social composition of the Party could, for example, be improved if all the workers who applied for membership were admitted and kept in the Party, yet the very section that suffers most as a result of bad social com- position, kept over 200 applications in the pockets of the section organizer and other functionaries for months after the membership drive was concluded (Section 5). Attendance at fraction meetings and parti- cipation in the work and struggles of the unions is another test. At a time when im- portant questions of policy are to be discussed about 200 of the 800 or more members of the Party who should attend needle trades frac- tion meetings appear. In the building trades fraction 70 of some 550 comrades respond to a call for a fraction meeting. The comrades who absent themselves from fraction and union meetings are not in opposition to the | Oh, no! They agyee with the policy, so they say. But it were better that they disagreed and thus make clear to every member who / really accepts and applies the policy the need for struggle against those who formally ac- cept but sabotage Party policy by their apathy and inactivity. Opportunism in Our Trade Union Work. Here we have more open advocates of op- portunism. The leading comrades in the Shoe Workers Union who fought and resisted the policy of the Party for broadening the recent strike to the large shops that include the large masses of unskilled and poorly paid workers gave expression to the illusions and prejudices of the more skilled workers of the small shops who could not understand the need for a struggle against piece work and for the five- day forty-hour week, Similarly the comrades in the Needle Trades Union who wait on the spontaneity of the workers and thus fail to make preparations for struggle; who failed to carry out the Party policy in the recent fake strike organized by the company union; who resist the drawing in of new forces into the leadership of the union and fail to develop rank and file strike and organization commit- tees (In the latter case some improvements have been made of late). In the building trades, comrades who capitulate before the fascist bureaucrats and fail to develop the struggle despite the widespread revolt among the building trades workers who see them- seives betiayed by, the bosses agents in con- trol of their union, One might enumerate scores of errors such as the above all arising out of the fact that our Party is not yet bolshevized and fails to draw organizational conclusions from the poli- tical line which we all agree with and accept. In view of these glaring expressions of right wing policy and practice, which are to be found in all divisions and units of the Party it is manifestly impermissible to take the view that we cannot criticize. Our Party must either find means for utiliz- ing the present favorable objective situation and for developing the necessary struggles of the working class, or admit that it has failed to perform its duty as a Communist Party. / Our Party will leadership of the Communist International we will develop the necessary self-criticism which will search out the basis for our failure and proceed vigorously to self-correction. Only those who will neither criticize nor correct themselves, will fail in their duty, These we must eliminate from our ranks in which only those have a place who not only express good revolutionary intentions, but also engage in consistent devoved revolutionary work, and file block organizing committees, thus mak- ing a start in putting into practice democratic centralism, however, the general theory of 1 democratic centralism is only vaguely under- | stood, and is only practiced in a very narrow way. The convention must establish this revo- lutionary principle through which it becomes possible for the revolutionary industrial union to throw its whole weight against the enemy. Democratic centralism as the guiding principle in the organizational structure of the N.T.W. 1.U. means democratic control of the organiza- tion by the rank and file and a centralized authority and action. That is, control of strikes in the hands of broad strike committees elected by the rank and file. The organizing of broad shop delegate councils, the election of offi- cers responsible to the shop delegate council. | The election of a large G.E.B., with a majority | coming direct from the shop, at mass delegated | conventions of workers from the shop, the G. | E.B. to be responsible to the membership be- tween conventions and be responsible for the elections and activities of all national officers. The old idea that only paid officials are the leaders of the union Will become a thing of the past as democratic centralism is understood and practiced. Representation to councils direct from the shop must be followed by drawing the whole shop into the activity of union strug- gles, and laying down the program of. work for the period between council meetings elect- ing such oft. us is required to lead the work of the union, eleminating the old practices of Snes Bi Gib, managers, ete, training the shop committees to carry on the work outlined tor the shop, settling of grievances, enforcing WiON CohGiuvns, Enrolment of new members; etc, ‘Lo take oycr the old forms of the craft unions means also the taking over of their useicss functions, if the functions are detri- mental, so are the forms, because the forms a an organization are made to fit its func- ions. The same has to be applied nationally, the drawing in ot workers to a greater degree into the highest’ committee of the union, the GLB, and placing into the hands of the G.E.B, the full power of the union between conventions. Democratic centralism simply means che election of all leading committees or. boards of the union from below, instead of, as “tue oa. vs Le tron above. Full discus- sion of ali important union problems, at the same time disciplined, carrying out of all de- cisions of the leadership, centralized authority. and subordination of lower bodi faite ath er ies to highe: not fail because under the °