The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 21, 1930, Page 4

Griiahea ke Ut Sunday, at 26-28 Unte F il Se) WW, ke 3 HIPTION KATES: Page F uit ene us f Calie: “DAIS Gai VW ike. orker {1 everywhere: One year $6; months $3: two hs $1; excepting Boroughs of age Four Souare ew ecks to the Daily Worker Square. New York N ¥ ttan and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One year $8; six months $4.50 Contial Organ of the Comme wos ry Of the U.S. A: REVOLUTIONARY DEVELOP. | MENT IN INDIA By V. CHATTOPADHY AYA. It Y should be directed primar dian police well as of the After worker ab, i acks on there dep this as the > morning arding azine the Bri sipore Arti miles from ag: Calcutta, Police Raids. are ated by the extra- d by all categories nese had peace barricades on April t the ne overnment order prot ing their carts along r hours of 1 im- he uita, the s were f th unemployment being a move r traffic (and and consump- Oil Compa’ yagraha w illed and 10 carte n of the 7 Burma The carters e fired upon by c 100 we peared the nex the forbidden hou Carters’ Union, : Union, the Workers’ & Peasants’ Party. secretaries of the t two organizations were arrested. There have been mass protest meet in Calcutta jointly organized by the three organization ist mentioned and by the Tex- tile Wo Union, the ional Dockers Union, tl Y Labor Union, the Young Comrade d ber of « Labor 1 € st the. carter has just ended in three of the union officials and a carter being sentenced to one year’. In South India, the stronghold of Hindu orthodoxy and of social reformism, the exten- sion of the movement has been less rapid than But even here the situation is In Madras a demonstration of in the North. developing thousands of workers was fired upon by the police and a large number were killed. This has led to further street fighting between the masses and the police. In the suppression of the revolution- ary movement among the railway and port workers of Madras, the Government is re- ceiving valuable assistance from the reformist theosophical trade one of the most ialist Labor Party z Shiva Rao, of the imper- of Amsterdam in India. But the textile workers have not allowed them- ives to be influenced by his intrigues, and a strike has just broken out. union active : MacDonald’s Guns and Bombs, addition to using its machine guns and ombing planes, the MacDonald Gove has revived the Press Law of 1910 (which Under that “Law” nad to deposit a certain se- men was repealed in every newspa curity which was confi: r was guilty of publishing The *new Ordinance goe: both the a the ing press to confiscation, and empowers every istrate to decide whether any ‘par- ticular le is seditious and justifies the confis« of the hewspaper’s property. In Delhi, at of the Viceroy’s government, certain papers were called upon to furnish securities the same evening or to suspend pub- lication. These papers were the “Hindustan Times,” the “Tej” and the “Arjun” (each to deposit ), the “Ri t” (300) and the “Millat” (£150). The first three are national- ist papers standing for national independence but regarded as organs of the Arya Samaj and therefore anti-Mohammedan. The an illustrated weekly directed against anny in the states governed by Indian Princes, while the last is the organ of the anti- Hindu Mohammedan group that is for inde- pendence but against Hindu domination. The different amounts demanded of the papers correspond to the interests of imperialism. No attacks are to be permitted on Indian Princes who are its main support, while the Indian Mohammedans are to be “prot 4 “minority” against Hindu national All the above papers have suspended ibtiong d students last week | The Ordinance declares that i propaganda creating class ay therefore be expected that workers’ organs. will to suspend legal publication. / important nationalist dailies in Bengal—L' ty, Advance, Bangb: a Ba rika—have been to dep each and to suspend publication, be ¢ upo is likely “Advance The lea are receiving vy s rma Oil Company in the form of ements. Corrup- tion and repression are working hand in hand. Gandhi's Desire. hi’s repeatedly expressed desire to be arrested h at last been fulfilled. If the governme lowed him to go on breaking 1 ur whole weeks while his followers ig sentenced to various terms of im- nent it had good r i and the Cong: movement on the express condi- ain non-violent. But all ainted with the actual con- , the peasants and the \ are that the masses were to be ihfluenced by the theory of As soon as the Salt Campaign nt outbreaks took pl through- , and it was proved that the workers nd the youth in the towns were not acting Gandhi's leaders The policy of the list was to give time to vement to demonstrate fully its violent before taking any steps against i had been arrested at the ning, the Government would not so have received the moral support even of some sections of the propertied classes or of the bourgeois Nationalist le It was ary for the Government to convince the propertied classes that the country-wide out- breaks that re led to armed conflicts with laws for were bein; leaders unched the that it shall rer se who were tion tion th of under imperi: the Government very easily e and the military, were a conse- quence of Gandhi's non-violent civil —disobe- dience moyement, even a st his will. ‘his “lawlessness” of