The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 22, 1930, Page 4

> seepteeeenreremermnnnvenineetenmncer rit iat Published by t Souare, New York Page Four sunaay, at Cable: yVesant 26-28 NOW A REAL CONVENTION FOR CLOTHING WORKERS 'HE Ge Trade 28th St foro File Conver and 8, in tar k Avenue, N. Y. ich was Co! ses and their n of the Needle ades n ul Union will be composed of rue represe of the worke the Merger. : i ades which spe dy cen- manufacture ‘s, chain the t its control gers of Jaffe Wall and Cohe , the merger of Fashion Par Rocl . the merger of Hart, Schaff- ner and Marx and Levy and Adler, the planned merger of Sears-Rocbuck, J. C. Penny, Mont- gomery Ward, are the outstanding examples of the concentration of control of the men’s clothing trade into the hands of a few Wall Street bankers and is leading directly to the PB: control by the rulers of this country, J. Morgan & Co. The shares of this comr being sold and quoted on the Stock Exchange in Wall Street just as the stocks of other in- dustries, while the production it is di- end 0) vided in large factories as well as in small contracting establishments. “These giant combinations, hacked by Wall Street capitalists, are forcing the brunt of crisis upon the workers to increase the exploi- tation, speed-up, piece work, ‘standard of pro- duction,’ long hours, wage cuts, re-organization, discharges, child labor and unemployment. Same As Unorganized. “The Hillman-Beckerman social-fascist cli- que of the A.C.W. has reduced the working conditions of the organized to those of the un- organized, to those of the sweat-shop period. These agents of the bosses are openly boast- ing about their role as ‘ iency experts’ for the bosses, of their su of Hillman’s com- pany unionism which pays both the bosses and the Hillman-Beckerman clique. Through this company union they forced upon the workers piece work, ‘stand of production,’ the check- off and discharges in order to relieve the manu- facturers of ‘superfluous labor’ created by the increased speed-up in the shops making hun- dreds of thousands of workers permanently un- employed, “While the workers in the A with misery and starvation t the A.C.W. W. are faced officialdom of and the funds of the Amalgamated ! the servic of the The Amalgamated business agents are work- on a commission basis for the be re- mission recommending out-of-town nion contractors, and collecting commis- sion from these contractors for the work that they supply to them from New York. They et permission for reduction of workers’ wages and for reorganizations as examplified by the exposures of Graft in Local 19, New York and in Local 24, Newark, N. J., for which the Harry Cohen-Hillman-Beckerman-Reisman clique is responsible. For Capitalist Parties. “In line with their policy of collaborating with the bosses against the workers, they are also collaborating with the political machines of the capitalist parties. The Orlov: clique Hall machine of New York. The Philadelphia clique gives support to the Republican machine. The Hillman-Becker- n clique formally endorses the socialist ket and approves of the action of Orlovsky 1 the other gangs. The hypocricy of the Hillman-S chlossenberg clique is also seen in th rela- yn to the Soviet Union, while formerly they declared themselves in favor of the recognition of the Soviet Union, they, in line with all im- perialist forces, work ainst the workers’ fatherland, the Soviet Union. They ridicule the pe bility of an at Soviet Union by the imperialist po supports the Tammany ly wers, attack upon the Soviet Union. Salutsky-Muste outfit of the A.C. as a part of the imperialist wa machine. dress and fur the establish- week, and the the Hillman- k and dress to the In the struggles of the cloak, workers against the bosses for ment of the 40-hour five-c other demands of the worke Beckerman clique served -the through their n-Schlesinger-Kaufman cle support cligue. Join Industrial Union! “Fellow workers! The Needle Trades Work- ers Industrial Union while realizing to lay that we have in the past failed to give you proper guidance and necessary support in your strug- gles, against the company-union agents in your struggles for the establishment of the 40-hour five-day week and the real’ unemployment in- surance fund, the N.T.W.LU. is today the only organization of needle trades workers that is taking up the task of organizing the unorgan- ized needle trades workers ani the rank and file workers ‘who are forced to pay dues through check-off to the company unions for the struggle against the bosses, for the estab- lishment of the 40-hour five-day week, for week work, and unemployment insurance paid by the bosses and managed by workers’ com- mittees. “The N.T.W.I.. is controlled by the workers themselves through their organized shop dele- gates council. The working conditions in the shops are controlled by the workers