The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 28, 1930, Page 4

Pubtienes by tae Gompr Page Four maGate News vorks: Clay oN Address and he t By BILL DUNNE, ib the best of times, even in the h y capitalism, when it was a lu wing system inspiring ed tributes to its beautic society, wher its press n the over of the working ¢ S pitalism and the a certain per- retained belief in c¢ tentions of its capitalist class, centage of w The disappear introduction of ers could never find jc nee of free lar labor-displacing machine an industry gave American capitalism its first serve army of unemploy of this early period of American capital “On the one hand, the enormous ceaseless stream of men, year after year, driven on America, leaves behind a st in the east of the United § of immigration from Eu on the labor market there the wave of emigration we: ates, e throwi ore ray can wast them away. On the other hand, the Amer- | ican Civil War brought in its train a ec al national debt, and, with it, pressure of Sy the rise of the vilest financial the squandering of a huge part land on speculative co} ploitation of railways, mine the most rapid centralization (Marx, Capital, Vol. 1, Page Edition, 1919). Every great struggle of the Ar ing class coincides with the in new methods of production and organization of capitalism. the lacing machin: the The introduction of labor-d ery, resulting in the destruction of capitalist—the individual be Ss an impor ant factor in production, the beginning of th combinations of concerns in the same industr; the organization of the trusts, the merging the trusts into still greater and more powe ful combinations, their theft of the natural resources—oil, coal, iron, lumber, copper and zine, waterpower, etc.—the growing tc of banking and industrial capital, the mar: of “business and government”—all these steps in the development of American capitalism ino imperialism have been taken at the expense of the working class. sma ether Unemployment is caused, among other re- lated causes, by the fact that the working cla: under capitalism receives for its labor power Jess than the value of the goods it produces. Since it is the overwhelming majority of the population in such countries as the United States, there is a periodical industrial depres- sion—an economic crisis in which the “reserve of unemployed workers has its ranks increased by millions and the doors of the in- dustries are closed to them. said Marx, “moves It mov “Capitalistic production,” through certain periodical cycle through a state of quiescense, growing anima- tion, prosperity, overproduction, cr , stag- nation. The market price of commodities, and the market price of profit, follow these phases now sinking below their averages, now ris above them... . During the phases of the sink- ing market prices and the phases of crisis stagnation, the working man, if not thrown out of employment altogether, is sure to have his wages lowered.” (Value, Price and Profit Kerr Edition—Page 111.). It is thus seen that mass unemployment is not only an inevitable and preiodical result of the capitalist mode of production but-that it also a weapon in the hands of the capitalists and their government for reducing the living standard of the working class and securing still greater profits in the next period of high in- dustrial activity. Marx points out the necessity of struggle by the workers jn order to prevent being forced to accept slave conditions: “The slave receives a permanent and fixed amont of maintenance; the wage laborer does not. ... If he resigned himself to accept the will, the dictates of the capitalist as a per- menant economic law, he would share in the miseries of the slave, without the secu of the slave.” Sharply expressing the class nature of the struggle against unemployment, and the neces- sity for organized and militant battle for ‘work or wages’—support of all unemployed workers by special insurance equal to full wages, to be furnished by the government at the e pense of the capitalists, the Communist Party of the United States points out to the working class at the same time that there is no cure for unemployment under capitalism. Yor Commun Party and the class ms of the Trade Union Unity F for the interests of the _ The Communist Party has been for years that American “pros- at the ex- jal centers nting out of industry,” was hail- n the Amer ion of Labor (Green, Woll, Lew cure-all for unemployment, as a gua’ “perman prosperity.” The socialist party yined in the hymns of praise sung to geniys of ists and efficiency engineers who had “refuted” the Marxian law dealing with basic contradiction between production and section of the socialist party which fo the coming cri the section whose job is to be “critical” of capitalism in order to conceal from workers its role as defenders of the capitalist system, aply made prepara- tions to utilize it against the working class and the Communist Party. 