The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 29, 1930, Page 4

° Page Four New ané mail York City, N atl checks t Souare Adir Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. tryves: 1690-7-8. Cable 26-28 Union Sauare Teleph se Dally Worker UNEMPLOYMENT, THE APL. AND Tees. 2: In the present installment, a Marxian analysis of the ca ployment. He pointed out party today sabotages the str unemployed while the that the “socialist s of t jails and prisons fi in ever increasing numbers to the program of struggle of the Communist Party.” He shows the role of the A. F. of L. the bosses’ rationalization schemes By BILL DUNNE, “Labor leaders” wrote at length t that the class struggle was a thing of America. .Workers were becoming ¢ through company elling scher banks, Marx, Lenin, the Communist tional and the Communist Party of the Uni States, so the savants of reaction told ee other, and the population generally, were dis credited. Not even a fleeting thought of the social revolution could find lodgment in the mind of the “highly paid American worker.” labor Interna- d stock But the inescapable laws of capitalist de- velopment were at work—the laws which Marx discovered and the inevitable results of which can be seen in operation toda the most casual observer as millions of workers hunt the job that is nowhere to be found and tre- mendous demonstrations for “work or wages,” led by the Communist Party, astound and frighten the capitalists and their agents of the A. F. of L and the socialist party. Rationalization—more work with work- ers, squeezing the last ounce of energy from the workers, this was put forward as the guar- antee of high wages and never-ceasing em- ployment. At the time when American capitalism was still in its infancy, when the frontier still af- forded oppcrtunity for escape from the fac- tory, Marx wrote: “Ricardo has justly remarked that machinery is in constant competition with laber, and can only be introduced when the price of labor has reached a certain height, but the appliance of machinery is but one of the many methods of increasing the productivity of labor. This very same development which makes common labor relatively redudant, simplifies, on the other | hand, skilled labor, and thus depreciates it.” “The same law obtains in another form. With the ‘development of the productive labor the accumulation of capital celerated, even despite a relatively of -wages. . . . But si progress of accumulation t! progressive change in the composition of capi- val. That part of aggregate capital which con- sists of fixed constant) capital, maciinery, raw materials, means of produgtion in al} pos- sible forms, progressively increases as com- pared with the other part of capital, which is laid out in wazes or in the purchase of labor.” «sn the prcvress of industry the demand for labor keeps, therefore, no pace with the ac- cumulation cj capital. Tt will increase, but in- crease in constantly diminishing ratio as com- pared with the increase of capital.” (My em- phasis). Marx’s Conclusions. What conclusion does Marx draw from these facts? It is a conclusion which hundreds of thousands of American workers, for the first time in their lives, are able to understand and agree with as a result of the mass unemploy- ment and the brutal attacks upon them which resistance to the dictates of the capitalist class brings—attacks in which the fascist leaders of the A.F.L. like Matthew Woll provoke and take part in and which the socialist party like Norman Thomas justify. The conclusion reached by Marx, and con- | firmed by the whole experience of the work- ing class in all countries since these words were written, is: “These few hints will suffice to show that the very development of modern industry must progressively turn the scale in favor of the capitalist against the worl:ing man, and that consequently the general tendency is not to | raise, but to sink the average standard of wages, or te push the value of labor more or less to its minimum limit. Such being the ten- dency of things in this system, is this saying that the working class ought to renounce their resistance against the encroachments of capi- tal, and abandon their attempts at making the | best of the occasional chances of their tem- porary improvement? If they did, they would be degraded to one level mass of broken wretch- es past salvation. . . . By cowardly givin way in their every day conflict with capital, they would certainly disqualify themselves for the initiating of: any larger movement.” (Value, Price and Profit—Page 126. My em- phasis). Vider Revolutionary Struggle. Marx here points out clearly the connection of the struggle against unemployment and disastrous effects upon the working class wit the causes of unemployment and the necessity for the wider revolutionary political struggle | against the system which produces jobless mil!