The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 15, 1930, Page 4

fguare, New York City Adjrere and mail all ch Page Four THE SO-CALLED “LEFT” « SOCIAL-FASCISTS | By 1. AMTER. (Written in Jail) demands immediate t Parties. The ‘watching develop- preparations in cas¢ HE situation in India attention from all Comr social-fascist MacDonald is ments and making care: the situation becomes serious. All told there are about 250,000 imperialist troops available in India. Tanks and airplanes will supplement them at short notice. Shou!d age at whi ion status ing—and get beyond the s! can sell it out for “domi concession to the native lords of India, Yonald will rush wars! and al! nec force to India to crush the workers and pea:- ants. MacDonald has just achieved fo for the imperia s of Great Britain. 1. Reduction” Conference for which nas been coraplimented by Baldwin Ci budget for which Lloyd George has decided to give complete support to the “Labor” govern- ment, and Walter Runciman, liberal parlia- mentary leader has decided that “Mr. Snow- den is the best chancellor of the exchequer England has kad in six . The forma- tion of the “Bankers’ Industrial Development Company” for rationalization purposes. (When a rank Conservative asked “Do we understand that the government has definitely gone back on all socialist schemes,” there was an uproar in parliament!) 4. MacDonald has come to an agreement with Egypt, whereby Egypt gets “independence,” but British troops remain there! victories” What More Could They Do? What more could any capitalist or social- imperialist do for the imperialists of any coun- try than Ramsay MacDonald has done for British imperialism? Baldwin himself could not have done better—and therefore the Mac- Donald government will remain. Even more— since force will be used in India, as it recently was used in Nigeria, and since the Labor Gov- ernment is doi! the dirty killing work with such efficiency, it will remain at the helm.. But the unemployment problem in England has not yet been tackled—and J. H. Thomas has no promising program except to let the unemployed continue to suffer. British foreign trade—exports and imports—has suffered a serious decline, similar to that of the United States, Canada and Germany. A strike of 150,000 wool workers against a wage reduc- tion has broken out. It is being led by the revolutionary movement. In these two ques- tions, MacDonald will show his face at home. He will treat the workers exactly as they were handled on Black Friday, 1926—only this time they not only will have the Trade Union Con- gress against them, but the Labor government (then the. Labor opposition) will try to crush them. Left Fakers. The “Left” Laborites, led by Maxton, are not satisfied. “On the contrary, they rebelled” against the budget. This is the “revolt” of the Cooks, Landsburys, etc., in 1926 which made the sell-out of the workers in the general strike more acceptable. To be sure, any honest worker must resent the budget of four billion taken out of the hide of the harassed workers—a budget that evoked the following from Runciman: “I am grate- ful to the Labor government for what it has done with our finances and in the naval con- ference. By its understanding it has benefitted the British taxpayer.” No better testimonial could be asked. Maxton’s “rebellion was hppocritical, just as his declaration at the Anti-Imperialist Con- gress in Frankfurt last year, against the im- perialit policy of the Labor Party was hypo- critical—in fact so much so that shortly after his return to England he had to be expelled from the Anti-Imperialist League. The Bauer Type. In Austria we have examples of the “state” rule of these “left” social-fascist social-demo- crats under the leadership of Otto Bauer. In the “struggle” against the fascists, they re- treated step by step, till on demand of the fascists, they curbed the rights of the workers. disarmed them, allowed the fascists legal right to arm, gave rural: Austria, where the fascists are strong, power over the Vienna Municipal Council—and the counter-revolution was com- plete—without shedding a drop of fascist blood! This is a typical instance of “left” social-fas sists! In Holland, the social-fascist social-demo- cratic Labor Party at its convention in Ut- Published by the Comprodalty un lishing Co., Tr iD to ina Daily Wot oniente colonies to recht “recognized the right of the national independen explained what it would do in developir lonies (of course, social-democrats > attacks on j nts, condemn- 1A.) when t It co for capitalism, come to power. the ed the government, d d decided t atic treachery! The “Left not satisfied with th resolution for tom for colonie: d dema port of the social-demoer: were to und What is the exnl of se worke of the world by the ecc now in Ja erisi crash in the mic . They ar these effects, which the compel them to shoulder. (In uban sugar worker earned $4.50 a ¢ today he ear 40 cents a day!) The regulars in the social- ist parties see the movement of the work- rom