7, the New Leader, of- ficial organ the socialist party, published the report of a lecture by Berenberg in the Rand School. It quoted Berenberg as follows, ubsequent events have shown that he ex- ed accurately the program of the socialist On December , 192! an pre part “When wages all along the line go down, out of his the worker will begin to come trance . . . He will be reduced to penury—in some cases to starvation, Then what? If this were Great Britain the workers would turn to the Labor Party. Here, the Communists will get him Let us not fool ourselves : . , when the American worker grows radical he wants to break something. He has not been trained te constructive political thinking ... The Com- munist claptrap is going to get him. “T am not predicting the Communist revolu- tion. Washington and Wall Street will be pre- pared to meet the emergency ... The jails will be filled with politicals; new red laws will appear... a feeling of futility and soreness will be left behind... “Then will follow the sober mood during which the American worker will learn to ap- proach his problems like a mature person... Then we will have our innings . . .” Socialist Sabotage. outlined above, the socialist party today sabotages the struggles of the unemployed while the jails and prisons fill with workers. The working class responds in ever increasing numbers to the program of struggle of the Communist Party while the socialist leaders act as advisers to the capitalists and govern- ment officials and the A. F. of L.-and help to create the conditions for fascism. The strike weapon was rejected by these agents of the bosses. “Labor management co- operation” took its place. The class struggle was taboo. “Class peace” was the magic phrase by which permanent prosperity was to be maintained. These phrases are nothing more or less than that old enemy of the workers—company union- ism, sired by renegades and mothered by ra- tionalization, in a new suit of clothes, the world uniform of social fascism, Hundreds of militant workers were expelled from the unions for refusing to swallow the poisonous nostrum of class cooperation and trying to rally workers for struggle against it. Rationalization means more work with less workers. It means lower wages for those who are still employed. Rationalization means the creation of a huge permanent army of unem- ployed in times of great industrial activity. Rationalization means speeding up workers to the limit of human endurance. Rationalization means that the proportion of the goods pro- by the working cla: continually decrea: But the A. F. of L. and the socialist party told the working class that meant permanent prosperity. They lied to the working class and 1 the capitalist class to put over its “Amer- icanization.” They told the working cl: that the workers would benefit from the huge increase in com- modities produced by rationalized industry, that the working class could prosper only if the capitalist class prospered, that wages would in- crease as the already huge industries, merged and trustified under the domination of the handful of billionaires organized in the banking firms of J. Pierpont Morgan, became still larger and production increased. (To be continued) . ed received in the form of wages, aid Leadership in the South By ELBERT TOTHEROW. HE recent letter our League received from the Executive Committee, Young Commu- nist International, criticizes our League for our shortcomings. We deserve this criticism and accept it. Our League has had and still has lots of shortcomings. s For example: We let the Party and the unions of the Trade Union Unity League con- stantly utilize ¥.C.L. members for Party and union work. That is one of our serious mis- takes. That is one of the reasons that our League hasn’t the mass followinng of young workers that we should have. ° | The Party right now in the South has two of our N.E.C, members and has taken them away entirely from youth work. Or the Party uses one and the I.L..D. another. How can we ever build a mass Y.C.L. if we let the Party, the I.L.D., the N.T.W.U,, the T.U.U.L., take our N.E.C. members and make functionaries of them for these other organizations? Comrade Gerson is now Acting Party D.O. in our dis- trict and Comrade Ann Burlack is I.L.D. rep- resentative in Atlanta. If our | taken away where do you think the future Party is coming from? Comrades, we need all our own efforts and alltayailable forces to build a mass Y.C.L. and strong Youth Sections in all our trade unions, We @an’t afford to have all our leading forces taken away from us. In the long run it will adership is |- hurt both the Party and the League. At ithe coming convention