- lions as part of the process by which capital- | 1 | ism plunders the workers for the profit of its beneficiaries—the capitalist class. Marx, in concluding this famous passage, dealt a tremendous blow to the trade union leaders, who, like the bought-and-paid-for of- | ficialdom of the A. F. of L., were interested only in maintaining the capitalist system. Speaking directly to the working class, Marx | said: “Instead of the conservative motto, a | fair day’s wage for a fair day’s work,” they ought to inscribe on their banner the revolu- tionary watchword, “Abolition of the wage sys- y Il Rationalization and Unemployment—Some Lies Shattered. In what relation does rationalization stand to growing permanent mass unemployment and the additional millions thrown out of jobs by the cyclical crisis—a crisis which occurs in the period of imperialism,” characterized by Lenin as the “period of wars and revolutions,” in which all the internal contradictions of capitalism are intensified immensely, the per- iod in which the conflicts between the imper- | ialist powers over questions of markets, sources of cheap raw materials and military bases oc- * Li 4 | marks and emphasis). the stage on which the bloody game of international politics is played, a crisis which occ in the thirteenth year of the proletarian revolution in Russia with so- st construction under the proletarian dic- t Party of neing with seven-leagne ation of the capitalist r of cupy the cen tator hip, headed by the Comme the Soviet Union, the ad boots to const world? n—the introduction of labor- ery to an extent never before oduction of new chemical pro- ‘ond the Rationa displacing ma known, the intr cessess, the speeding up of workers be limit of human endurance, the sweating of the last ounce of energy from the bodies of the workers—the intensification of the labor pro- cess by every available means, has been adding rapidly to the permanent army of unemployed. t c The belt and conveyor s 1 (the continu- ous productive proc from the rey material to the finished article), standard produce! production, have ini smaller number of employed Writing in “Current History” for Apri 1930, on “The Downward Trend of Employ ment,” Ernest J. Eberling, professor of econ- omics, Vai (whom no one will ase of discounting the virtues of capi- talism) states as his introduction: “Probably never before in the history of the world has there been such a per capita increase in the output of industry as has occurred in the United States in the last decade.” Eberling assembles a mass of facts and fig- ures gathered by various government agencies (U, S, bureau of labor statistics, senate com- mittees on education and labor, Hoover's spec- ial committee on_unemployment, etc.) and by commercial and endowed research bureaus. (The Labor Bureau, Inc., The Statistical Ab- stract, the Brookmire Economie Service, Rus- sell Sage Foundation, Roger Babson, etc.). It should be remembered that these agencies are mostly concerned with glorifying ‘“Amer- iean enterprise” in the field of industrial pro- duction and that the greater portion of these facts and figures was compiles to prove that “permanent prosperity” was the result of in- creased output and the “peace pacts” entered into by the American Federation of Labor and the bosses. “Careful study shows that from 1899 to 1914 | the output per employe had gone up slightly less than one-half of one per cent per year In 1919 the physical output per worker was actually less than in 1914. Beginning with 1921, however, it is the consensus of opinion among students that the productivity of labor has increased about 50 per cent, or an aver- age annual increase in output per worker of ? per cent. This has been due primarily to scientific management and the great increase fm machinery, and which has been the caus of our (%) great prosperity.” (My quest’ ing population, according to Hoo- on economic changes.” has in- My by about 1,500,000." At sane time there is a definite tendency ard a decline in the numbers of workers Stewart, commissii United States au of labor t “our figures show a dr ine of 1923 to November, £ 12.3 per cént in employment in the manufacturing in- dustries. helbert. According to combined estimates expressed in actual workers thrown out of jobs, the bu- reau states that “1,874,500 workers were laid off the payrolls of manufacturing industries and railroads between 1925 and 1928.” Th workers were eliminated from the industri in which they were formerly employed. The figures of the Statistical Abstract for 1929 show a steady decrease in the average number of employed workers: 1919, 9,030,000; 8,770,000 ; 8,380,000; 1927, 8,340,- a total decrease in this period of 690,000. In 1927 the Labor Bureau, Inc., estimated the number of unemployed at 4,000,000. In 1928 the Brookmire Institute estimated the number of unemployed at 2,632,000. Evidence placed before the United States senate committee on education and labor show- ed that “7 men now do the work which for- merly required 60 to perform in casting pig iron; 2 men now do the work which formerly required 128 to perform in loading pig iron; 1 man replaces 42 in operating open-heath furnaces. A brick-making machine in Chicago makes 40,000 bricks per hour. It formerly took one man eight hours to make 450, The most up-to-date bottlemaking machines make in one hour what 41 used to make by hand.... To the above can be added that in such high- ly mechanized mines as those at Orient, Ill., 200 to 300 men mine and hoist more coal than 1200 did formerly. The ordinary mining ma- chines used in hundreds of mines make it pos- | sible for one or two men to do the work for- merly done by 6. A t the Wildwood mine, near Pittsburgh, Pa. (said to be the most highly mechanized mine in the world) 250 men mine and hoist 5,000 tons of coal per day. Mergenthaier_ typesetting machines (lino- types) which in their day displaced hundreds and hand typesetters, by a new electrical ap- paartus can now be operated by any number, and any distance apart, by one worker, The “white collar slaves,” the office workers, are feeling more and more the heavy pressure | of rationalization: “Bookkeeping machines, counting machines, ingenious copying and typing machines, have | forced many office workers to accept either unemployment or employment at a much lower wage running one of the new machines... . Office work is being measured by cyclometers and square inches of typed ‘matter. Twenty simultaneous signatures are made with one. ,,” In railway transportation the Statistical Abstract estimates that the railroads cut 150,- 000 workers from their payrolls between 1923 and 1928. Class railways reduced their forces by 80,000 workers between December, 1927 and December, 1928.” Most of these employees | have been displaced by automatie electric- | pneumatic systems of car control and other mechanicisms.’ (To be coniinued® Inc. Gally except Sunday, at 26-98 Cnivs DATWOR New York N.Y. i fee + Baily 33 Central Org: ~ Slogan of Self-Determination By TOM JOHNSON. IN the small space at my disposal it is im- Dot the Communist Variy of the HS. A. HAIL THE FIVE-YEAR PLAN! possible to give this question the detailed | treatment its importance merits. I will ther fore limit myself to a discussion of three major problems which arise in the course of our prac- tical application of the slogan of self-deter- mination for the Negro nation in the South. The first problem is that of creating a rev- olutionary national movement of the Negro masses. There is no such movement today. | There never has been in America such a move- | ment of any mass character at all. How are we to-ereate such a movement? Certainly not by merely tackink this slogan onto the end of leaflets addressed to the Negro workers, and ly an occasional mention of the slogan in the speeches of our agitators, as has been the case up to now. To create such a movement requires first of all the linking up of the demand for the ! right of self-detcrmination with economic and petitical demands which the Negro nfasses un- derstand, recognize the immediate necessity for, and are ready to fight for now. The de- mand for the right of self-determinaton must, in all our agitational material, flow directly from the demand for full equality. We must put forward the demand for equality not only in the sense of full economic, political and social equality for every Negro in relation to the whites, but also the demand for full equal- ity for the Negro race as a nation. In all of our struggles against lynch law, against all forms of social oppression and against the defranchisement of the Negroes we must show clearly that this constitutes the oppression of the entire Negro nation and must be fought as such. Secondly, if this is to become a broad mass movement iti cannot find organizational ex- pression within the frame work of the Party alone. The organization to give expression to this movement must be the American Negro Labor Congress. The A.N.L.C. must devote much more attention to the development of the national struggle than it has done in the past. The demand for the right of self-determinaa- tion must find a prominent place in the pro- gram of the A.N.L.C. to be adopted by the St. Louis Convention. The Liberator must, in its columns, carry on a constant campaign of agitation for this demand, linking it up at all times with the daily struggles of the Negro masses against all forms of oppression. Up to the present it must be said that the A.N.L.C. and its organ, the Liberator, have failed com- pletely to give any life, any vitality, to this slogan. . The Negro Farmers. The second problem is that of extending our influence over the Negro farmers agricul- tural laborers of'the southern Black Belt, of organizing and leading these masses into strug- gle. This is precisely the one section where | this slogan can, at some future date, be trans- formed into a slogan of action. And under the leadership of the Negro industrial proletariat, it is precisely these Negro masses of the coun- try side who will form the backbone of the revolutionary national movement. It is here that all forms of. oppression and exploitation of a semi-slave character are sharpest. As the Comintern Resolution on the Negro Ques- tion in the United States states, “The agrarian problem lies at the root of the Negro national T is necessary now to draw the lessons from the strike conlucted here by the Needle Trades Workers’ Industrial Union. It started Feb, 18, with demands for the 40-hour, 5-day week, more wages, extra pay for over- Lessons of Boston Needle Strike ! i | | | time and holidays, against piece work, and for | the right to the job. It began as a-cloakmakers’ strike, pnd soo embraced a number of dress. shops, About 70 shops were inyolved, and in 32 of them the union won its demands, The strike lasted two months. The police, the socialists, and the Interna- tional Ladies’ Garment Workers cooperated with the employers to crush the strike. The I. L, G. W. called a fake strike for two days, and although mapy Boston, needle workers D i Mabe SUBSCRIPTION RATES: 1 everywhere: One year $0; six months $2 ian and Bronx. New York two months $1; ‘ City. and foreign. which are: One year $8; six months $4.50 “te: excepting Boroughs of acre cos er wd rece et if ee by Gropper movement.” One cannot speak seriously of a Negro national movement until such time as we have sériously tackled the job of organizing the Negro rural proletariat and poor farmers. Furthemore this should be particularly easy in the South. In