the masses, has been used Government to obtain declarations of and support from the propertied and the Government therefore finds n a more favorable position to under- take the arrest without destroying the chances of negotiations with the landowners, the indus- ialists and their representativ the poli- 1 organizations, such as the National Con- the Liberal Party and the Muslim by the As far as the textile industrialists are con- cerned, their opposition has not only been over- come but their actual cooperation has been as- sured by the recent Tariff Legislation. The mill owners of Bombay are satisfied with the raising of the import duty on cotton goods from eleven to twenty per-cent against all freign countries except Great Britain, thus “protecting” the Indian industry against Japan and America, although the duty against Great Britain is raised only to fifteen per cent, thus giving preference to Lancashire tex- tile capital. The mill owners are now demand- ing a revision of the Trade Union Act so as further to crush the revolutionary textile worke: The President of the Bombay Mill- owner ssociation welcomed the legislation because, he said, that the “proposals are cal- culated to arrest the decline in our fortune and give us breathing time to carry on complete reor; ion.” This reorganization is to be effected by ruthless rationalization and by a merger of textile factories under a common directorate with a single Managing Director, At least fifty mills are expected to be merged into a single company and the government of India is expected to advance the mill owners a loan of nine million pounds in order to enable them to carry out their scheme of re- organization. Sir George Schuster, Finance member of the Government of India, had a long interview with the Bombay mill owners about three weeks ago to discuss the details of the proposed merger of the Bombay cotton mills and the conditions on which the Imperial Bank of India would grant the loan. The Finance Minister is reported to have declared that the Government would be prepared to stand security to the Bank, but according to the Bombay correspondent of the Lahore “Tribune,” the Minister made it clear that the guaranteeing of the loan by the Government would be conditional on the mill owners op- posing the campaign of civil disobedience and helping the Government to fight the menace of the boycott of British goods, in other words, on their fighting even the Gandhi movement. It is therefore clear that the Government has already obtained the full support of the in- dustrialists. That the land owners naturally support the Imperialist Government goes without saying. But even among them, especially in Gujrat and the United Provinces there was a tendency to support Gandhi and his non-violent cam- paign because they had received from the Con- gress leaders the assurance that the move- ment was not directed against them, But the facts of the recent peasant movement in Oudh and Rai Bareili, in Bihars Orissa, in Jabbal- pore and Broach demanding radical changes in the system of land tenure, advocating the non-payment of taxes, which in some cases was carried into effect, and the growing threat of the expropriation of the landlords have brought the latter face to face with the pos- sibility of an agrarian revolution. That the landowners are alarmed by the fact that Gandhi is no longer able to hold back the masses as he once treacherously did in 1922, is proved by the declaration of loyalty and the offer of help that has just been given to the Government in a_ strictly confidential Memorandum sent on behalf of the landown- ot Benga! by the Maharajah Tagore, a document that has been published by the Lib- erty of Calcutta, Bourgeoisie Want Compromise. The political representatives of the indus- lists and the landowners are all maneuver- ing for a compromise, but they repeatedly de- clared that they would not be able to negotiate with the government if Gandhi were arrested. But the position has become changed even in their case by the fact that Gandhi has become more and more aggressive in his language un- ler the pressure of the mass movement and s declared that “the struggle this time will continue even though violence may break out.” The Liberals and other moderate leaders who are in favor of a Round Table Conference were making larger demands than the government . : ons for wishing to BELLYFUL CUTTING HIS —By Bill Gropper Lynch Terror and the Party By TOM JOHNSO! (NOT satisfied with the Negro’s death, the mob burned the body, set fire to a prom- inent building in the Negro section and threat- ened to destroy every Negro building in this city of 16,000 population. The torch was abon- doned, however, in favor of physical destrue- tion. ... All efforts to stem the tide of de- struction finally were abondoned and Sherman police directed traffic while the mob marched through the streets with the lifeless body bump- ing at the end of a chain.” The roasting to death of George Hughes, Negro workers, at Sherman, Texas, on May 9, as reported in the Birmingham “News.” Such is the freedom of the Negro worker today. Such is the “protection” accorded him by the boss state power. . . “the police di- rected traffic while the mob marched through the streets with the lifeless body bumping at the end of a chain.” Four lynchings in the