them; but true they not only an Thomas, fa ers to the left and away to their maste: condone ii 2 (N Baldwin, and Gitlow on demonstrations of workers in New York), but, when put into of- fice by their imperialist masters, carry out the will of imperialism. | They and their imperialist bosses stimulate the development of “Left” groups, knowing that these groups are closer to the struggle the workers and can deflect them. “Lefts” do not break with the parent but act as a barrier against wholesale attac by the workers. When action is decided upo by the workers, action such as only Commu- nists and revolutionary workers can contem- plate, these “Lefts” do not go along, but on | the contrary openly betray as did Cook, Lans- | bury, Fimmen, Maxton, Otto Bauer, ete. These “lefts” are a necessary part of the equipment of imperialism in the struggle | against the rising spirit of revolution under | the leadership of the Communist International. What The struggle against these most important most dangerous, be done? is one of our “lefts” are the in the imperialist countries and colonies. We | must point this out in our fight against both the social-fascists and the “left” social-fascists. | We must form united fronts with the rank and j | of the revolution of the workers and peasants | | t them—as has been done by the Party and the Revolutionary Com- | mittee of Action in England. The work h to struggle—they need leadership and | organization. They have seen the social-fa: | cists in action in all countries as aides of im- | By proper action, we will be able to win these workers away fr the fascist trade unions and the social-fascist parties, to the revolutionary unions of the Trade Union Unity League and the Communist Party. As a result of the actions of the “left” soc fascists of Austria, the Soc Workers Op- position has left the social-democratic party of Austria and joined the Communist Party, tak- ing along its organ. United Front from The united front with the workers in the brilliant victories of position in the elections Similar results may be Wherever correctly and in the United States it produced like results— witness March 6 and May First. More propaganda, more organization, united front commitiees of action with the rank and file workers! More exposure of the social-fa cists and “left” social-fascists—on the basis of concrete facts and issues! If this is done the revolutionary movement will reap tremen- dous results in the present very favorable objective situation. | Below. from below in Germany shops has resulted in the revolutiorary op- to the shop counc obtained in England. energetically applied The Indian situation must be watched with | all care. It will not only help to align the s forces in India—workers and peasants | against the counterrevolutionary native bour- | geoisie and against imperij ism—but will show clearly the social-imperialist character of the social-fascists and be an object lesson not only to the British workers in their strag- gle, but to the workers of all countries in the | the struggle against “their” social-fascists and “left” social-fascists. White Terror in New England : By ABRAHAM NACHOWITZ, blessed New England, in industrial Con- necticut on Long Island Sound, in the smal! Starnford, the bloody rule of capitalism unfaried its murderous fangs in all its ugli- ness. On the first of May, 3,000 workers assem- bled on Atlanta Square to demonstrate at the call of the Communist Party. The workers eame despite the mayor’s refusai to permit the demonstration. The comrades known to the volice from previous leadership in demunsira- tions were constantly watched and were fol- lowed by detectives everywhere. At the meeting, suddenly one comrade mounted a box and spoke to the crowd. He was promptly dragged down, manhandled and hustled to ‘the police station. Another worker met the same fate as the first. Speakers then jumped up sporadicaliy from all corners, defying police orders not to ad- dress the crowd, and after beatings were ar- rested. A young worker and « woman who attempted.to rescue him from the police were also arrested, making a total of thirteen, two of them were Negroes. The police thugs who at this time were en- raget, enfuriated, wild with frenzy at the brave stand of the Communist speakers, their determination not to succumb to terrorism, vrecared for a vicious attack. One by one our cémrades, Harry Y Isadore Wofsy, Jo- seph Nevin, Ph a, Henry Scoti, Charles Smith, Kanim Portchester {whose names are not known to the writer) were taken to the cells where five heavy, husky gunmen were waiting to do thei sadist acts. They beat the w: orkers with blac! jacks, with handeuffs f : face: s and unrecognizable. ‘They kicked with feet and trampled them till blood was ing freely. «They cut their heads open in several places, cut one’s hand with a sharp | metal aid broke another's !e, For several hours they refused medical aid, the comrades bleeding in agony, erumpling with pain on the ground. The young comrade, Abraham