no other section of the country or the connections between the farmers and the industrial proletariat so strong. At the same time in seme industries, such as tobacco, the farmers and the workers in the shops feel the oppression of the same boss. The same tobacco trust that sets the price of the tobacco raised on the farms, employs the workers in the big tobacco plants. These industries must be our central points of attack in work among the Negro farmers of the South. The whole sys- tem of peonage and semi-slavery on the farms, of ruinous prices for the farmers products, must be linked up with the demand for the right of self-determination for the Negro na- tion in the Black Belt. The T.U.U.L. and the A.N.L.C. should consider as one of their most pressing tasks in their work in the South the sending of competent organizers into the rural districts, Winning Southern White Workers. The third problem is that of winning -the white workers of the South to the support of the slogan of self-determination. In one of his articles on the national question, Lenin spoke of the -fold duty of Communists in this connecti namely the propaganda of the right of self-determination for an ppressed national minority among the workers of the oppressor nation and the propaganda of the duty of inter- nationalism, among the workers of the op- pressed nation. The first part of this quota- tion from Lenin (the “quotation” is far from exact as I do not have the article refered to at hand and quote from memory) applies exactly to our third problem. I am of the opinion that in our work in the South we have somewhat underéstimated and in consequence neglected this aspect of our work. There can be no question that the slogan of self-determination will meet with the active resistance of large sections of the white work- in the South. Despite all assertions to the contrary it is a fact that the slogan of full social, economic and political equality for the Negroes resented by considerable sections of the white working class in the South, A tendency to retreat before the chauvinism of the southern workers, not in the sense of modi- fication; our program, but in the sense of capitul: before the greater difficulties often encountered in the organization of white workers, was noted by the resolution of the Central Committee Plenum on the Economic and Political Situation in the South. The reso- lution correctly characterized this tendency as an expression of the right danger. We must, therefore, put at once more emphagis on the systematic carrying on of propaganda for the right of the Negroes to self-determination, among the white workers. At the same time we must carry out in prac- H tice the second half of the quotation from | Lenin—we must guard against any tendency | to convert the slogan of self-determination into } its opposite: a counter-revolutionary slogan for the further segregation of the Negroes in ; some kind of a Jim Crow state. These constitute our principal problems in the practical ap jion of the slogan of self- determination for the Negroe nation in the South, are still in its ranks, the object lesson of losing through the fake strike “viclory” and’ seeing the N.T.W.1.U. workers really © gain, has much discredited Schlesinger’s union, There was considerable terror; over 100 | workers were fined $15 cach, several were framed on “assault with intent to kill” charges; one of these, Gorvine got 8 months, and another, Doherty, a marine worker, got 2 months, and is being framed on a Canadian murder charge. For the first time, the membership of the union was drawn in considerable numbers into mass picketing, and this is particularly | true of the young and girl members. The old timers and skilled trades workers did not re- spond so. well, being afflicted with the old a ' PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION Fight the Right Danger in Practice _ By E. GARDOS. (D. 0., District 3.) nee thesis of the Central Committee after analysing the economic crisis and its ef- fe ses the task and possibility to win influence and leadership over a majority of the working ¢! This thesis, the first one for many y which is in line with the C. properly speaks of the favorable objec- tive conditions and empha the need of fully adjusting our methods and tactics to the upward swing in the class struggle, to com- plete the’ sharp turn we took with the ac- ceptance of the C. I. Addr to apply through the Recruiting Drive. The emphasis on methods: and tactics proper one, b use the political line of our Party has been correct since the acceptance of the C. I. Address. This does not mean, how- ever, that the Right danger which paralyzed ouy Party for years is completely smashed. While the spokesmen of American exception- alism have taken their place in the left wing of social fascism, the poison of opportunism is still not eliminated from the Party. Right danger, reflecting the influence of the bourgeoisie, and working in their interest, still prev and thrives in many fields (trade unions, cooperatives, language papers and frac- tions) acting as a brake in the struggle, try- ing to isolate our Party from the masses, pre- venting its growth in size and influence. Its organized, factional anti-Comintern basis has removed with the expulsion of the Lovestone is a | renegades but opportunistic lagging behind the masses still exists and must be eradicated with firm measures, The expulsion of the Lovestoneites, the eco- s and have begun | The | not carried out in these organizations (TUUL, Daily Worker Drive, May 1st, Election cam- f The centralized leadership of the Par- | ty is being resented and resisted—and letters | and appeals are flying thick to the National , paign). Fraction Bureau, just like before reorganiza- tion. There is a terrible fear of overstepping the narrow boundaries of these organizations, too much “stewing in their own juice,” too much seeing only the few sympathizers in the clubs--and not the tens of thousands of work- ers in organizations under fascist influence. In many instances they capitulate to and are lead by petty-bourgeois elements. Negro Work, These right practices are not limited, how- ever, to these two fields—they can be found in every phase of our work. White chauvinism in our district is practically eliminated, but there is still a serio estimation of Negro work in many places. We all recognize the importance of youth and women in industries (Negro, youth and women always go together in our reports and discus- sions) but there is a neglect of both by the Party. We speak, more and more, of factory work, of concentrating both from the inside and outside, but there is no check-up on many | instances on the comrades who are working nomic crisis, the sharpening of the class strug- | gle and the achievements of our Party, how- | ever, took away most of the ground from under the open right wingers. The theoreti- cians of the right danger are gone and the number of those who openly disagree with the | line of our Party is very small indeed. Very few members oppose our orientation towards the factories, our trade union policies, the mobilization of workers for demonstrations instead of the indoor concert celebrations of the past. They all agree—but in many in- stances this is only in words and not in deeds. This verbal acceptance, coupled with the fail- ure or refusal to apply the Party decisions, this opportunism in practice is the most com- mon manifestation of the right danger in our ranks. comrades don’t even notice it, not speaking of its exposure and elimination, The préconven- tion discussion which is to explain our tasks arising out of the present situation and to mobilize our membership for work, must throw light upon these right practices and help the Party to overcome them. Opportunism in Practice. Opportunism in practice especially manifests itself where the Party is engaged in mass work (strikes, trade unions, ete.), The com- It is so common, that many of our | x 4 M are being made against bureaucratic methods,f} rades are put to a test here while applying our | line, leading the masses into struggle, fighting and resisting the external and internal pres- sure of the bourgeoisie. Some of them only see the difficulties in our way (our small num- ber, the strength of the class enemy) and do not realize the readiness of the workers for struggle. Instead of leading the masses, they are lagging behind them. They accept in words the decisions of the Cleveland conven- tion, but when it comes to action, one right error is committed after the other. Let’s take the resistance to carry on Com- munist work in the shop or to build the T. U. U. L. How many comrades are ready to “work their heads off” in the club, the LL.D., to do any and all kinds of Party work, but in the shop where they are working? They al- ways find an excuse for not doing this basic work, The fractions in the TUUL show a crop of right practices, bureaucratic methods (“organizing” shop-committees through circu- lars, failure to draw in new forces into the leadership) they throw out general slogans and phrases instead of a program containing co: crete demands for the industry or shop; nar- row the work to mere propaganda, instead of carrying on an aggressive organization drive; agree with the orientation of the T.U.U.L. to- wards the lowest paid workers, accept its or- ganizational methods and strike strategy— but still stick to the old practices of the A.F.L. Our fractions in the A. F. L. “agree” with the necessity of bringing forward the program of the T, U. U. L., but in practice they con- tinue to hide it, to make alliances with fake progressives, to participate in elections in or- der to “defeat” the reactionary without bring- ing forward our program. There are others who quote Lenin’s words of Communists par- ticipating in the reactionary unions, to resist the building of the T. U, U. L. in place of the fascist unions (textile workers of Easton, Pa., some miners in the Anthracite). Many of our foreign language comrades still live in 1925—although they refuse to admit it. They still expect to win the workers to our side through cultural activities only (sing- ing, lectures, hikes) and only “then can we speak to them about the TUUL or the Daily Worker.” The campaigns of the Party are theory of gangsters doing the picketing. The Trade Union Unity League and Commu- nist Party raliied all forces for support of the strike, and the attempt of Schlesinger to use this Red aid. as a propaganda weapon against the strike did not succeed very well. plished these things: 1. It changed the N. T. W. I. U. in Boston | from a voluntary propaganda organization to a union with a foothold in the industry, and it won definite gains for the workers in about half of the shops it struck, 2. It drew new forces into the struggle and ineveased the militancy, 8. It exposed the role of the state, the so- cialists and the I. L. G. W. 4, It has proyen that workers