the Party must ' take this up seriously—this wrong btisiness of robbing the League of its most developed forces. The Daily Werker is the Party’s hest instrument to make contacts the masses of workers, to build a mass Communis? Party. among Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. I, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. Name cecscerceeccenccccrercesencsetesmeses Address ., Occupation seeveccesesccseseceses ABCrervee Mail this to the Central Office Communist Party, 43 Bost lZoth St.. New York, N. ¥, 9 ning Ce a ¢ SUBSCRIPTIUN 1 everywhere: One year $6; six months in and Bronx, New York City, and foreiz. ; two months $1; which are; One year $8; six months $4.50 excepting Borougns of NOTE—Comrade Lenin's article on the “United States of Europe Slogan” written as far back as August 23, 1915, is a living document. His Marzist analogy clearly and correctly explains the meaning of the United States of Europe slogan and against whom it is directed. The article is taken from Vol- ume XVIII of the English edition of Lenin's collected works.—Editor. * * * By V. I. LENIN. 10. 40 of the “Sotsial-Demokrat” carried the information that the conference of the sec- tions of our Party situated abrpad had decided to postpone the question of the “United States of Europe” slogan pending a press discussion of the economic side of the question. The debate on this question at our confer- ence assumed a one-sided political character. This was partly due to the fact that the mani- festo of the Central Committee directly formu- | lated this slogan as a political one (“The near- est political slogan,” etc.). The document em- «phasized not only a republican United States of Europe, but it especially mentioned that “without a revolutionary overthrow of the Ger- man, Austrian, and Russian monarchies,” this slogan is senseless and false. To argue against such an approach to the question while remaining entirely in the field of political analysis, for instance, to argue that this slogan obstructs or weakens the slogan of a Socialist revolution, is entirely erroneous. Political changes of a truly demo- cratie nature, especially political revolutions, can in no case and under no circumstances either obstruct or weaken the slogan of a So- cialist revolution. On the contrary, they al- ways make it nearer, they widen the basis for it, they draw into the Socialist struggle ever new strata of the petty. bourgeoisie and the semi-proletarian masses. On the other hand, political revolutions are inevitable in the course of a Socialist revolution, which must not be looked upon as one single act, but must be ensidered as an epoch, a number of stormy political and economic upheavals, a most sharp- ened class struggle, civil war, revolutions and counter-revolutions, » But if the United States of Europe slogan, conceived in connection with a revolutionary overthrow of the three most reactionary mon- archies of Europe, headed by Russia, is entire- ly impregnable as a political slogan, there still remains the most important question of its economic content and meaning. From the point of view of the economic conditions of imper- ialism, i. e., capital export and division of the © world bétween the “progressive” and “civil- ized” colonial powers, the United States of Europe under capitalism is either impossible or reactionary. Capital has become international and mon- opolistic, The world has been divided among a handful, of great powers, i. e., powers suc- cessful in great plunder and in oppression of nations. The four great powers of Europe, England, France, Russia, and Germany, with a population of 250 to 300,000,000, with an area of about 7,000,000 square kilometres pos colonies numbering almost half a billion (494 to 500,000,000 inhabitants) with an area of 64,600,000 square kilometres, i. e., almost half of the globe’s surface (153,000,000 square kilometres, barring the Polar region). Add the three Asiatic states, China, Turkey and Per- sia, which are now torn to pieces by the plun- derers waging a war for “freedom,” namely, Japan, Russia, England, an} France. In those | three Asiatic states, which may he called semi-eolonial (in reality they pve nine-tenths , colonies), there are 860,000,000 inhabitants, \ and their area is 14,500,000 square kilometres (almost one and one-half times the area of the whole of Europe). Further, England, France and Germany have invested abroad no less than 70,000,000,000 rubles. To receive a “lawful” little profit from this pleasant sum, a profit exceeding 3,- 000,000,000 rubles annually, there are in ex- istence the millionaires’ national committees called governments, equipped with armies and navies, “placing” in the colonies and semi- colonies the sons and brothers of “Mr. Bil- lion” in the capacity of viceroys, consuls, am- bassadors, all