Nachowitz, was spared by the chief, ; vearing that his hangmen woull not consider age and make a job that would prove irre- paire’* In the persons gf policemen and detectives the preservers of “law and order,” the em- bodiers of “peace” and “rights,” fascism is acquiring more definite forms, coming out openly in its full nakedness. The fascist rule of Mussolini, the dark forces of Pilsudski, the t gendarmerie, the ferocious ies'of Whalens “finest” are to hide their faces in shame and embarrassment when look- ing up to Chief of Police Brennan in Stam- | ford, Conn., on the historical day of May 1, 193 The Americ: Il take ‘mination, working class will learn their up the strugrle with more will pash oy rl to ds vic. tories against capiialin Baily = Central Organ of the Communist ry of the U.S. A- ung in India Ry yn Ma Posed by Ranisay M ~sutald By Bill Gropper First Chinese Soviet Congress By CHEN KWANG (Shanghai). agrarian and the partisan HE fights of the peasants are today one of the revolution chief symptoms of the Chinese revolution. During the past year the revolutionary fights of the peasants, under the leadership of the Communist Party, have developed further an’ gained ground enormously in South China. In North China also the peasants have spontan- eously taken the field against the rule of the military rulers. A strong movement has arisen among the Mohammedan peasants in connec- tion with the distribution of food in the famine areas. Even if the peasant forces, known as the “Red Lances” and the “Big Knives,” are still often under the leadership of the small landowners and r peasants, this movement is, on the whole, directed against all property owners. In the Eastern part of the pro’ ° of Chili, in the neighborhood of Paotingfu and | in the Northern part of the province of Honan, it has often happened that thousands of peas- ants have marched into the town, destroyed the government buildings and opposed the col- lection of taxes. In South China} the peasants are waging a life and death struggle against the landowners. In many districts the landowners, aided by Kuomintang troops, have recaptured power and driven the peasants off the land. They have not only taken back their landel prop- erty, but also forcibly seized the land belong- ing to the poor peasant But the more bru- tally the landowners proceed against the peas- ants, the more fierce becomes the fight of the peasants for land. In many places in South China, the peasants have already confiscated the whole of the estates of the landed proprietors. In those places where the power of the landlords has ! been overthrown, the peasants have set up viets. The boundary posts are destroyed and the land distributed among the poor peas: ants and members of the Red Army. The vi lage Soviets have also introduced the eight- hour day and labor protection. Soviets in 18 Districts. Up to now the Soviet Power has heen set up in 18 districts. Many provincial towns are in the hands of the workers and peasants. The Soviet territory in the province of West Fukien comprises eight districts. The town of Lung- yenchow, Yungtinghs, San-han and Tingchow hands of the Red Army under the rship of Chu-teh and Mau-Tsedung. The | Soviet territories in Kwangsi embrace over six di ricts; the most important towns in these cts are also in the hands of the Soviets. There are even larger Soviet territories in the provinces of Hupeh and Kiangsi. Accorl- ing to the imperialist press in China, all dis- triets in the province of Hupeh, with the ex- | ception of Wuchang, are in the hands of the Reds. In Wuchang, the fight of the revolu- tionary workers has broken out again: the movement in this district will be one of the chief points of support of the revolutionary movement. In Tayeh Hsian, in December last, two mutinous regiments of the government troops carried out a revolt together with the workers in the iron works and the red peas: ant defense force in the villages, and hoisted the Soviet flag. Although the town of Tayeh Hsian is again in the occupation of white- guaydist troops, the revolutionary centers in East Hupeh have remained unshaken. 100,000 Men in Red Army. It fs in this process of advancing agrarian revolution that the Red Workers’ and Peas- ants’ Army has been founded. In the previous years the arma! forces of the veasants were organized in connection with the sharpening of the class struggle, In the past six months. over 60 well organized mutinies of the soldiers have broken out, in which it has happened that whole battalions and regiments have gone over to the Red Army. Than's to this favo ble situation. the Chin- | stream |The movement of Negro workers ‘mere sporadie movement and con- \Congress of the Red International ese Red Yorkers” and Peasants’ Army has jof Labor Unions have been made. Jand substantial numbers of Negro | | workers, grown enormously; it numbers today 13 armi with over 100,000 men distributed over the var- ious Soviet territories. Their weapons and equipment are fairly good. In addition to the Red