last six weeks, such is the bloody record of the Southern ruling class in April-May, 1930. And lynching is only the high point in the whole damnable system of racial oppression of the Southern Negroes. In the shop the Ne gro worker draws the lowest pay, gets the worst jobs, is denied in most cases the right to learn a trade, Outside the shop he is dis- criminated against on every hand. Forced to pay high rent for miserable shacks in the slums of the cities. Jim-Crowed in the street ¢ars and trains. Treated in general as a member of an inferior race. And when election time rolls around, he may vote in some places, pro viding he is a “good Nigger,” owns property, and votes the straight democratic ticket. In this elaborate system of racial oppres- sion which is barely outlined here; in thi: fiendish lynch terrorism of boss-led mobs is clearly expressed the ever-present fear of the Southern ruling class of a revolt of the op- pressed Negro race. And well may the South- ern ruling class fear, for on the one hand the development of Southern industry is produc- ing a Negro proletariat—is producing the one class capable of organizing and of leading the masses of Negro toilers into struggle for their demands. On the other hand this same devol- opment of Southern industry is destroying the class basis of the former mainstay of Southern reaction, the independent white farmer. By the thousands and the scores of thousand the white farmers are being forced off the land and into the mills and shops of the industrial towns and cities. There’they learn the lessons of organization, the necessity of a united fight- ing front of both Negro and white against the boss. Many of them drift back again to the farms in the hopeless search for work and incidentally carry back with them the message of class solidarity. “Divide and, rule.” This has been the slo- gan of action of Southern capitalism for gen- erations. And now the objective conditions for the bridging over of this division between black and white workers, for the unification of the ranks of the Southern working class, are vapidly maturing. Furthermore the Commu- nist Party and the revolutionary unions under its leadership are in the South today conscious- ly organizing and directing this proc The role of the Party in the ideological clarifica- tion of the Southern working class in this ‘onnection cannot be overestimated. These then become the main immediate tasks of the Party in the South; the unification of the Negro and white sections of the working class and their mobilization for struggle under the fighting slogans of the Party, and the or- ganization and direction of the revolutionary struggle of the oppressed Negro race. The Party comes out as the one champion of the demands of the Negro race, from the most elementary immediate demands clear up to the demand of the right of self determir tion. And this not only abstractly in our thesis and articles, but must come out in action as the leader of the Negro masses in their every day struggle. Acts of lynch terror such as the Sherman affair must not find the Party limiting its ac- tivity to a statement or two and the perfunc- tionary organization of a protest meeting. Such acts must serve as the starting point for the mobilization of the widest possible sections of both white and Negro workers for actuaJ ag- gressive striggle against the white terror and against capitalism, The organization of work- { ers defense corps, which has been a paper decision for the past year or more must be put into actual practice. The Party must prove to the Negro workers in deeds and not in words that it is their Party. Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 East 125th Street, New York City. 1, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- fend me more information. nist Party. Name . Address ...seesseecceecsecces Ult¥rceccenee Occupation ..ccreccccccccscserses ASG. cceee Mail this to the Central Office, Communist Party, 43 East 125th St.. New York, N. Y | was willing to concede even to them, and Gandhi's arrest will have the effect now of making them still further moderate their ter: ms in order to make a compromise possible. But while Gandhi's arrest is likely to receive the approval of the above-mentioned classes and political groups, it is also likely to stimu- late further acts of revolt, particularly among the youth and the intelligentzia, As far as the _masses are concerned, there is a danger that Gandhi's lost influence will be partially resus- ciated by his martyrdom at the hands of im- imperialism and the illusion created that he was fighting a revolutionary battle. This danger is, however, not likely to affect the revolutionary moyement among the work- ers or among the Pasants, whose economic condition is driving them to organized revolu- | tionary action. The “strike movement among the workers in Bombay, Calcutta, Ma‘lras, and other cities is developing rapidly and the un- employment that has already arisen by the closing down of a. number of mills, and which will be further enhanced by the carrvine out of the above-mentioned scheme of rationaliza- tion, the desperate condition of the transport workers, the miners, and indeed of all cate- gories of workers, is bound to lead within the next few months to a serious sharpening of the struggle. The condition of the