kinds of officers, priests and other leeches, This_is how, in the epoch of the highest capitalist development the plundering of almost a billion of the earth’s population by a handful of great powers is organized. No other or- ganization is possible under capitalism. To give up coloties, “spheres of influ- ence,” export of capital? To think so is to come down to the level of a little minister who preaches to the rich every Sunday about the greatness of christianity, advising them to give to the poor, if not several billions, at least’ several hundred rubles yearly. A United States of Europe under capitalism means an agreement as to the division of col- onies. Under capitalism, however, only force is possible as the basis, the principle of divi- sion. A billionaire cannot share the “national income” of a capitalist country with anyone otherwise than in proportion to the capital invested (with an extra bonus in addition), so that the largest capital may receive more than its due, Capitalism is private property in the means of production, and anarchy of produc- tion. To preach a “just” division of income on such a basis is Proudhonism, is thick- headed philistinism. One cannot divide the in- come otherwise than in proportion to power; and power changes in the course of economic development. Germany, after 1871, grew in pwer three or four times faster than England and France; Japan, about ten times faster than Russia, To test the real power of a capitalist state, there is, and there can be, no other way than war. War is no contradiction to the foundations of private property—on the contrary, it is a direct and inevitable develop- ment of those foundations. Under capitalism, equal economic progress of the individual con- cerns, or individual states, is impossible. Under capitalism, no other means for periodically re-establishing destroyed equilibrium are pos- sible outside of crises in industry or of war in politics. between In this Of course, temporary agreements capitalists and powers are possible. sense the United States of Europe as the re- | sult of an agreement between the European ; capitalists is possible, but what kind of an | agreement would that be? An agreement jointly to suppress Socialism in Europe, jointly to guard colonial booty against Japan and America, which feel slighted by the present division of colonies, and which, for the last half century, have grown infinitely faster than backward monarchist Europe, beginning to rot with age. In comparison with the United States of America, Europe as a whole signi- fies economic stagnation. On the present day economic basis, i. e, under capitalism, the United States of Europe would mean an or- ganization of reaction for thwarting the more rapid development of America. The days when the cause of democracy and Socialism was as- sociated with Europe alone have passed for- ever, The United States of the World (not of | i eee PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION The Mexican Workers and the Communist Part; By IRVING KREITZBERG and JOSE ARISPE, HERE are about 3,000,000 ican workers in the Un States. The overwhelming majority of these are engaged in basic indus- tries, such as steel, agriculture, railroads, ete. In many sections of California, ona, Mexico, they a majority of the population. In other localities such as beet fields of Col- orado, steel mills, of Gary, Ind., et¢., there are a large percentage of Mexican workers. Work among the Mexican wage slaves is entirely underestimated. Despite the mili- tancy of these workers, and their willingness to accept our leadership, real organizational work among them has been neglecte Los Angeles which has over 200,000 Mexi- cans, a Mexican population only second to that of Mexico City, has only a handful of Mexicans in the Party. This is not necessarily due to an unwillingness of these workers to join our ranks, for every demonstration brings them out in large numbers. About one-half of the participants of the May First Demonstra- tion in Los Angeles were Mexicans. Ever since the Feb. 26th Unemployment Demonstration in Los Angeles, Mexicans and various Spanish speaking lodges, clubs, etc., are continuously lauding the praises of a fighting Commun! Party, speaking of the Communist Party as if it were a mysterious organization that per- forms miracles. In San Bernardino despite a vicious police terror and practically without leadership, workers mostly Mexicans, demon- strated there May First at the call of the Communist Party. This all proves that the Mexican workers are ready to join our Party and fight. Still there has been no real ef- forts of organization among them. Large numbers of needle workers and cap- makers in Los Angeles, are Mexicans. How- ever, there is not one Mexican enrolled in the N. T. W. I. U. True, a