themselves through their organized shop committees. “The N.T.W. calls upon you to take mat- ters into your hands to realize that in your own hands, in your own determination to smash the company union, in unity with all needle trades workers, through the organization of workers’ committees in the shops can we organize for a struggle against the bosses and their agents. “Organize shop committees! “Join the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union!” Improving Our Party Apparatus By A. PETERSON (District 2), ET us not be mistaken by thinking that the successes we had in all these demonstra- tions, Katovis’ funeral, March 6th and May 1st, were due to our great capabilities. In fact, these demonstrations showed our weak- ness and t our American Party and our Party apparatuses have to be improved to a great extent in order tq be in a better posi- tion to lead the American workers in their daily struggles and to their final struggle for the abolition of wage slavery. One of our greatest shortcomings is the fact that we are lagging behind the masses. Instead of realizing that it is our duty to study the daily needs of the workers nation- ally and locally in their industries, shops and home; to educate and develop the fighting spirit of the workers on the needs and evils confronting them. Instead, we usually wait until the workers are already developed and then we come to the workers to plead for help and to lead their struggles. This is true in our trade union work and in our general Party work. Our Sections. When we turn to the activities in our sec- tions of the Party we see that although our ! section committees are fulfilling to a great extent their role as leaders in their terri- tories still it was only committed to the Party membership in the section. Outside of this sphere, our section committees failed to a great extent to assume their leadership of the toiling masses in their territories. How are to be explained such facts as that a section committee is not taking steps to have the “Labor Unity” in the section, to see that Party members shall be members of the T.U.U It is because the organizer of the section, who is reading all national and inter- national Communist periodicals, does not find it necessary to read “Labor Unity.” Same is true about the majority of the section com- mittee members. And this is in the biggest section of the biggest districts of our Party. Veveloping of Leading Cadres. Tn my estimation niost of our Party mem- bers can be developed to a certain leadership. There is no reason why the organization de- partment of the C should not have written material on the duties and practical tasks of certain functions in a section and why the -ore developed comrades in the section could not train and t to develop a comrade in the course of performing a certain function. To bring this to realization, our leading com- rades have to root out the sentiment of our departmental basis of work. The ‘idea, that as head of a department I have to worry to make good my department. Let us more coordinate our work. Have in our leading bodies more reports especially from those functionaries who are to reach the workers, and let us not sneer when a willing comrade makes mis- takes, but let us guide him and give him the opportunities to develop. Trade Union Leadership. When selecting the leading cadres for our trade union work we our trade union work we with complicated, spec and policies and h he to push to the elements we may be confronted t great our desire may forefront young energetic should not underestimate the im- portance of experience acquired by léng years in an industry or trade Educational Work in Our Party and the TUUL. Our T.U.U.L. failed to educate even its mem- bership on industrial problems. It would be a Rood move for instance, to issue in a pamphlet ‘orm .specifie analysis for industries and the T.U.U.L, program for these specific industries. Our Party made great headway in educat- ing the Party members and the workers gen- erally but there is mu¢h as yet to be improved from top to bottom. We have a great proportion of good Party functionaries who dil not as yet study our fundamentals. Same is true about new mem- bers. Section and unit agit-props could surely mobilize the more developed comrades and to organize reading and discussing circles (about 10 in a group). + Our national training schools have done much to train leading cadres but it is not enough. The theoretical development of prole- tarian leaders should be a matter for every district and every section in a district to dwell upon. Many of our sections surely have a theoretically developed comrade who could give to a few proletarian comrades selected by the vict or section courses in Marxism-Lenin- ism, ete. Why not systematize this method of theoretical development of proletarian leading cadr Our Party did not as yet establish apparatus