under the T. U. U. L. leadership and policies can suc- cessfully fight the bosses, their government and social fascist agents. There are serious shortcomings, which must be overcome: 1, The leadership in the union waited al- most too long. It was losing strength before the strike was called. Workers were saying it talked’ only, and did nothing for them, y there, no systematic holding of meetings, lit- erature distribution. Decisions are made at every meeting—but a good portion remain on paper. All of the district leadership speak of the shop nuclei, but except for one or two cases mighty little is done in practice to build and strengthen them. Plans-of action are being worked out with a quota for a certain period of time, but many times it only re- mains on paper. The same holds true for the conduct of our unit meetings. The new members who come there find out that the meetings start late, last too long, they are dry and non-political, the old members are fighting with each other and fail to carry on the work, discipline is not enforced—and these opportunist practices drive many of them out of the Party. As to the drawing in of new forces to lead- ership, we are all talking about it, incorporate it in our speeches and resolutions, but most of the districts, sections and nuclei are afraid to take a chance with new proletarian com- rades, they stick to the old, constantly thin- ning cadre—and at the same time complain about the lack of forces and are bombarding New York for functionaries. Long speeches about politicalizing our comrades, but the! speeches are many a time so long, delivered in a high language with a “super-political” terminology, that the comrades have neither the time nor the courage to take the floor. A Communist must be a man of the masses, said Lenin, with whom no one disagrees, but when it comes to mass work, to build united fronts from below (May Day, Election. Campaign, etc.) or to draw in non-Party workers into our bridge organizations (LL.D., W.LR., F.S.U.) our “left” sectarianism, another form of op- portunism, shows its full face. As to Party discipline, the foundation of the Bolshevik Party organization, it is seldom enforced, al- though there are daily threats about “other- wise you will be called before the Control Commission,” which does not only undermine the Control! Commission’s authority, but makes a nee out of the very conception of discipline itself. | There is no need to further elaborate on the’) thousand and one manifestations of the right danger in practice. They exist all over and must be eliminated. Unless we overcome this gap between our words and deeds, the making of decisions and their execution—the discrep- ancy between our great political influence and organizational weakness will never be elimi- nated. Unless we defeat opportunism in prac- teei, our, Party will fail to organizationally utilize the raising wave of the class-struggle. We must become the leader and not the tail- end of the masses; we must organize, lead and politicalize the struggles that will inevi- tably arise in the future, In order to do that, the entire Party, by thoroughly discussing the thesis, must fully understand the line of our C. C. and take de- finite steps to Bolshevize our methods of work and to crush the right practices. This means the raising of the political level of the Party, the overcoming of mistakes and weaknesses through a wide and ruthless self-criticism, which is coupled with the determination not to repeat them; the activization of all members and the checking up on their work by the nucleus executive; the elimination of circulai leadership and a direct supervision and guid. ance by the higher committees; the drawing in of new proletarian forces into leadership and the completion of the turn towards the factories, towards the transformation of the Party units to shop nuclei. The slogan of Bol- shevize the Party is a timely one and will con- tinue to be so. Defeat the right danger and the opportunistic practices, and we will gain and keep new members, build the T.U.U.L. and other mass organizations, thus securing the subjective conditions for the building of a mass Party, fighting for the leadership of the major- ity of the working class, a EDS aR EPCS 5 a _ 2. It did not draw in thousands of workers in the unorganized shops. There is still a feeling among the skilled trades that the fight is for them alone. 8. The majority of the pressers and ae | - : ! mak did not i ii It is possible to say that the strike accom- | sie Nea hdd dala ee Nabe pox Uente? 4. There is still much confusion among thi members and the workers at large about the relative roles of the union and the T. U. U. L. 5. The new forces drawn in were not prop- erly trained to take the initiative, were not enough drawn into leadership. 6. The class program of the T. U. U. L. was not enough clarified, 7. There was a failure to build the unem- ployed movement before and during the strug- gle, especially among the unorganized unem- ployed. To sum up: the N.T.W.LU., in spite of many blunders, now has at least a good basis, gained through struggle, and if it conducts a real movement to the unorganized, and espe- cially the low paid unorganized, to ‘bring them into the union and not just wait for them to come to the office and join, and if it draws into leadership and activity new cadres, builds a real shop delegate system, pays special at- tention to the youth, Boston can be : : s 1 organizational under- ‘