weak ,attempt was made at recruiting them by distributing leaf- lets. Still many Party members, working side by side with Mexican needle workers, make no effort to fraternize with them, remaining practically isolated. This procedure must be corrected. ‘I If our Party minimizes these workers, petty- bourgeoisie and anarchists, howefer, are ac- tive amongst them. We have in El Cultural, Los Angeles, a number of Party members; be- sides this many of the members are sympa- thetic to us. Still the leadership of this or- ganization is allowed to be in the hands of the anarchists. What is more, no effort has gver been made to expose them and replace them with Communist leadership. In the Im- perial Valley petty-bourgeoisie have organized a reformist union, the Mexican Mutual Aid. During the lettuce strike they undertook to divide the Mexican worker from other agri- cultural worl Here, however, the labor fakers were exposed. The workers accepted TUUL leade This single occurrence what can be done among if an effort is made in shows conclu the Mexican wo: that direction, In Los Angeles, from time to time, Mexican workers join our Party after hearing speakers address them in Span’ However, when no- tice of their acceptance or notification of meet- ings are mailed, they are sent out in English. As most Mexicans can hardly speak let alone read English they asked their children or those of their neighbors to read their letters for them, These children being under the in- fluence of capitalist schools and clergy, often purposely read uncorrectly or discourage the prospective members, with the result that they do not show up. No attempt has ever been made to write notices or letters to them in Spanish. Work among the Mexican youth is practically not in existence. As explained, the Mexican worker in Amer- ica knows little English. Spanish remaining the language even after four generations in the U. S. (New Mexico, Arizona, ete.), most of them read Spanish newspapers. In Los Angeles, Ortiz Rubio, president of Mexico, finds it profitable to subsidize El Heraldo de Mexico, a paper printed in Spanish. In every cle of this newspaper one finds articles warning Mexican workers to keep away from the Communists. A number of opposition politicians also control newspapers there. Workers not knowing which paper to accept, read La Opinion which poses as “liberal in- dependent,” but is really controlled by a Cath- olic faction. The necessity for a Spanish newspaper in Los Angeles is indeed a great one, Vivda Obera, the Spanish newspaper published over 8,500 miles away can hardly serve the purpose. A sectional newspaper in Spanish similar to that of the proposed Southern Worker is badly needed. Printed at Los Angeles, it could serve the Mexican population as far east as El Paso or San Antonio, Being near the bor- der copies would fall into the hands of Mexi- cans on the other side, aiding in many ways the Communist Party of Mexico, whose paper, EI Machete, is illegal. “Justice” tor Workers in Boston By NAT KAY. RESIDENT HOOVER’S appeal “not to doubt the soundness of the United States economy and that the present economic ¢ $ will not last” has not brought any improvement for the wage earners of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Hampshire, ete. On the contrary, like in other parts of the United States, things are getting worse for the working people. For*50 hours work per week you get an aver- age of $16. Textile workers have to operate 40 and more looms instead of 12 as before. In the leather, shoe, rubber, building, metal, needle, and other industries workers are forced to produce double and triple the amount thru the bonus, checker, “minimum time,” and other speed-up systems, Almost half of the wage earners are jobless.‘ Thousands tramp the streets. Men, women and children go around hungry, homeless, and sick while the ot ownel financiers and their : i Do you wonder why st these conditions and try to change things fog the better? Do you wonder why workers in Peabody, New Bedford, Boston, Lawrence, New Market, N. H., ete., strike, demonstrate for unemployment relief, and use whatever means possible to improve conditions. Bosses Answer With Persecutions. Like in all capitalist countries the attempts of the workers to improve their conditions is answered by the bosses-class with mass per- secutions of worker. During the month of April in the Boston District 153 workers were arrested for their activity. Many received heavy sentences. Jack Gorvine, a needle trade striker, received 8 months. Unemployed work- ers getting jail sentences and fines. Clubbings, split heads, beatings—that was the answer of the bosses through the police, gangters, ete. Mass Deportations Aimed at Native and Richard Davis, of Boston, a young Wrker. is held for deportation because