for shop papers work. An outline for discus- sion on shop papers in the units is absolutely essential. To educate the masses, our Party is to issue 5 or 10 cent pamphlets on elements in eco- nomi different stages in human society, stories from the American labor movement, etc. One of our weaknesses is the capitulation before difficulties. I mean to point here to the fact that when workers do not respond to our call we have in many cases a habit of abandoning them. Instead, we should begin to think hard, maybe we did not approach them in the proper manner? We have yet much to learn in what manner to approach the workers. Many of our leaflets proved this fact. More understanding, more effort to approach and entrench ourselves in the masses of the workers of Americas and none of the dark forces will be able to find ways and means to isolate us frome the work- ing masses of America, have to realize that in | ie, industrial problems | z8-28 Untom “DAIWORE vare, New York, N. ¥ @ Co tysl Organ of the? Communist Party of the U; S. A. = Worker SOBSCRIPTION RAT: everywhere: One year $6; six month two an and Bronx, New York City, and fore onths $1; . Which are: One year $8; six months $4.50 excepting Boroughs of scar The following article on the situation in the Imperial Valley was written by one of the 16 indicted for criminal syndicalism and waiting trial date for which is set May 26. If convicted they will receive sentences of one to fourteen years. * * 1 employers in Imperial Valley united in the Western Growers Protective Association and backed,by gigantic financial interests are becoming more vicious in their attempts to crush the militancy of tie workers in the Val ley, particularly of our courageous fellow workers in the fields, the Mexicans, Filipinos, Orientals, Negroes and H'ndus. Unable to stem the raric growth of the Agricultural Workers Industzial League which is uniting all agricultural woi'-ers—regardless of race, nationality or color into a powerful union based on militant class poli the vege table and fruit growers are resorting more and more to open fascist methods to crush the agricultural section of the Trade Union Unity League. The use of the state force immigration authorities, court suffices. Besides the energetic of the American Legion in it class campaign of capitalist s employers are employing “regiments” ' road bulls. Only last week fifty special police of the Southern Pacific Railroad were station- ed in the Valley for “emergency” purposes. But nothing can stay the advance of the revolutionary workers union—the Agriculturai Workers Industrial League and the enthu- siastic response of the workers to its fighting program. This becomes more evident with each passing day. Even here in the county jail news reaches us from the “battle-field” indicating the for- ward surge and the increasing influence of the A.W.I.L. as well as of the mood of the workers to fight for the unconditional release of the sixteen of us now held ow Criminal Syn- dicalism charges. Two More Arrests, Tommy Ra; and George Kioz who are the latest victims of capitalist class justice in these parts, having joined our ranks on Mon- day, report that the fighting mood of the field workers is even more noticeable, in spite of all police terrorism. Of great encouragement to us are the stories told by the families of the Mexican comrades and cell-mates who stress the fact that the field workers are waiting our strike”call, anxi- ous to assume the counter-offensive, This alone is of great significance, especially in view of the pessimistic attitude taken by some of our comrades who became discouraged ie. the sheriffs, ete., no longer mobilization anti-working the following the mass raids and the arrests of © The class | 108 in the Valley on April 14. front widens, not contracts, with the sharpen- ing of the class struggle. The workers will respond to our call for militant struggle, and will fight for political as well as*for their immediate demands. It is 100 per cent certain that a strike in protest to our arrest will meet with tremendous re- sponse. Under no circumstances can we fail to recognize this—nof fail to crystallize this situation into u movement of offerise. Slave Contract, The contract dffered by the growers cover- ing work in the fields during the canteloune season has finally been submitted to the work- ers. Many have refused to sign it. The con- tract is substantially the same as last year’s, stipulating 24 to 15 cents a crate. However, due to “overproduction” resulting from the acute agrarian crisis which has been sharpened by the extension of the economic crisis to ag- Imperia il Valley-The ( Sharpening Class Siruggles Dy FRED ELLIS Center of riculture, the growers association have insti- tuted a rigid pac!ing inspection and will cu» tail shipments. T>is means a speeding up of diitional hun-* In reality, then the present contract an indir.ct wage in comparison with workers and unem: loyment for dreds. On the face of it it may seem that the work- ers who pick and load from 50 to 100 crates | a day at to 1) cents a crate may realize | “high” wages. However, when the workers complete the season—they are practically broke. By ae time they are through traveling to other fields and tiding over from one field to another, they are in debt to stores and res- taurants. 