Army, there is for example in Kiangsi, in the area in which the third Red Workers’ and Peasants’ Army rules, the Red Peasant efense, consisting of nine formations, each numbering 5,000 men, The leaders of the cadres are the leaders of the workers and pezsants who have already xperienced the great Chinese Revolution; they ll work under the direction of the Communist Party. The Red Soldiers have always been cutnumbered—ten to one-—but support of. the masses, the numerically super- ior enemy has always been vanquished. It is this invincibility of the Red Army that has caused the imperialists and the Chinese bour- geoisie ard landowring class to unite against the Revolution. The Kuomintang military rulers are sending their troops into the vil- lages in order to “purge” them. But all these attacks prove in vain in face of the upsurge of the Chinese Revolution, the revolutionizing of the world proletariat and the victorious con- solidation of the. Soviet Union. All-China Soviet Congress Called. It is in this situation that the Communist Party of China, together with the Chinese red trade unions, viet Congress. At this Congress a uniform leadership for the whole of the Soviet ter- ritories will be set up in order to secure the leading role of the proletariat the revolu- tion. This leadership will ena act laws regard- ing the land; laws for the protection of labor, the organization of the Red Army and the Constitution of the Soviets, and proclaim the fight for the All-China Soviet Power of the workers, peasants and soldiers. This Soviet Congress in China will take place on the 30th of May, on the anniversary of the massacre of the revolutionary workers and students in Shanghai by the imperial in the year 1925. Proletarians of all countries! You must aid the Chinese. Revolution by your energetic support. 3 thanks to the | | have convened an All-China So- | | | point of view. SCRIPTION RATES! ~ | everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; two months $1; ‘excepting Boroughs | of an and Bronx, New York City, and foreign, which are: One year $8; six months $4.50 PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION The Language Fractions in the Light of the Party Tasks By I. ILIJEVIC (Jugoslav, Buro.) ternational to the membership of the Com- munist Party, U.S.A., up until now, ma milestones of progress which no one can pos- sibly deny, and yet if we were to examine our achievements and to pass gver them without comment, we would be covering up many of the weaknesses, shortcomings, and mistakes; and by so doing we would be submitting part of our past and would thereby decrease and minimize the gain achieved thus far. Particu- larly this apolied to our language fractions and language fraction work as a whole. The tempo’ of events since the C.I. Address has been going at a fast rate, the economic ci s in this country « of world capi- talism brought many tasks “before the Party and its sections and auxiliary organizations, many of which were not understood and because of this were not carried out. It was not sufficient to agree with the new confronting our movement as a whole. now not sufficient to understand these sks, if by understanding them we do not carry them out in practice. We all see that there is radicalization of the masses and have felt it so in the present crisis; the Party has recognized this and endeavored to utilize the ntire Party forces in the channel of the new and problems. Yet the response while avorable, is still to be sharply criticized in » far as application of the line of the Party and the carrying out of the present tasks ap- plies to our fractions. The reorganization of the various fractions on the new line has but begun. In the Jugoslav fraction, Lithuanian, Ukranian and others show this weakness very | much, in fact there is a tendency to minimize the importance of this reorganization which tendency must be combatted with every possible energy. INCE the Address of the Communist In- | | Unemployment Struggles. The present unemployment situation as part of the deep going economic ¢: s not been fully realized by the fractions in utilizing various auxiliary organizations for the unem- ployment movement and demonstrations. It m be borne in mind that great part of the | foreign born workers are engaged in the heavy, basic industries of this country, and in order that the Party may be able to carry out the tasks to the fullest extent the fractions must reach these foreign born workers through the available fraction apparatus and connect them with the general Party campaigns. Correct understanding of the present third post war period and the tasks of the Party, means ap- plication of those tasks in every organization, in every working class center of the Party. | Our fractions have shown a decided weakness in their laxity to connect the Party campaigns with those organizations that they have con- tact with or influence over. This is noticed in the Chicago District in failure of our Language Fractions to give ade. quate support