he, as member of the Young Communist League, went together with hundreds of other unemployed hefore the State House of Boston to ask for relief for unemployment. August Pinto of New Bedford who was one of the most active workers dur- ing the last strike of the textile workers is also held for deportation. The aim of the ruling class is clear. They are attacking the foreign born in an effort to stop their activity for better conditions and | ‘national divide the United States workers into foreign and native horn so as to weaken labor's resist- ance attd impose their terms upon the workers. All workers and sympathizers must begin a struggle against the persecutions of foreign born workers and the deportations of Richard Day August Pinto, and workers in other sections of the country. Bosses After the Life of Leonard Doherty. Leonard D. Doherty, native of Massachusetts, a member of the Marine Workers Industrial Union which is affiliated with the Trade Union Unity League’s labor’s national center of mili- tant trade unions, was active during the recent strike of the garment workers of Boston. He went 6n the picket lines. He helped the work- ers fight not only the bosses but their agents, the leaders of the company unions—the Inter- Ladies Garment Workers. Leonard D. Deherty showed ability and was successful in his work. The bosses and their agents made up their minds to “get him.” On Feb, 28, during the strike, he was attacked by armed gangsters, beaten, and turned over to the police. He was charged first with assault with a dan- gerous weapon and then with a murder which took place in Canada in 1925, The bosses want to take the life of Doherty because he is a militant worker. Only the united efforts and mass protest, and organization in the de- fense of Leonard D. Doherty and other work- ing class prisoners can save Leonard D, Do- herty from the gallows! Act! Defend Your Fellow Workers! 4 The International Labor Defense of the Bos-| ton District is conducting the defense of thirty ~ persecuted workers of Boston, New Bedford, Peabedy, Lawrence, Providence, ete. and is carrying on the campaign against the deporta- tions of Davis and Pinto, and the persecutions of foreign born and defending Leonard Do- herty. All workers and sympathetic organiza- tions should join the International Labor De- fense in this important work and arrange mass protest meetings, pass resolutions, collect funds for defense, and do everything in their power to free all class-War prisoners, to defend the persecuted workers We must stop the deporta- ions of Richard Davis, August Pinto, and other workers who are held for deportation. We must come to the aid of the International Labor Defense to prevent the murder of Leon- ard D. Doherty and free all class- war pris- oners Furope alone) is a state.form of national uni- fiention ard freedam which we connect with Socialism; we think of it as becoming a reality only when the tull victory of Communism ‘will have brought about the total disaprearance of any state, including its democratic form. As a separate slogan, however, the United States of the World would hardly be a correct one, first, because it coincides with Socialism, sec- ond, because it could be erroneously inter- preted to mean that the victory of Socialism in one country is impossible; it could also create miseoneeptions as to the relations of such a country to others. » Unequal economic and political development. is an indispensable law of capitalism. It fol- lows that the victory of Socialism is, at the beginning, possible in a few capitalist coun. tries, even in one, taken separately. The torious proletariat of that country, h ox: propriated the capitalists and org: 4 So- cialist production at home, would vise rgainst the rest of the capitalist world, attracting the oppressed classes of other countries, raising * among them revolts against the capitalists, launching, in case of necessity, armed forces against the explolting classes and their states. The political forra of a society in which the proletariat is victorious, in which it has over- thrown the bourgeoisie, will be a democratic yepublic, centralizing ever more the forces of the proletariat of e given nation or natigns in the struggle against the sites that have not yet gone over to Socintiem. It is imposswie to atinihilate classes without a dictatorship of the oppressed class, the proletariat. It is ble freely to unite the nations in So- ciMtiem witheut a more or less prolonged and stubhern struggle of the Socialist republics gainst the other states, It due, to b considerations resulting from repented debates at the conference of the sections of the Rt. S. D. L. P. situated abroad and after, that the editors of the Central Or- gan came to the conclusion that the United States of Europe slogan is incorrech. . | i