14 Hour Day, Working conditions are, terrible. gins at 9 a. m. They pick fi get pa'd for the cantaloupes their work hes only begun Work be- heve to on the field as |, until they load the crates on t Heat is intense, averaging 129 degrees. Many cannot stand it d quit. This is one of the the contract system which covers Under this system of virtual mount of, earnings is kept a workers quits he lc sons for eason a certain company: if this money. Many we collapse on the field each season and « Workers stand in water all this | the field: i ated ¢ ** times the ground on which they sleep is wet. “Drinking” water is procured right from the irrigation ditch and has to be sifted through | cloth before drinking. The Agricultural Workers Industrial League correctly places: the abolition of the contract labor and piéce work sg stems as one of its central demands. The abolition of contract labor will free the workers from this system of chattel slavery. In this connection the A.W. I.L. must demand a straight rate of $1.25 an hour for all field work, the 8 hour day, 5'% day week and double time for overtime. These | demands of course to be linked up with the general political demands such as full social, racial and political equality for al workers; Mexicans, Fiipinos, Negroes, Orientals and Hindus. All Workers Must Aid. The significance of events in Imperial Valley cannot be over-emphasized. The entire’ work- ing class must mobilize in support of the Im- | perial Valley workers and to their revolution- | ary organization—the Agricultural Workers Industrial League. | A nation-wide campaign must be immediately | initiated by the International Labor Defense against the attempts of the employing class of California to revive the criminal syndicalist Jaws, under which we are being tried. The _ Workers International Relief must mobilize a wide-spread movement to raise relief for the general strike which will take place this season. The Trade Union Unity League must give the closest organizational cooperation and guid- ance to the Agricultural Workers Industrial League and the workers in'their struggle, par- | ticularly since the organizational work of the T.U.U.L, in Imperial Valley marks the be- ginning of organization under revolutionary \ leadership of the agricultural proletariat in the | United States. | The Communist Party, of course, must be in the front lines giving political guidance and direction to the movement. It must continue its work of building farm and shed nuclei, thus entrenching itself amongst the agricul- tural proletariat. ’ agginst | fasci for | The workers in Imperial Valley: Mexicans, Filipinos, American, Negroes, Orientals, and Growth of Fascism and the Question of Workers Defense NOTE;—The continuation of the articl “How Shall We Organize the Unorganized, by Earl Browder will appear tomorrow, ss ‘- By JOE MITTELMAN (Chicago District). NE of the main characteristics of the pres- ent period is the decline of reformism and the growth of fascism. The cause of this phenomenon can be found in the present third period of post-war capitalism. Moribund capi- talism cannot depend any longer on democratic illusions and reformists to check the rising tide of revolt of the working cli It must use other measures, and fascism is one of the best methods (according to the understanding of capitalism). How does the growth of fascism manifest itself? It manifests itself in the open rule of fin- ance capital (Morrow, Young, Mellon, Dawes, ete.), the merging of the government with big s and the fascist labor leaders of the of L., the mobilization of the tnderworld the revolutionary labor movement (Chicago) mobilizing mobs to lynch revolu- tionary s (South), arresting up working class leaders (Chicago, the gangsters against (Muste-Fishwick gang in the Southern ois coal strike), mobilizing of the social busines: Asi s (the clubbing of workers by the Mil- wakee socialist city administration, ete.), By mobilizing the fascist forces, the capi- t class thinks that it will check the revolt of the working class against rationalization, wifemployment, wage ‘cuts, ete. But it will soon find out its mistake. The working glass will never surrender. Even if it will suffer a temporary defeat, it will again reorganize its for and will give the final blow to capital- ism. Defense Corps. The Communist Party, which is the leader ef the working class, must not wait for the spontaneous uprising of the working class but must