to the miners strike; but few have carried this campaign into the mass. or- ganizations. The importance of I-L.D. and W.LR. work also was minimized. One of the mest serious dangers in the lan- guage fractions at the present time is the lack of pushing the Party policy among the mass organizations. The present recruiting drive, the unemployment struggles have not been given a systematic attention by the fractions. Many mass organizations controlled and partly controlled by the Party fractions have not been utilized to the utmost in this very important work. Many of the comrades feel that it would be lessening their position in these mass or- ganizations by coming openly and sharply with the Party line. It is just such an attitude which causes and contributes to our weakening and losing influence in the lanzs1age mass or- ations. It is high time that we get over the age old presumption that aux organ- izations are not “ripe” for direct Party prop- aganda by that they would have to be some sort of an intermidiary medium where the Par- ty line is to be introduced from a liberalist This had its good sides before but we are approaching a condition where any | round-about method can only serve the social- democratic ends and against the Party and the It is not through pacifist methods that. we are going to win the work- der to shoulder on the way to the victory of the world 1evolution, to the establishment of We will all march shoul- | the Soviet Power in the whole world. | lignment of the language fractions with the | as to the best possible ways of coordinating | tions and ma: militant action and diligency in carrying out the Party policy to the letter. . Growing Fascism in the Language Mass Organizations, With the increasing crisis of capitalism all over the world, the bourgeoisie in order to entrench itself, grabs every opportunity not only to divide the workers but to organize a force which will counteract the radicalization and militancy now developing under the iead- ership of the Communist Party at a fast rate. ‘And we must not forget the experiences of our Italian comrades in combatting this fas- cist policy introduced in this country by Mus- solini several years ago. This same policy is now being followed by other countries such as Poland, Jugoslavia, Mexico, ete. If our lan- guage fractions carried out the Party policy, it in itself would be a sure guarantee against fascism in the language mass organizations. The role of fascism is all the more important when we analyze the situation in which the various countries such as Jugoslavia find them- selves in, at the present time. The crisis of the present regime and the ap- proaching revolutionary upheaval is followed by an intensive drive upon the workers: both within these countries and without them in order to maintain itself and prolong its life. The line of the language fractions to be fol- lowed in this period is therefore of great sig- nificance and importance sto the whole move- ment and by combatting the fascism and vari- ous’ forms of social chauvinism they must bring before these organizations and masses of work- ers directly the policy of the Communist Party and the Communist International. By doing so they will not only defeat fascism but thereby bring these workers closer to the Communist movement. The setting up of anti-imperialist Balkan Federated Committees by all Jugoslav Fractions in various cities and mass organiza- tions is of utmost importance with the present white terror in Balkan, particularly Jugoslavia and Bulgaria to defeat the attempts of the Jugoslav councils and agents to organize fas- cist groups in the workers mass organizations in this country. Coordination of Fraction Work With Party Tasks. While there is a marked improvement in al- general Party work there is still a considerable amount of both passivity and misunderstanding these activities and bringing them into unified action on the entire sphere of the Party ac- ticity. We still find that many of the lan- guage fraction meetings, affairs and activities conflict with the Party schedules and thereby weaken both the Party and fractions in so far as the results are concerned. In addition to that we find numerous discrepancies be- tween the Party and fraction functionaries. One fact will bear this out. Namely, kind of functions and wages. We find that some of the language func- tionaries are slow to orientate themselves to the line of the Party work, and fraction work together, sonle will do more of one than the other and vice versa, thereby weakening the chain of activities on both sides. Especially i this the case in the Jugoslav Fraction where we have several comrades who are carrying on numerous Party functions at the expense of their fraction work, then in other language fractions we find just the opposite case, neither of which is a proper division of labor. . That every language functionary must carry | one Party function besides that in the fraction should hold good for more than one reason, unless there are