peasantry has grown extremely menacing owing to the very serious fall in the prices of all their agri- | cultural products. It may therefore be con- fidently expecte! that the movement of the workers and the peasants will grow in intensity and be carried on under revolutionary slogans, How Shall We Organize the Unorganized? By EARL BROWDER. (Continued) ESTERDAY we described how the new trade union policy of the left wing arose out of our experiences combined with these of the international movement. Since 1928, we have accumulated two years’ experience with the new line. Has it justified itself in practice? The answer, muste be an emphatic yes. It is impossible to conceive that we should have been able to lead any such struggles, to or- ganize as many workers and bring them to class consciousness, and to extend our influence into new territories and industries, as we have done, without the weapon of the new revolu- tionary unions and the policy of independent leadership. Comrade Stahl, however, does not see this at all. In fact, he sees nothing except the A. F. of L. and the defects of our work therein. On the basis of these defects he charges the Party with an “anti-trade union attitude.” Defects in Our Trade Union Work. Of course, there are great defects and weak- nesses in our trade unioén worl Where are these dmonstrated most glaringly Precisely in the building of the new union: This, our most important tas only in its first stages, and reveals weaknesses of the most serious kind. Is the Party refusing to face these weak- nesses? Not at all. The special resolution on trade union work, prepared for the conven- tion, brings them sharply to the fore and makes them the center of attention. There is not the slightest atempt to hide them or gloss them over. We reveal our weaknesses in order that we may overcome them. And it is precisely this that Comrade Stahl objects to; he would have us forget about the tremendous problems of building the revolutionary unions, and turn our attention entirely to “dain real ,onlight- ening work in the reactionaryunions.” In ef- fect he is calling for an abandonmet of the revolutionary unions, and a return to to the A. F. of L. as “the main stream” of the labor 4 movement, + We must emphatically inform Comrade Stahl that the Party cannot accept his point of view. Our convention must and will decisively ap- prove the policy of building the revolutionary unions in the T.U.U.L., whieh at the same time organizes revolutionary minorities in the re- actionary unions. We will forget neither the one nor the other, but we will put the main emphasis upon the new unions. Our Thesis says: “Decided efforts must be made to in- crease manifold the activities of the Commu- nist fractions in the reactionary trade unions” (par. 25). That must stand, and it must not be overlooked. But there can not be allowed to develop any tendency to shift the center of our work away from building the revolutionary unions. Comrade Stahl writes two articles about de- fects in our trade union work. But he has not a word about any shortcomings in the new unions! If faulty organization and poor work is the question at issue, we can find plenty of that even without examining the fractions in the reactionary unions. We invite Comrade Stahl to study the weaknesses of the new unions, as revealed in the Convention resolu- tion and thesis, and help the Party to solve these problems, They are tremendously big ones, far bigger than the ones upon which he has fastened his vision. But the Party will meet and solve them, with the active help of the non-Party workers who are coming by thou- sands into the new unions, even if Comrade Stahl refuses to help. In the entrance of our Party into the South ate Rene, SEEEe we find a testing of our polic: Is it correct to the Southern textile workers we brought ational Textile Workers Union, and not Jnited Textile of the A. F. of L.? Comrade Stahl should answer this question quite def- for upon it hinges mighty conse- quences. If he does not agree with the es- tablished policy, then he must agree with the Trotskyites and Lovestoneites, that we should have made a united front with the Muste group, and helped them round up the South- ern textile workers under MeMahon and Green, Gastonia should have been carried out on the lines of Marion, perhaps, where the workers were abandoned to slaughter and then dis- owned by the union? We should, perhaps, have placed the treacherous Hoffman in charge of the strike, to do with as he did in Elizabeth- town? We should go into the South to tell the workers that while William Green has pledged the bosses not to demand higher wages, still they should join the union controlled by Green, in the hopes that some day Green may be removed from lealedship? Or Consider the Steel Workers. Comrade Stahl considers it a “political crime” that we are founding new unions in the South, and “leaving the fighting front in the reactionary unions.” The Party must tell the comrade, and all who have similar ideas, that they misread their Lenin. Comrade Lenin in- sisted upon work in the reactionary unions, in order to win the masses away from the bu- ver told us that we should unorganized under the control of bring the the bureaucracy in order that later we could win them away from its influence! Comrade Stahl himself a metal worker, and