organize the class to defeat the fascist One of the main weapons in the hand of the workers in the struggle against fascism is the Workers Defense Corps. The Workcrs Defense Corps cannot be any longer a. theoretical matter, a matter of reso- lutions only, it must become a practice, Ever: city must begin to org its defense cor It would be a grave mistake to organize the defense corps on a narrow basis—that is, to pick out a few strong comrades in each nucleus and send them to protect our speakers, dem- or our comrades who distribute It would also be a grave mistake to organize the defense corps on a broad but loose basis, as asking workers organizations to a organize their own defense corps, independent- ly. The Workers Defense Corps must be or- ganized on a broad basis. It must be organ- ized in the shops, in the trade unions and in the workers organizations. It must be organ- ized on a united front basis i.e. on the specific demands of the factory or organization, Each organization ov factory, which can be reached by our Party, should organize its workers de- fense corps. The duty of this corps is not only to defend that organization, but the work- ing class as a whole. The defense corps of each organization or shop must, therefore, be a unit within that organization, under a cen- tralized leadership of workers defense corps. Each unit should have its own captain, its own instructor (if it is a large one), and its own headquarters. Each city should have a general captain (under the direct supervision of the District, Section or City Committee of the Communis: Party), who should be able to mobilize the units of the workers defense corps within any short period of time. In a large | city with hundreds of such units it is neces- sary to divide the city into territorial sections and have captains in each section (under the s of general captains and ree spective Party committee). Physical Training. Every member of the workers defense corps « must have a physical training for that pur- pose. Large units should have their own in- structor. Several small units should unite to- gether and choose an instructor from their ranks or the city committee should supply one. Every member must be under the strictest dis- cipline. The City Committee, which should be composed of the general captains and about 4 to 8 of the best loyal members of the workers defense corps, should have the right to expell any member from the workers defense corps even if the organization the member belongs to is opposed to it. In order to train the members of the work- ers defense corps in the spirit of centralism and discipline, it is neccessary to have regular meetings on a ¢ity or section scale. The space does not permit to deal concretely with many organizational and political ques- tions as the methods of organizing the défense corps, the role of the Communist fractions within the W.D.C., etc, etc. ‘Ghe organization of workers defense corps must not be an isolated affair. It must be linked up with the daily struggles of the work- ers and must be a means of mobilizing the workers for the struggle against imperialism, for the overthrow of the capitalist system and for the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Young Pioneers . By J. MAYEUR. HE YOUNG PIONEERS have been carrying on work in various schools and are being persecuted as a result. Bulletins and leaflets have been distributed regularly at Roosevelt High School. One year ago a student was de- prived of his diploma because his ideas did not | coincide with those of the principal or the | authorities. | weren't allowed to run for school or club office | and deprived of various other privileges. (One Since then certain other students boy ran for school office, his program being that of the Young Pioneers, and when a leaflet went out. to that effect he was disqualified.) This termgthree students were denied diplomas. They w called to office of the principal— questioned, made to go through a‘ regular third degree and asked to sign a “yellow dog con- tract.” Refusing to do this they were denied their diplomas. Child Labor. Today, when there are 8,000,000 workers un- employed, there are 6,000,000 children working in fields, mines and factories excluding those children working, ch as bootblacks and ne’ hools in working cl districts are much worse than those in rich districts. In Roosevelt High School students must pay $1.25 for towel service, must pay fees for various auditorium calls, club and organization fees and uniforms, ete., while in the richer districts these conditions do not exist. Students whose parents are unemployed are not exempt from paying these fees although they haven’t money to pay for the more necessary things in life. If the students bring this up, saying they can- not afford to pay, what remedy do the school authorities suggest? Charity! Why should workers children accept