special cases. We must post. our decisions upon the fact that in order that the language fraction functionaries be able to understand and carry out the policy in aux- iliary organizations, must be fully acquainted with and part of the Party “active” otherwise their work among the mass organizations in the fractions will not represent the fullest knowledge and experience of the party as a whole. It is only to the extent that we are in touch with and acquainted with the various Party organs that we will be able to effectively carry out the tasks of the Party in the frac- izations. The Daily Werker is the Party’s hest instrument to make contacts among the masses of workers, @® build a moss Communist Party. Preparations for the Fifth Congress ot the R. LL. U. This is the third installment of an article by the Negro Organizer of the Trade Union Unity League, in which an analysis is made of the methods of electing delegates to the Fifth Congress of the Rl. | ,In the first place, the plans for |nomination of the 30 delegates, in ‘cluding at least eight Negroes, wh are to go from America to the Fifth Congress, were made by instruct- ing every National Industrial Union, € |gain in the F and while it is irae ¢ efforts have not beon T. U. U. L. and other paper. s entered into between the T. , U. 1, on the one hand and the inorily Mevement of England, and T. U. of France and the ico pact for increasing ac- var a! ‘tivity in the colonies and amongst LU. J | National Industrial League, T. U. U.|by all, of the T. U. U. ated |the Negro workers, and for greater * td bi L. district organizations and T. U. is to page ay ‘help and assistance on the .part of By JAMES W. FORD. |U. L. groups to carry on the widest|campaign, still if enn be srid in'ihe T. Us U. L, to the Latin-Amer- (Continued) possible campaign throughout alljcomparison to past periods tor the !ivan workers, ‘have not only been It has already been pointed out | j how the struggles in the South | have opened up a great Virgin field | for recruiting broad sections of the American working class for strug- gle. At the same time it is evident on vevery hand that the economi crisis is bringing still greater masses of Negro workers into the of revolutionary struggle. into the Trade Union Unity League, both North and South, is not a/U. L. fined to a few, but is involving solid jas well, It is on the basis of penctrating these great masses of workers—the great majority of the American | workers—that the plans and the \preparations of the T, U. U. L. for the election of delegates to the Fi: as of their organizations down through to the smallest unit. first thing. But this campaign was not to be mechanical in its approach to the nomination of delegates, bui |was to be conducted on the basis of | popularizing not only the Fifth Con- ‘gress itself, but the important ques- tions that are to be taken up at ithe Fifth Congress. was not only to be conducted among the organized workers in the T. U. organizations, bring in the unorganized workers This has been the prelim- inary stage for the development of the campaign for the Fifth Congress of the R. I. L, U. That is has been to an extent successful is beginning to show from the number of re- ports and results from nominations that are beginning to come in. While it is true that insufficient preparations through the official organ of the election of delegates and This was the Revolutionary gates, This campaign but was to/U. L. groups in A. F. of RI. 1 in the T. U. scriptions for Labor workers and a number points. have been made|petition has also been a stimulating enthusiasm, . larization of the R. L L, U. that great steps forward have been mad competition been the basis for stimulating en- thusiasm in the nomination of dele- competition between tional Unions, between National In- dustrial Leagues, between T. U. L district groups and between smaller units within these group’ shop committees, local ee tT. U. ete, have been the basis tor cone ducting campaigns to populavizt . U., to increase membership U. L., to secure sub- Unity, bring in greater numbers of Negro Int'l Revolutionary Competition. International revolutionary com- The agree- the ponu- popularized, but are being put into sotual practice. The International Department of the T. U. U. L. has organized itself lew ely for putting into effect” agreements, especially as per- ung to the duties of the T. U. J. The Tnternational Depart- at is publishing a special bul- ‘n in Spanish for circularization amongst the Latin-American work- crs, and other special materials in -commit- 2s for Chinese and Indian work, or Latin-Ambrican work, for West Yadian Negro work, for Philippines work, and is rendering special as- sistance to these various groups of workers in the colonies of Ameri- can imperialism, All of this work is being done especially in line with the preparations for the Fifth Con- gress of the Red International of Labor Unions. (To Be Continued) has Na- to of other basis for ers in these mass organizations but through ) bh