is especially indignant against the organ- ization of the Metal Workers Industrial League. He says: nety per cent of the metal work- ers organized in the A. F. of L. know nothing about such a new organization,” which “has not conducted the slightest propaganda inside the A. F. of L. Metal Workers Union.” Here are two basic errors: First, Comrade Stahl speaks of an “A. F, of L. Metal Work- ers Union,” when there is no such thing. ‘The metal workers in the A. F. of L. are split up among 24 different “international” unions, and precisely for this reason it has been found im- possible hitherto to organize such industries as steel and automobiles (the center of the metal industry). Second, he speaks of the 90 per cent of those in the A. F. of L, as though these are the decisive sections of the metal workers. But they comprise less than 10 per cent of all metal workers, and they are pre- | cisely those workers who are separated from | semi-skilled. the main mass of metal workers, either by be- ing in small shops, or by their privileged po- sition on account of skill or for other reasons. For example, the Iron, Steel and Tin Workers Union (A. F. of L.), is a closed corporation of highly skilled workers, who for more than a generation have been working under a con- tract with the steel trust that they will pre- vent the organization of the unskilled and And in the automobile section of the metal industry, the A. F. of L. has nothing at all. It is clear that Comrade Stahl, and all who bewail the “abandonment of the united front” in the A. F. of L. by the founding of the new unions, have their eyes fixed not upon the decisive masses of the working class in the hasic industries, but solely, exclusively, upon that small section already organized in the A. F. of L. Which means that they reject the organization of the unorganized as our decisive task. (To Be Continued.) 3000 New Daily Worker Sub- scribers by the Language Fractions! By LOUIS KOVESS. HE Language Department of the Central Committee at its last meeting, decided to carry the subscription campaign of our cen- tral organ. the Daily Worker, deeply into the language mass organizations. In order to divide the work among the different Language Bureaus and to coneretize the tasks of the Bureaus, the Language Department assigned the followmg Daily Worker Campaign quotas to the fraction bureaus: No. of Name subscriptions Finnish Bureau .... 0 250 200 300, +. 200 Lithuanian Bureau . Ukrainian Bureau . Jewish Bureau Czecho-Slovak Bureau . Hungarian Bureau 200 South Slav ...... we + 200 Russian Bureau 150 Scandinavian Bureau 100 Greek Bureau ..... 100 Italian Bureau + 100 Bulgarian Bureau . 100 German Bureau .... » 100 Polish Bureau ..... + 100 Armenian Bureau . » 60 Lettish Bureau ..... ait Esthonian Bureau .. » 50 Spanish Bureau . +. 50 French Bureau .. » 50 Roumanian Bureau 50 Albanian Bureau 25 Japanese Bureau 25 Chinese Bureau . + 25 Total Since these quotas must be fulfilled before the Ist of June, the mobilization of all frac- tions working in language mass organizations must start immediately. seneeeneeneeseetens 3,000 What have the fractions, working in language mass organ ns done for the circulation of the Daily Worker up till now? Almost noth- ing—not even at places where they come into contact with masses who would not subscribe for the language paper but would be ready to subscribe to the English Communist press. A comrade at a Language Bureau meeting well characterized this situation when he stated, “When our comrades reported that there was no more possibility to widen the circulation of our language paper amongst the American- ize1 foreign born workers, then we replied, that there is nothing for us to do.” But there is plenty to do! Supply every fraction with the material necessary to take subscriptions, give them detailed instructions on how to connect up the importance of the Daily Worker with the every day problems of the workers. Convince the comrades in the fractions and through them, wide masses of foreign born workers, that the Daily Worker is the most important weapon in the hands of the American working class in fighting against rationalization, speed-up, wage cuts, unemployment, for the 7-hour day, 5-day week, for Work or Wages, in building the new revo- lutionary unions, in the struggle against im- perialist war preparations, for the defense of the Soviet Union. For these reasons, the Daily Worker must be built into a mighty or- gan, based upon wide masses. Sut a circulation drive will not help alone, if, the Daily Worker is not saved from its present financial crisis. For this reason the circulation drive must go ahead, but the cam- paign for $25,000 emergency fund must take the predominant place in the campaign at the present time, until the regular appearance of the Daily Worker is assured. Treble your quota inthe circulation drive and you have your quota in the emergency fund drive! Mobilize fractions, mass organizations, masses of readers, to rush funds to the Daily Worker and to participate in the Tag Days and house to house collections! Mobilize mass organizations to be repre- sented at the Daily Worker Conferences and to elect permanent Daily Worker agents! Break through the isolation dividing the foreign ‘language speaking working masses from their most important weapon, the Daily Worker, =