charity when their fathers are the producers of the wealth of the world! On April 25 the Young Pioneers of Los An- geles held a meeting at Roosevelt High School to bring these conditions before the students and to ask them to protest against them on May First. At the meeting four members of the Young Communist League and one member of the Unemployed Council were arrested. They were charged with disturbing the peace, an- noying and molesting school children and loit- ering around the school house. These comrades, Yetta Stromberg (defendant in San Bernardino camp case), Israel Shulman, Duffy Malotte, Martin and Abe Shapiro, were found guilty on all charges. The chief witness for the state, David Sinski, is an example of what the school does to the children of the workers, turning them against their parents. His father is a militant worker who has served a sentence because of his ac- tivity in a strike and is now being held for deportation. Yet David Sinski is known to be one of the worst types of stool-pigeons, and known for his anti-working class activities. Every time a distribution is held the comrades are arrested andealways by this stool-pigeon or upon his command. During the week of May First there was declared a national holi- day—“Boys Week”—wherein various boys held official office for a day (another means this in street ). Condi- Hindus—are “seething with “discontent. the correct application of our revolutionary program we can give that Leninist guidance which leads the working class to proletarian victory. With (this number | in Los Angeles capitalist system uses to blind the children of the workers). Sinski held the position of the head of the “Red Squad” (taking the place of the notorious Hynes and Phiffer) and in a re- port which he brought back to the school he said “Roosevelt is known for the reds here and has a bad reputation and it is my duty to see that Roosevelt is cleared of them and I cer- tainly will.” The trial of these comrades was a farce, where the state had three students and two policemen to testify. David Sinski was directly responsible for the breaking up of the meeting this being proven by the witnesses of the state and defense. He claimed that he had been given power from the Automobile Club of Southern California to protect the students of Roosevelt High School against any harm, that this power included the right of protecting students against harmful ideas and he con- sidered Communism harmful and was’ going to make a stop to it. The witnesses for the defense were all child- ren, most of them attending Roosevelt High School. Some of the main witnesses were those who spoke at the meeting proper. Sarah Pri- zony who was chairman of the meeting told the court what the purpose of the meeting was, repeating her speech as nearly as possible. The meeting had been called to counteract the propaganda imported .by Mr. Elson (principal of the school) from patriotic and religious in- | stitutions, against the organization of the work- ing class. Miriam Brooks who was the speaker for the Young Pioneers repeated her speech. She had spoken-about school conditions, perse- cutions on a local scale, Harry Eisman and that the chilrren should strike May First with the workers at the Plaza. Then Yetta Strom- berg who was defending herself took the stand and explained what she had said and done that day. She sploke about unemployment and its causes, that students finishing high school think positions are waiting for them but find unemployment and not fit to do any work. At this point in the meeting it was broken up by, Dave Sinski pulling Yetta off the stand and the arrival of the police and arrests. The prosecution in its summing up did net | prove that the defendants were guilty, but merely brought out that they were Commu- nists “trying to undermine our government and teaching our children to overthfow our good American government by bloodshed an@ revlution.” Yetta Stromberg in her talk attempted to : analyze the economic crisis, its causes, the con- ditions of the working class and the conditions of the workers children at home and in the scholse The judge, fearing that some good may come out of it, as the coprtroom was over- crowded with workers who came to hear this- trial, kept interrupting her every few seconds breaking the trend of her talk and not allow- ing her to make various statements which would have had some effect upon the audience. The decision of the jury was a quick oné, That of guilty. Can we as workers expect any- thing better from the capitalist courts? So another farce trial has énde1 sending our | comrades to serve a sentence in their filthy jails. We on the outside must organize our- selves and fight for the right of militant workers organizations to be allowed to address workers children, to counteract the anti-work- ing class propaganda they receive in the boss- controlled schools. Lae